The ship “Ellis” started life as the Clementina, launched in America in 1781. The vessel was first listed in Lloyd's Register in 1784 and under this name began serving as a slave ship sailing out of Liverpool. A Lloyd’s database records of slave-trading voyages by vessels from Liverpool makes it clear that Clementina was a slave trader. The next year Captain J. Elworthy sailed her to West Central Africa and St Helena. He transported his slaves to South Carolina. Then in 1785 Elworthy gathered slaves in the Bight of Biafra and the Gulf of Guinea Islands for delivery to Jamaica. In 1786 Bent & Co. purchased the Clementina and renamed her Ellis, presumably after the then owner Ellis Bent. She remained in the slave trade and In 1788 Captain John Ford sailed the now renamed Ellis to the Bight of Biafra and the Gulf of Guinea to gather slaves. He delivered this batch of slaves to the island of Grenada. The next year, 1789 the Ellis was almost completely rebuilt, and from the change in subsequent reports of her cargo loading or (burthen), she was enlarged. In 1791, Captain Joseph Matthews became master and sailed the Ellis to the Gold Coast then delivering his consignment of slaves to the island of St Vincent. During this voyage, some misfortune may have befallen Matthews because records show the Ellis command was transferred to Thomas Given. In 1792, Given sailed to the Bight of Biafra and the Islands in the Gulf of Guinea, again collecting slaves for delivery to Jamaica. There is a parallel record, also for 1793, that the Ellis under the command of Thomas Heart, undertook the same journey and with the same itinerary and cargo. In 1793, Bent & Co. decided to use the Ellis as a privateer with John Levingston as the master. After receiving a letter of "marque” on the 3rd of June 1793, that allowed any armed vessel to commit acts on the high seas which would otherwise have constituted piracy. Thus the Ellis began to operate as a combat ship under the endorsement of the British navy. The Ellis was three times captured first by the French frigate Gracieuse, under the command of Captain Chevillard on 22 July 1793. The French took her into service and renamed her as ”Elise”. Later that summer the Spanish captured her and in November ownership returned to the French who then renamed her the “Esperance”. On the 8th of June 1794, Esperance arrived in Jacmel, Saint-Domingue (present-day Haiti), from France with the official proclamation of the abolition of slavery. Leger-Felicite Sonthonax was one of the Civil Commissioners of Saint-Domingue and he had already unilaterally proclaimed the island for the French colony the year before amid a slave rebellion and attacks from British and Spanish forces. Ironically, Esperance also brought the news to the Civil Commissioners that the National Convention of France had impeached them on 16th July 1793 and ordered them to return promptly to France. On 8 January 1795, HMS Argonaut, under the command of Captain Alexander John Ball, captured Esperance while she was on the North America station. At this time the Esperance was armed with 22 guns (4 and 6-pounders) and had a crew of 130 men. She was under the command of Lieutenant de vaisseau De St. Laurent and had been out at sea for 56 days from Rochfort, bound for the American Chesapeake Bay area.  The French ambassador to the United States registered a complaint with the President of the United States that Argonaut, by stating that by entering Lynnhaven bay, either before she captured Esperance or shortly thereafter, had violated a treaty between France and the United States. The French also accused the British of having brought the Esperance into Lynnhaven for refitting for a cruise. The British Consul replied that the capture had taken place some 10 leagues offshore as the bad weather had forced Argonaut and her prize to shelter within the Chesapeake area for some days, but that they had left as soon as practicable. Furthermore, Argonaut had paroled her French prisoners on arrival at Lynnhaven, and if she had entered American territorial waters solely to parole her French prisoners no one would have thought that objectionable. Royal Navy Service: Because the Esperance was captured in good order and sailed well, Rear Admiral George Murray, the British commander in chief of the North American station, put a British crew aboard and sent the Esperance out on patrol with HMS Lynx, under the command of John Poo Beresford, on 31st January. On 1st March the two vessels captured the Cocarde Nationale (or National Cockade), a privateer from Charleston, South Carolina, of 14 guns, six swivel cannons and a crew of 80 men. Esperance and the lynx went on to recaptured the ship Norfolk, of Belfast, and the brig George, of  Workington. On 20 July, Esperance, in company with frigates Thetis and Hussar, intercepted the American vessel Cincinnatus, of Wilmington, sailing from Ireland to Wilmington. They pressed many men on board into service, narrowly missing the Irish revolutionary Wolfe Tone, who was on his way to Philadelphia. Esperance was formally commissioned in 1795 into the Royal Navy in August under the Command of Jonas Rose. On 4 May 1796 Esperance was sailing in company with HMS Spencer and Bonetta when they sighted a suspicious vessel. Spencer set off in chase while shortly thereafter Esperance saw two vessels, a schooner and a sloop, and she and Bonetta set off after them. Spencer sailed south by south-east and the other two British vessels sailed south-west by west, with the result that they lost sight of each other. Spencer captured the French gun-brig Volcan, while Bonetta and Esperance captured the French schooner Poisson Volant.   The Esperance eventually arrived at Portsmouth on the 3rd of November 1797, the crew was paid off and on 31st May 1798 the Admiralty listed the Esperance for sale and she was sold in June 1798 for £600.The subject scrimshaw is a modern reproduction crudely done of a historic vessel and the scene is believed to be engraved onto a synthetic substance. Scrimshaw art crudely carved into non-natural material in the shape of a tooth. The line artwork is an image of a three-masted sailing ship with a poop deck, and anchors, are coloured black. Inscription is engraved into tooth.Engraved "Man o War Ellis" warrnambool, flagstaff-hill, flagstaff-hill-maritime-museum, maritime-museum, shipwreck-coast, flagstaff-hill-maritime-village, scrimshaw, ellis, esperance, clementina, elise, hms ship, man of war, leter of marque, privateer, slave ship, slavery, ellis bent, american war of inderpendance, marine art, marine artifact, whale tooth, ivory tooth, resin, plastic, craft, engraving, carving

The pews (18 small and 1 large) with 3 fronts were donated by Mrs E.W. Outhwaite in memory of her father, Nicholas Maine, who died in 1915. Nicholas Maine biography was published in the Australian on 11 September 1915 : "Nicholas Maine, whose paternal grandfather was rector of the Church of England and Ireland, parish of Dunaghy, County Antrim, came of a family of very considerable repute as merchants in Belfast. He was born at Ballymena on New Year's Day, 1826, and received his earlier education at the Diocesan School, Ballymena, and at Dr. Bryce's Academy, Belfast. After a three years' apprenticeship in a merchant's office, in Belfast, he ventured forth into the world as supercargo in a vessel belonging to one of his brothers, and so performing two voyages to Brazil. Ashore once more, he joined a broker's office in Liverpool, and whilst there was specially chosen out of a large staff as the man to take charge of a fleet of ships on a guano quest on the coast of Patagonia. Having determined on a suitable rendezvous for his ships, he sailed for the River Plate in a handy vessel, and from Monte Video south- wards minutely searched and examined the coast, chiefly in boats, as far as Santa Cruz, near the Straits of Magellan. At Sea Bear's Bay, in lat. 48deg. S., he landed his men, and pitched his tents, &c. After 10 months of extreme hardship and risky adventure on the coast in open boats, and loss of many men from scurvy, he loaded up all the ships sent to him, and returned to the River Plate. While there he met Captain Hotham, R.N., of H.M.S. Gordon (afterwards Governor of Victoria), and also saw Garibaldi, who was then making himself famous by his daring adventures against the enemy, though with inadequate means. (There was war going on in the river at the time.) From Monte Video he returned to Brazil, where he opened a direct trade with Russia, by shipping the first cargo, of sugar and cotton from Pernambuco to St. Petersburg. For so doing the Emperor Nicholas allowed his vessel (the Urgent), belonging to his brothers, trading under he name of N. Maine and Sons, to enter Russia free of port charges. Shortly after this Nicholas Maine went ashore, spending three years in a Liverpool brokers office, when, sailing again as super cargo, he went on a trading voyage to Chili and Peru. He was present at Panama for six months during the rush to California, and crossed the isthmus on muleback and by canoe, a severe journey in those days. Thence he went to Jamaica, his ship's company carrying with them the cholera, which decimated the population. Then home again, visiting the United States by the way. After another year in Liverpool, he sailed again for Brazil, at one day's notice, bought a cargo of coffee at Rio Janeiro, took it to San Francisco, and settled there, where he had three years of a most exciting life — 1851-2-3 —also making speculative voyages down the coast to Mexico and Nicaragua, at which latter place he took the fever and so on to the South Sea Islands, where he suffered shipwreck, and thence on to Chili. He arrived in Melbourne from New Zealand in 1854; made one more voyage to Chili (his last venture at sea), and on his return sold his vessel. After refitting a dismasted clipper ship, called the Flying Arrow for his brother Crawford, with what was considered in those days unusual dispatch, when the port had not many conveniences for the purpose, he quietly went again into harness ashore. He managed Mr. T. S. Martin's large business in Melbourne for five years, till he broke down, from excessive work and anxiety. After winding up the business, he sailed for England in 1862, and idled at home, in Italy, and other parts of the Continent till, his health being restored, he returned to Melbourne in 1867, and went to Queensland to buy into a station along with his brother and others; but, not being satisfied, came back to Melbourne, and began to work as a mercantile broker. Soon after this he was induced to apply for the resident secretaryship of the Australian Mutual Provident Society, and got it in 1868, though, at the time, several professionals thought him unfit, and prophesied failure. He retired after a long term of eminently profitable business transactions in 1895, owing to a rule of the society to retire secretaries at the age of seventy. He accordingly left on the 1st January, 1896, after twenty-seven years' service unbroken by a single holiday, save for a trip to Europe in 1891. A letter was written him by Sir Joseph Abbott, chairman of the board, in which he said:- "I need hardly assure you that the board is extremely sorry that the, society is obliged to lose your services, which have been so highly appreciated by us during your long connection with the society," and enclosed a grateful resolution passed by the board." Margaret Isabella Maine was born in 1871 and was the only daughter of Nicholas Maine. In 1897, she married Edward Walter Outhwaite, a layer from New South Wales who had studied at the University of Melbourne. Edward was the brother of Arthur Grenbry Outhwaite, husband of artist Ida Rentoul. Margaret and Edward had three children: a son, Maine Outhwaite and two daughters, Helen Margaret and Jocelyn. The pews on the left side of the nave have been moved to make room to a baby grand piano (date tbc.) therefore 2 of them have to be moved elsewhere in the mission and the pew front has been brought backwards..gifts, st peter chapel, pews, edward walter outhwaite, margaret isabella outhwaite nee maine (1871-1964), arthur grenbry outhwaite (1875-1938), nicholas maine (1826-1915), heritage listed, gifts-1917, kneelers, genuflection, praying

Darkness and a little light: ?Race? and sport in Australia Colin Tatz (AIATSIS & Australian National University) and Daryl Adair (University of Technology Sydney) Despite ?the wonderful and chaotic universe of clashing colors, temperaments and emotions, of brave deeds against odds seemingly insuperable?, sport is mixed with ?mean and shameful acts of pure skullduggery?, villainy, cowardice, depravity, rapaciousness and malice. Thus wrote celebrated American novelist Paul Gallico on the eve of the Second World War (Gallico 1938 [1988]:9-10). An acute enough observation about society in general, his farewell to sports writing also captures the ?clashing colors? in Australian sport. In this ?land of the fair go?, we look at the malice of racism in the arenas where, as custom might have it, one would least want or expect to find it. The history of the connection between sport, race and society - the long past, the recent past and the social present - is commonly dark and ugly but some light and decency are just becoming visible. Coming to terms: ?Race?, ethnicity, identity and Aboriginality in sport Colin Tatz (AIATSIS & Australian National University) Notions of genetic superiority have led to some of the world?s greatest human calamities. Just as social scientists thought that racial anthropology and biology had ended with the cataclysm of the Second World War, so some influential researchers and sports commentators have rekindled the pre-war debate about the muscular merits of ?races? in a new discipline that Nyborg (1994) calls the ?science of physicology?. The more recent realm of racial ?athletic genes?, especially within socially constructed black athletic communities, may intend no malice but this search for the keys to their success may well revive the old, discredited discourses. This critical commentary shows what can happen when some population geneticists and sports writers ignore history and when medical, biological and sporting doctrines deriving from ?race? are dislocated from any historical, geographic, cultural and social contexts. Understanding discourses about race, racism, ethnicity, otherness, identity and Aboriginality are essential if sense, or nonsense, is to be made of genetic/racial ?explanations? of sporting excellence. Between the two major wars boxing was, disproportionately, a Jewish sport; Kenyans and Ethiopians now ?own? middle- and long-distance running and Jamaicans the shorter events; South Koreans dominate women?s professional golf. This essay explores the various explanations put forward for such ?statistical domination?: genes, biochemistry, biomechanics, history, culture, social dynamics, the search for identity, alienation, need, chance, circumstances, and personal bent or aptitude. Traditional games of a timeless land: Play cultures in Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander communities Ken Edwards (University of Southern Queensland) Sports history in Australia has focused almost entirely on modern, Eurocentric sports and has therefore largely ignored the multitude of unique pre- European games that are, or once were, played. The area of traditional games, especially those of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples, is an important aspect of the cultural, social and historical experiences of Indigenous communities. These activities include customs of play that are normally not associated with European notions of competitive sport. Overall, this paper surveys research undertaken into traditional games among Indigenous Australians, as well as proposals for much needed further study in this area. Culture, ?race? and discrimination in the 1868 Aboriginal cricket tour of England David Sampson As a consequence of John Mulvaney?s important historical research, the Aboriginal cricket and performance tour of Britain in 1868 has in recent decades become established as perhaps the most famous of all public events in contact history involving Aborigines, white settlers and the British metropolis. Although recognition of its importance is welcome and significant, public commemorations of the tour have enveloped the tour in mythologies of cricket and nation. Such mythologies have obscured fundamental aspects of the tour that were inescapable racial and colonial realities of the Victorian era. This reappraisal of the tour explores the centrality of racial ideology, racial science and racial power imbalances that enabled, created and shaped the tour. By exploring beyond cricketing mythology, it restores the central importance of the spectacular performances of Aboriginal skills without which the tour would have been impossible. Such a reappraisal seeks to fully recognise the often trivialised non-cricketing expertise of all of the Aboriginal performers in 1868 for their achievement of pioneering their unique culture, skills and technologies to a mass international audience. Football, ?race? and resistance: The Darwin Football League, 1926?29 Matthew Stephen (Northern Territory Archive Service) Darwin was a diverse but deeply divided society in the early twentieth century. The Commonwealth Government introduced the Aboriginals Ordinance 1911 in the Northern Territory, instituting state surveillance, control and a racially segregated hierarchy of whites foremost, then Asians, ?Coloureds? (Aborigines and others of mixed descent) and, lastly, the so-called ?full-blood? Aborigines. Sport was important in scaffolding this stratification. Whites believed that sport was their private domain and strictly controlled non-white participation. Australian Rules football, established in Darwin from 1916, was the first sport in which ?Coloured? sportsmen challenged this domination. Football became a battleground for recognition, rights and identity for all groups. The ?Coloured? community embraced its team, Vesteys, which dominated the Northern Territory Football League (NTFL) in the 1920s. In 1926, amidst growing racial tension, the white-administered NTFL changed its constitution to exclude non-white players. In reaction, ?Coloured? and Chinese footballers formed their own competition - the Darwin Football League (DFL). The saga of that colour bar is an important chapter in Australia?s football history, yet it has faded from Darwin?s social memory and is almost unknown among historians. That picture - Nicky Winmar and the history of an image Matthew Klugman (Victoria University) and Gary Osmond (The University of Queensland) In April 1993 Australian Rules footballer Nicky Winmar responded to on-field racist abuse by lifting his jersey and pointing to his chest. The photographic image of that event is now famous as a response to racial abuse and has come to be seen as starting a movement against racism in football. The racial connotations in the image might seem a foregone conclusion: the power, appeal and dominant meaning of the photograph might appear to be self-evident. But neither the fame of the image nor its racial connotation was automatic. Through interviews with the photographers and analysis of the use of the image in the media, we explore how that picture came to be of such symbolic importance, and how it has remained something to be re-shown and emulated. Rather than analyse the image as a photograph or work of art, we uncover some of its early history and explore the debates that continue to swirl around its purpose and meaning. We also draw attention to the way the careful study of photographs might enhance the study of sport, race and racism. ?She?s not one of us?: Cathy Freeman and the place of Aboriginal people in Australian national culture Toni Bruce (University of Waikato) and Emma Wensing (Independent scholar) The Sydney 2000 Olympic Games generated a national media celebration of Aboriginal 400 metre runner Cathy Freeman. The construction of Freeman as the symbol of national reconciliation was evident in print and on television, the Internet and radio. In contrast to this celebration of Freeman, the letters to the editor sections of 11 major newspapers became sites for competing claims over what constitutes Australian identity and the place of Aboriginal people in national culture. We analyse this under-explored medium of opinion and discuss how the deep feelings evident in these letters, and the often vitriolic responses to them, illustrate some of the enduring racial tensions in Australian society. Sport, physical activity and urban Indigenous young people Alison Nelson (The University of Queensland) This paper challenges some of the commonly held assumptions and ?knowledges? about Indigenous young people and their engagement in physical activity. These include their ?natural? ability, and the use of sport as a panacea for health, education and behavioural issues. Data is presented from qualitative research undertaken with a group of 14 urban Indigenous young people with a view to ?speaking back? to these commentaries. This research draws on Critical Race Theory in order to make visible the taken-for-granted assumptions about Indigenous Australians made by the dominant white, Western culture. Multiple, shifting and complex identities were expressed in the young people?s articulation of the place and meaning of sport and physical activity in their lives. They both engaged in, and resisted, dominant Western discourses regarding representations of Indigenous people in sport. The paper gives voice to these young people in an attempt to disrupt and subvert hegemonic discourses. An unwanted corroboree: The politics of the New South Wales Aboriginal Rugby League Knockout Heidi Norman (University of Technology Sydney) The annual New South Wales Aboriginal Rugby League Knockout is so much more than a sporting event. Involving a high level of organisation, it is both a social and cultural coming together of diverse communities for a social and cultural experience considered ?bigger than Christmas?. As if the planning and logistics were not difficult enough, the rotating-venue Knockout has been beset, especially since the late 1980s and 1990s, by layers of opposition and open hostility based on ?race?: from country town newspapers, local town and shire councils, local business houses and, inevitably, the local police. A few towns have welcomed the event, seeing economic advantage and community good will for all. Commonly, the Aboriginal ?influx? of visitors and players - people perceived as ?strangers?, ?outsiders?, ?non-taxpayers? - provoked public fear about crime waves, violence and physical safety, requiring heavy policing. Without exception, these racist expectations were shown to be totally unfounded. Research report: Recent advances in digital audio recorder technology provide considerable advantages in terms of cost and portability for language workers.b&w photographs, colour photographs, tablessport and race, racism, cathy freeman, nicky winmar, rugby league, afl, athletics, cricket, digital audio recorders

This book tells of the mounting sea power of the Allies told by men of the RAN who with their ships have added the weight of their blows to the common effort. It tells stories of which the Royal Australian Navy may be proud.This volume is a further unfolding of the story of WWII which because of its nature as a world wide conflict, is so largely the story of sea power and its influence on the final outcome HMAS MK III - The RAN's Third Book. Green hardcover with black text and Navy insignia on front cover, text on spine. Inside front and back cover green sepia drawing of a fleet of Navy ships. Graphs, drawings, photographs, maps, poems.Tribute - Grey she is and stately Young alive and shapely Lissome, yes, and graceful, With perfect lines of elegance and dignity Her noble, lovely head She nods and shakes, With confidence to face Whatever may come. She nurses me And nourishes; Shields me, gives me courage. Alone I have been with her, when afraid. And in a crowd of friends, both hers and mine. Through conflict tense, with element or foe; through danger from above and from below. Through anguish keen Of loss, of death, of pain. Through gaiety, through joy victorious and safe She is my life, my only love, My ship.wwii, royal australian navy, sea power, germans, europe, japanese, communications, rear admiral v.a.c. crutchley, v.c., d.s.c, destroyers, corvettes, frigates, escort duties, motor launches, aircraft carriers, battleships, battle cruisers, cruises, armed merchant cruisers, sloops, submarine sweepers, mediterranean, warspite, valiant, pacific, american forces, dneiper bend, solomon islands, makin, tarawa, h.m.a australia, h.m.a shropshire, h.m.a arunta, h.m.a warramunga, h.m.a.s westralia, arctic, h.m. jamaica, h.m.saumarez, u.s. marines, h.m.a.s benalla, h.m.a.s shepparton, royal australian navy reserves

Book: "Where The Twain Meet" by Mary Gaunt, 1922, publisher John Murray Albermarle Street, W.1, LondonThe book "Where the Twain Meet" is written by Mary Gaunt, a member of the prominent Gaunt Family who were active in the Indigo Shire during the nineteenth century. Her writing depicts in great detail the social structure and the ongoing changes that faced the people of Jamaica before and after British colonial rule. It is a historic perspective of Jamaica's reckoning with the slave trade. A hardcover book bound in navy blue fabric with gilt embosses titles and decals. Image one: WHERE/ THE TWAIN/ MEET/ _ MARY GAUNT/ JOHN MURRAY Image three: Sister Bessie Smythe/ Dear Bushwanderer/ With love from/ aunt Prue/ Gb. Wood/ Jan. 16 1923/ Image four: (embossed) WITH Mr MURRAY'S COMPLIMENTS/ WHERE THE TWAIN MEET/ BY MARY GAUNT/ Author of "Alone in West Africa,""A Woman in China,"/ "A Broken Journey,""The Uncounted Cost," etc./ LONDON/ JOHN MURRAY, ALBEMARLE STREET, W.1/ 1922/mary eliza gaunt