Brian James Dixon (born 20/05/1936) is a former Australian rules footballer and Victorian politician. Dixon played 252 VFL games for Melbourne between 1954 and 1968, playing mostly on the wing. He had a stellar football career, playing in five premierships, winning Melbourne's best and fairest in 1960, while in 1961 he was selected in the All-Australian team and he also won the Tassie Medal for his performances at the 1961 Brisbane Carnival. In 2000 he was named in Melbourne's Team of the Century. Despite still playing football for Melbourne, he entered parliament in 1964, as the member for the now abolished seat of St Kilda, representing the Liberal Party. Being from the moderate wing of the party he clashed with then Premier Henry Bolte, especially over the hanging of Ronald Ryan which Dixon strongly opposed.[1] After Rupert Hamer took over as Liberal Party leader and Premier, Dixon was promoted to the ministry. He variously served in several portfolios including youth, sport and recreation, housing and Aboriginal affairs. His most remembered achievement was introducing the iconic Life. Be in it. program.[2] In 1979 Dixon won St Kilda by an extremely narrow margin, which crucially gave the Hamer Liberal government a majority of one seat in the Legislative Assembly and meant that the Liberal Party did not need to form a Coalition with the National Party with whom relations were traditionally poor in Victoria. However, in 1982 Dixon was defeated as the Liberals lost government after 27 years in office. After his defeat, Dixon has worked predominantly in sports administration and he currently runs public speaking seminars. Brian currently travels the world representing TAFISA and ASFAA. He is also president of AFL South Africa and takes a keen interest in other countries playing Australian rules football.[3]B & W photograph of Brian Dixon in profile.dixon, brian, football, victorian parliament

This button/badge was made to support a nurses' pay claim that took place over the period of 1994-1995, at which time the Kennett Liberal state government was in power. In 1994, the ANF Federal Executive passed a resolution to seek national pay increases of 8%. At this time, nurses had not had a pay rise since 1991. The Union noted that over the same period Victorian politicians had received 12.9% in pay increases. Our thanks to the ANMF library for providing information about the origins of this object.Significant to the history of the ANMF and its industrial success. Round button - white background. Green and pink design.Protect National Rates. Nurses: Worth every cent of 8%.btlc, ballarat trades and labour council;, ballarat trades hall, anf, australian nursing federation, anmf, australian nursing and midwifery federation, nurses, health unions, pay rates, enterprise bargaining agreement, eba, pay claims

Minister for External Affairs Lord Richard Casey visited International House in January, 1957, its first year operating as a residential college. Lord Casey was Minister for External Affairs in the Liberal-Country government from 1951 to 1960, becoming involved in patronage of International House with his wife, Lady Maie Casey. Thean Pak Ken, pictured here, was one of six Malaysian students to attend International House in its first year. He was in his final year of medical school, going on to a career as a doctor and marrying in Perth.richard casey, students

Newspaper clipping from The Herald Sun, 15/12/1992, titled "Shutdown Ahead", about the Government (Liberal - Kennett with Alan Brown as Transport Minister, threatening to shut down the Public Transport system in Melbourne if industrial action is taken. Follows the October 1991 election. Looks at issues with falling patronage, use of conductors and general industrial issues. With the item is a photo and story of Albert Pryor, conductor, who has worked on the trams for 40 years and that his days are numbered.trams, tramways, ptc, tramways, melbourne, unions, victorian government, public transport, conductors

Thank-you card given to Australian Nursing Federation (Victorian Branch) staff member Catherine Hutchings by staff at the Bundaberg Branch of the Queensland Nurses Union. In 1993, Victorian Branch staff travelled throughout Queensland, Western Australia and the Northern Territory for a series of meetings on recent events impacting nurses' conditions in Victoria. The meetings were strategically held ahead of the 1993 Federal election to discourage the election of a Coalition government. The election of the Coalition government in Victoria in 1992 had seen the introduction of the Employee Relations Act, which saw the end of the state award system in Victoria. This gave employers greater powers to establish wages and conditions and less power to the Industrial Relations Commission, foreshadowing what would later occur at a Federal level. An article in the Victorian Branch newsletter 'On the Record' from April 1993 describes the 'tour'. Entitled 'Vic. Nurses Spreading the Word in Queensland, Western Australia and the Northern Territory', it explains: "Catherine Huntchin[g]s and Elizabeth Hulme recently spent a week in Queensland informing nurses about the effect of a Liberal Government on nurses. As well, Tracy Austin visited WA to talk to nurses there about life under Kenneyt [sic]. Catherine and Liz held a total of 23 meetings from Cairns to Brisbane, as well as giving media interviews. It was well worth the effort and certainly there was much support given to nurses in Victoria. Perhaps the most interesting issue was that many nurses did not realise that they may find themselves in the same situation if we have a change in Federal Government. In February, Catherine went to the NT to talk to nurses in Darwin, Alice Springs and Katherine and despite some minor hiccoughs (the Health Department banned all the meetings so alternative venues had to be found) the turnout was gratifying - you have to be dedicated to attend a meeting held in a carpark in 32 C heat! Catherine says that the reception she received in both QLD and the NT was superb. "Everyone went out of their way to make us feel very welcome, and to shower us with sympathy over the situation. More important, is the fact that the information was distributed so no matter how the votes go on March 13 [1993, federal election] - they will be informed votes." she said. Catherine, Liz and Tracy extend sincere thanks to all interstate nurses who made their visits a success."Typed card given with flower bouquet. Printed on one side with personalised, typed message 'DEAR CATHERINE, UNITED WE STAND DEVIDED [sic] WE BEG THANKS FOR SPEAKING UP FOR US. FROM B'BERG [Bundaberg] BRANCH Q.N.U. [Queensland Nurses Union]'.nursing, nurses, unionism, solidarity, victoria, queensland, bundaberg, campaigning, 1993 federal election, 1992 victorian election, australian nursing federation, trade unions, politics, queensland nurses union, qnu, anf

Announcement by Premier Daniel Andrews, Minister for Public Transport, Jacinta Allan and Member for Eltham, Vicki Ward mad alongside the Eltham Railway Trestle Bridge. MEDIA RELEASE "More Trains And Fewer Delays On The Hurstbridge Line" https://www.premier.vic.gov.au/wp-content/uploads/2018/08/180801-More-Trains-And-Fewer-Delays-On-The-Hurstbridge-Line-1.pdf Commuters on the Hurstbridge line will have more trains, more seats and fewer delays with a re-elected Andrews Labor Government to continue its massive upgrade of the Hurstbridge line. The Andrews Labor Government said it would deliver locals in Melbourne’s north-east more peak hour train services and less time stuck at boom gates, and we have. The first stage of the Hurstbridge Line Upgrade has been delivered – six months early and on budget. This includes the new Rosanna Station, duplicated track between Heidelberg and Rosanna and the removal of the dangerous level crossings at Alphington and Rosanna. There’s more to do and only Labor will deliver the next stage of the Hurstbridge Line Upgrade to give local commuters more train services and a more comfortable commute. The $530 million project will include a brand new train station at Greensborough and the duplication of three kilometres of track between Greensborough and Montmorency, and 1.5 kilometres of track between Diamond Creek and Wattle Glen to allow more train services during the morning peak. This will allow trains to run every six and a half minutes at Greensborough, every 10 minutes at Eltham and Montmorency, and every 20 minutes at Hurstbridge, Diamond Creek and Wattle Glen – as well as two extra Hurstbridge express services. Locals on the Labor Government’s new Mernda line will also get five extra train services during the morning peak, with a major upgrade of the Clifton Hill junction where the Mernda and Hurstbridge lines connect. Labor will also protect the Eltham Trestle Bridge – the last remaining timber bridge on Melbourne’s electric train network – which has local heritage protection and is an important part of the area’s character. The Liberals will leave this bridge to rot and demolish the nearby childcare centre and football club with their under-cooked and under-costed promise to upgrade the Hurstbridge line. Only Labor will protect this important piece of Melbourne’s history with planning work to be carried out for a long-term solution as part of the project. Stage two of the Hurstbridge Line Upgrade will create more than 950 jobs, with construction to start in 2020 and finish by 2022. Quotes attributable to Premier Daniel Andrews “We said we’d upgrade the Hurstbridge line and remove dangerous and congested level crossings at Rosanna and Alphington and we did – but there’s more to do.” “Only Labor will deliver the next stage of the Hurstbridge Line Upgrade with a new Greensborough Station and more trains, more often.” Quote attributable to Minister for Public Transport Jacinta Allan “The former Liberal Government promised new train lines but didn’t deliver a single kilometre of track – now they’re promising a half-baked upgrade of the Hurstbridge line with rubbery figures that don’t add up.” Quote attributable to Member for Eltham Vicki Ward “As a fifteen year old hopping on Red Rattlers at Eltham I wanted to do something to make the Hurstbridge line better. It’s taken me a few decades but finally our line will offer the frequency of services that are expected and needed in a 21st century city.”Born digital image (qty 27)jacinta allan, minister for public transport, panther place, premier daniel andrews, press announcement, railway line construction, trestle bridge, vicki ward mp for eltham, victorian parliament

Button distributed to and worn by Australian Nursing Federation (ANF) members and staff as part of a 2006 campaign protesting the controversial 'WorkChoices' federal industrial relations laws that were introduced by the Liberal John Howard government in 2005-2007. These laws saw the weakening of unfair dismissal laws, giving employers significantly more powers to strip existing rights and wages away. The laws were repealed following the election of an opposition Labor government in 2007 under Kevin Rudd. The 'Howard Target Nurses' campaign was featured in ANF Victorian Branch newsletters around late 2006. During this period, a number of enterprising bargaining agreements were set to soon expire, leaving nurses vulnerable to have rights stripped away under the new IR legislation. A large campaign began, with rallies across the state of Victoria. The August 2006 Branch newsletter featured images of the Tandberg 'Howard targets nurses' design on placards, shirts and badges worn by nurses at these rallies. The illustration by The Age cartoonist Ron Tandberg made reference to John Howard's involvement in wars in the Middle East throughout the early 2000s, and linked this to the 'war' on unions and worker rights.Circular yellow, red and white badge. Silver metal, plastic-coated, with safety pin fastener adhered to back. Badge printed with a blue and white ANF [Australian Nursing Federation] logo, the black text '[then-Prime Minister John] Howard targets nurses' and a Ron Tandberg cartoon of a nurse with a 'sniper target' overlay.nursing, nurses, protest, campaign, activism, activists, unions, unionism, buttons, badges, pins, campaigning, john howard, ron tandberg, labour history, australian nursing federation, workchoices, workplace relations, industrial relations

This letter to the editor of an unknown newspaper probably dates from the late 1960s or early 1970s. At that time the Victorian government’s Liberal Party Premier was Sir Henry Bolte. In a reference to the major industrial valley in Germany, he and his government had a vision to make Western Port and Hastings into “the Ruhr of Victoria”, if not Australia. While this letter does not refer to Western Port, but apparently to Wiliamstown, the situation was similar in both bays. Substantial land was zoned in Hastings by the Bolte Government for industrial purposes, where BP built a refinery for oil imported through the Port of Hastings. The large oil tankers entered Western Port Bay via the western channel, which required dredging to accommodate them. It became a common site to see globules or patches of oil washed up on beaches around Western Port, and oil-affected wildlife. It is impossible to know how many wildlife were affected directly by oil spills and other forms of pollution in the Bay during that era. Sufficient numbers of oiled Little Penguins were found to prompt numerous references to the problem in newspapers, including letters, articles and even major features. The refinery eventually closed, with tanker traffic dramatically reducing in Western Port from the late 20th century.Statement of significance: This letter to the editor is significant in making reference to pollution caused in Port Phillip and Western Port bays by tanker traffic and the presence of oil refineries on industrial land in the bays. It is also indicative of the emergence of many conservation-related community groups of volunteers in Australia during the 1960s and 1970s in response to growing concern around conservation issues. Letters to the editor were a common means for these groups to have their concerns aired in public.Photocopy of newspaper cutting, single column letter to the editor.little penguins, oil spill, western port, port of hastings, henry bolte, "ruhr of victoria", oiled penguins, oiled wildlife, bp refinery, oil tankers, , mrs d waight, williamstown and district animal relief society

The Irish National Land League (Irish: Conradh na Talún) was an Irish political organisation of the late 19th century which sought to help poor tenant farmers. Its primary aim was to abolish landlordism in Ireland and enable tenant farmers to own the land they worked on. The period of the Land League's agitation is known as the Land War. Within decades of the league's foundation, through the efforts of William O'Brien and George Wyndham (a descendant of Lord Edward FitzGerald), the 1902 Land Conference produced the Land (Purchase) Act 1903 which allowed Irish tenant farmers buy out their freeholds with UK government loans over 68 years through the Land Commission (an arrangement that has never been possible in Britain itself). For agricultural labourers, D.D. Sheehan and the Irish Land and Labour Association secured their demands from the Liberal government elected in 1905 to pass the Labourers (Ireland) Act 1906, and the Labourers (Ireland) Act 1911, which paid County Councils to build over 40,000 new rural cottages, each on an acre of land. By 1914, 75% of occupiers were buying out their landlords, mostly under the two Acts. In all, under the pre-UK Land Acts over 316,000 tenants purchased their holdings amounting to 15 million acres (61,000 km2) out of a total of 20 million acres (81,000 km2) in the country. Sometimes the holdings were described as "uneconomic", but the overall sense of social justice was undeniable. (http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Irish_National_Land_League, accessed 21 January 2014) The Irish National Land League was founded at the Imperial Hotel in Castlebar, the County town of Mayo, on 21 October 1879. At that meeting Charles Stewart Parnell was elected president of the league. Andrew Kettle, Michael Davitt, and Thomas Brennan were appointed as honorary secretaries. This united practically all the different strands of land agitation and tenant rights movements under a single organisation. The two aims of the Land League, as stated in the resolutions adopted in the meeting, were: ...first, to bring out a reduction of rack-rents; second, to facilitate the obtaining of the ownership of the soil by the occupiers. That the object of the League can be best attained by promoting organisation among the tenant-farmers; by defending those who may be threatened with eviction for refusing to pay unjust rents; by facilitating the working of the Bright clauses of the Irish Land Act during the winter; and by obtaining such reforms in the laws relating to land as will enable every tenant to become owner of his holding by paying a fair rent for a limited number of years. Charles Stewart Parnell, John Dillon, Michael Davitt, and others including Cal Lynn then went to America to raise funds for the League with spectacular results. Branches were also set up in Scotland, where the Crofters Party imitated the League and secured a reforming Act in 1886. The government had introduced the first ineffective Land Act in 1870, then the equally inadequate Acts of 1880 and 1881 followed. These established a Land Commission that started to reduce some rents. Parnell together with all of his party lieutenants, including Father Eugene Sheehy known as "the Land League priest", went into a bitter verbal offensive and were imprisoned in October 1881 under the Irish Coercion Act in Kilmainham Jail for "sabotaging the Land Act", from where the No-Rent Manifesto was issued, calling for a national tenant farmer rent strike which was partially followed. Although the League discouraged violence, agrarian crimes increased widely. Typically a rent strike would be followed by evictions by the police, or those tenants paying rent would be subject to a local boycott by League members. Where cases went to court, witnesses would change their stories, resulting in an unworkable legal system. This in turn led on to stronger criminal laws being passed that were described by the League as "Coercion Acts". The bitterness that developed helped Parnell later in his Home Rule campaign. Davitt's views were much more extreme, seeking to nationalise all land, as seen in his famous slogan: "The land of Ireland for the people of Ireland". Parnell aimed to harness the emotive element, but he and his party preferred for tenant farmers to become freeholders on the land they rented, instead of land being vested in "the people".(http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Irish_National_Land_League, accessed 21 January 2014)Image of a number of men sitting around a table. They are members of the Land League Committee during a meeting in Dublin.ballarat irish, land league, land league committee, dublin

Nillumbik Shire Council transferred to the former Diamond Valley Shire Offices in Greensborough after municipal restructuing. The offices became the official Nillumbik Shire Council Offices on 16 October 1995. The former Shire of Diamond Valley Civic Centre or Shire Office building was officially opened on 26th February 1972. Archtiects were A.K. Lines, McFarlane & Marshall and it was built by L.U. Simon Pty Ltd, The Diamond Valley Shire had been created in 1964 from part of the City of Heidelberg. On December 15, 1994 the Shire of Nillumbik was established. Under the Council amalgamations imposed by the Kennett government, the Shire of Eltham, Shire of Diamond Valley and City of Heidelberg ceased to exist with the establishment of Nillumbik Shire Council and the City of Banyule.The new Nillumbik shire surrended the west riding from Eltham to Banyule but in place gained parts of the former Diamond Valley Shire which itself had been created in 1964 from parts of the City of Heidelberg. Three unelected and non-local Commissioners were put in place by the government bringing democracy into question by many members of the local community. The Commissioners determined to abandon the former Shire of Eltham offices located in Main Road, Eltham and in turn occupy the former Shire of Diamond Valley offices located at the boundary of the new shire with Banyule, in Civic Drive, Greensborough. In July 1996 the Commissioners sold the former Eltham Shire Offices and had them bulldozed leading to many years of communiity protest over the process and future development applications. The site has remained vacant ever since. Published: Nillumbik Now and Then /​ Marguerite Marshall 2008; photographs Alan King with Marguerite Marshall.; p43 It was the need for roads that led to this district’s first council. In 1853 a committee was formed to improve the rough roads, some in Kangaroo Ground being almost impassable in winter.1 The committee fundraised by voluntary levies and grants to improve in particular, the main road between Kangaroo Ground and the Plenty River. From this committee arose the Eltham District Road Board, in 1856, which was the precursor to the Eltham Shire Council. The Board’s first chairman was Kangaroo Ground farmer, John Barr. Secretary was the former committee’s secretary, Andrew Ross, Kangaroo Ground’s first school teacher, and founder of the district newspaper, The Evelyn Observer.2 Most of the board’s income came from a toll-house north of the Lower Plenty Bridge, which funded such projects as a road from Kangaroo Ground to the Caledonia Diggings. In 1871 the Shire of Eltham was proclaimed, with its boundaries the same as those of the Road Board, and Councillor A Donaldson of Kangaroo Ground was the first president. Eltham was at the southern tip of the shire, which extended north to Kinglake and east beyond Yarra Glen. In 1878, part of Kinglake was added to the shire, while the area east of Watts River, near Healesville was removed. In 1912, then again in 1958, the shire was further reduced. Yarra Glen, Steels Creek, Tarrawarra, parts of Healesville and Christmas Hills, were transferred to the Shire of Healesville. In 1972 a smaller area, at Kinglake, was transferred to the Shire of Yea, leaving 277 square kilometres in the Eltham Shire. Perhaps no other Victorian municipality has had so many meeting places. Although from 1858 to 1904, the council convened at the office in the home of Secretary Charles Wingrove, the board, and later the council, also met at other more central locations.3 The board moved from the Fountain of Friendship Hotel to the Eltham Courthouse, to the Kangaroo Ground schoolhouse. It then met at the Kangaroo Ground Hotel, which some considered put it in danger of interruptions by people ‘the worse for liquor’.4 In 1885 the council met at the hall on Mr J Donaldson’s land at Kangaroo Ground. After Wingrove’s retirement, the council rented space at the Kangaroo Ground General Store and Post Office. Then, in 1917, the council bought the former office of The Evelyn Observer, after its printing works transferred to Hurstbridge. In 1934, fire destroyed the shire office, which was temporarily relocated to the Kangaroo Ground home of Shire Secretary, Mr P J McMahon. In 1941, the shire office moved to a new building (which included a public hall) in Eltham, at the corner of Arthur Street and Main Road, where the Eltham Village Shopping Centre was eventually built. Growth required new offices, which opened in 1965, on the former Shillinglaw property in Main Road.5 In 1994, as part of municipal restructuring under the Jeff Kennett Liberal Government, most of the Eltham Shire formed part of the new Shire of Nillumbik. It joined with the north section of the Diamond Valley Shire and parts of the Healesville and Whittlesea municipalities. The Diamond Valley Shire had been created in 1964, from part of the City of Heidelberg. Turbulence followed Nillumbik Shire’s formation. Under the Commissioners the council transferred to the former Diamond Valley Shire offices in Greensborough, and the Eltham council offices were demolished. In March 1997 the first five-member Nillumbik Council was elected. But, in October 1998, the government suspended the council and appointed an administrator . Early in 1999, shire residents voted to increase councillors to nine: comprising five ward councillors and four shire-wide councillors. Elections were held in March 1999. Then, before the March 2002 elections, nine new wards were created.6 In 2008 these were reduced to seven. Today [2008] the council governs a varied population of more than 60,000 people living in townships and on bush properties in the green wedge.This collection of almost 130 photos about places and people within the Shire of Nillumbik, an urban and rural municipality in Melbourne's north, contributes to an understanding of the history of the Shire. Published in 2008 immediately prior to the Black Saturday bushfires of February 7, 2009, it documents sites that were impacted, and in some cases destroyed by the fires. It includes photographs taken especially for the publication, creating a unique time capsule representing the Shire in the early 21st century. It remains the most recent comprehenesive publication devoted to the Shire's history connecting local residents to the past. nillumbik now and then (marshall-king) collection, greensborough, nillumbik shire council offices, civic drive

Parnell was an Irish nationalist and statesman who led the fight for Irish Home Rule in the 1880s. Charles Stewart Parnell was born on 27 June 1846 in County Wicklow into a family of Anglo-Irish Protestant landowners. He studied at Cambridge University and was elected to parliament in 1875 as a member of the Home Rule League (later re-named by Parnell the Irish Parliamentary Party). His abilities soon became evident. In 1878, Parnell became an active opponent of the Irish land laws, believing their reform should be the first step on the road to Home Rule. In 1879, Parnell was elected president of the newly founded National Land League and the following year he visited the United States to gain both funds and support for land reform. In the 1880 election, he supported the Liberal leader William Gladstone, but when Gladstone's Land Act of 1881 fell short of expectations, he joined the opposition. By now he had become the accepted leader of the Irish nationalist movement. Parnell now encouraged boycott as a means of influencing landlords and land agents, and as a result he was sent to jail and the Land League was suppressed. From Kilmainham prison he called on Irish peasants to stop paying rent. In March 1882, he negotiated an agreement with Gladstone - the Kilmainham Treaty - in which he urged his followers to avoid violence. But this peaceful policy was severely challenged by the murder in May 1882 of two senior British officials in Phoenix Park in Dublin by members of an Irish terrorist group. Parnell condemned the murders. In 1886, Parnell joined with the Liberals to defeat Lord Salisbury's Conservative government. Gladstone became prime minister and introduced the first Irish Home Rule Bill. Parnell believed it was flawed but said he was prepared to vote for it. The Bill split the Liberal Party and was defeated in the House of Commons. Gladstone's government fell soon afterwards.(http://www.bbc.co.uk/history/historic_figures/parnell_charles.shtml, accessed 21 January 2014) The Irish National Land League (Irish: Conradh na Talún) was an Irish political organisation of the late 19th century which sought to help poor tenant farmers. Its primary aim was to abolish landlordism in Ireland and enable tenant farmers to own the land they worked on. The period of the Land League's agitation is known as the Land War. Within decades of the league's foundation, through the efforts of William O'Brien and George Wyndham (a descendant of Lord Edward FitzGerald), the 1902 Land Conference produced the Land (Purchase) Act 1903 which allowed Irish tenant farmers buy out their freeholds with UK government loans over 68 years through the Land Commission (an arrangement that has never been possible in Britain itself). For agricultural labourers, D.D. Sheehan and the Irish Land and Labour Association secured their demands from the Liberal government elected in 1905 to pass the Labourers (Ireland) Act 1906, and the Labourers (Ireland) Act 1911, which paid County Councils to build over 40,000 new rural cottages, each on an acre of land. By 1914, 75% of occupiers were buying out their landlords, mostly under the two Acts. In all, under the pre-UK Land Acts over 316,000 tenants purchased their holdings amounting to 15 million acres (61,000 km2) out of a total of 20 million acres (81,000 km2) in the country. Sometimes the holdings were described as "uneconomic", but the overall sense of social justice was undeniable. (http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Irish_National_Land_League, accessed 21 January 2014) The Irish National Land League was founded at the Imperial Hotel in Castlebar, the County town of Mayo, on 21 October 1879. At that meeting Charles Stewart Parnell was elected president of the league. Andrew Kettle, Michael Davitt, and Thomas Brennan were appointed as honorary secretaries. This united practically all the different strands of land agitation and tenant rights movements under a single organisation. The two aims of the Land League, as stated in the resolutions adopted in the meeting, were: ...first, to bring out a reduction of rack-rents; second, to facilitate the obtaining of the ownership of the soil by the occupiers. That the object of the League can be best attained by promoting organisation among the tenant-farmers; by defending those who may be threatened with eviction for refusing to pay unjust rents; by facilitating the working of the Bright clauses of the Irish Land Act during the winter; and by obtaining such reforms in the laws relating to land as will enable every tenant to become owner of his holding by paying a fair rent for a limited number of years. Charles Stewart Parnell, John Dillon, Michael Davitt, and others including Cal Lynn then went to America to raise funds for the League with spectacular results. Branches were also set up in Scotland, where the Crofters Party imitated the League and secured a reforming Act in 1886. The government had introduced the first ineffective Land Act in 1870, then the equally inadequate Acts of 1880 and 1881 followed. These established a Land Commission that started to reduce some rents. Parnell together with all of his party lieutenants, including Father Eugene Sheehy known as "the Land League priest", went into a bitter verbal offensive and were imprisoned in October 1881 under the Irish Coercion Act in Kilmainham Jail for "sabotaging the Land Act", from where the No-Rent Manifesto was issued, calling for a national tenant farmer rent strike which was partially followed. Although the League discouraged violence, agrarian crimes increased widely. Typically a rent strike would be followed by evictions by the police, or those tenants paying rent would be subject to a local boycott by League members. Where cases went to court, witnesses would change their stories, resulting in an unworkable legal system. This in turn led on to stronger criminal laws being passed that were described by the League as "Coercion Acts". The bitterness that developed helped Parnell later in his Home Rule campaign. Davitt's views were much more extreme, seeking to nationalise all land, as seen in his famous slogan: "The land of Ireland for the people of Ireland". Parnell aimed to harness the emotive element, but he and his party preferred for tenant farmers to become freeholders on the land they rented, instead of land being vested in "the people".(http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Irish_National_Land_League, accessed 21 January 2014)Image of bearded man known as Charles Stewart Parnellballarat irish, parnell, charles parnell, home rule

Social Engineering and Indigenous Settlement: Policy and demography in remote Australia John Taylor In recent years neo-liberals have argued that government support for remote Aboriginal communities contributes to social pathology and that unhindered market engagement involving labour mobility provides the only solution. This has raised questions about the viability of remote Aboriginal settlements. While the extreme view is to withdraw services altogether, at the very least selective migration should be encouraged. Since the analytical tools are available, one test of the integrity of such ideas is to consider their likely demographic consequences. Accordingly, this paper provides empirically based speculation about the possible implications for Aboriginal population distribution and demographic composition in remote areas had the advice of neo-liberal commentators and initial labour market reforms of the Northern Territory Emergency Response been fully implemented. The scenarios presented are heuristic only but they reveal a potential for substantial demographic and social upheaval. Aspects of the semantics of intellectual subjectivity in Dalabon (south-western Arnhem Land) Ma�a Ponsonnet This paper explores the semantics of subjectivity (views, intentions, the self as a social construct etc.) in Dalabon, a severely endangered language of northern Australia, and in Kriol, the local creole. Considering the status of Dalabon and the importance of Kriol in the region, Dalabon cannot be observed in its original context, as the traditional methods of linguistic anthropology tend to recommend. This paper seeks to rely on this very parameter, reclaiming linguistic work and research as a legitimate conversational context. Analyses are thus based on metalinguistic statements - among which are translations in Kriol. Far from seeking to separate Dalabon from Kriol, I use interactions between them as an analytical tool. The paper concentrates on three Dalabon words: men-no (intentions, views, thoughts), kodj-no (head) and kodj-kulu-no (brain). None of these words strictly matches the concept expressed by the English word mind. On the one hand, men-no is akin to consciousness but is not treated as a container nor as a processor; on the other, kodj-no and kodj-kulu-no are treated respectively as container and processor, but they are clearly physical body parts, while what English speakers usually call the mind is essentially distinct from the body. Interestingly, the body part kodj-no (head) also represents the individual as a social construct - while the Western self does not match physical attributes. Besides, men-no can also translate as idea, but it can never be abstracted from subjectivity - while in English, potential objectivity is a crucial feature of ideas. Hence the semantics of subjectivity in Dalabon does not reproduce classic Western conceptual articulations. I show that these specificities persist in the local creole. Health, death and Indigenous Australians in the coronial system Belinda Carpenter and Gordon Tait This paper details research conducted in Queensland during the first year of operation of the new Coroners Act 2003. Information was gathered from all completed investigations between December 2003 and December 2004 across five categories of death: accidental, suicide, natural, medical and homicide. It was found that 25 percent of the total number of Indigenous deaths recorded in 2004 were reported to, and investigated by, the Coroner, in comparison to 9.4 percent of non-Indigenous deaths. Moreover, Indigenous people were found to be over-represented in each category of death, except in death in a medical setting, where they were absent. This paper discusses these findings in detail, following the insights gained from the work of Tatz (1999, 2001, 2005) and Morrissey (2003). It also discusses a further outcome of this situation - the over-representation of Indigenous people in figures for full internal autopsy. Finding your voice: Placing and sourcing an Aboriginal health organisation?s published and grey literature Clive Rosewarne It is widely recognised that Aboriginal perspectives need to be represented in historical narratives. Sourcing this material may be difficult if Aboriginal people and their organisations do not publish in formats that are widely distributed and readily accessible to library collections and research studies. Based on a search for material about a 30-year-old Aboriginal health organisation, this paper aims to (1) identify factors that influenced the distribution of written material authored by the organisation; (2) consider the implications for Aboriginal people who wish to have their viewpoints widely available to researchers; and (3) assess the implications for research practice. As part of researching an organisational history for the Central Australian Aboriginal Congress, seven national and regional collections were searched for Congress?s published and unpublished written material. It was found that, in common with other Aboriginal organisations, most written material was produced as grey literature. The study indicates that for Aboriginal people and their organisations? voices to be heard, and their views to be accessible in library collections, they need to have an active program to distribute their written material. It also highlights the need for researchers to be exhaustive in their searches, and to be aware of the limitations within collections when sourcing Aboriginal perspectives. Radiocarbon dates from the Top End: A cultural chronology for the Northern Territory coastal plains Sally Brockwell , Patrick Faulkner, Patricia Bourke, Anne Clarke, Christine Crassweller, Daryl Guse, Betty Meehan, and Robin Sim The coastal plains of northern Australia are relatively recent formations that have undergone dynamic evolution through the mid to late Holocene. The development and use of these landscapes across the Northern Territory have been widely investigated by both archaeologists and geomorphologists. Over the past 15 years, a number of research and consultancy projects have focused on the archaeology of these coastal plains, from the Reynolds River in the west to the southern coast of the Gulf of Carpentaria in the east. More than 300 radiocarbon dates are now available and these have enabled us to provide a more detailed interpretation of the pattern of human settlement. In addition to this growing body of evidence, new palaeoclimatic data that is relevant to these northern Australian contexts is becoming available. This paper provides a synthesis of the archaeological evidence, integrates it within the available palaeo-environmental frameworks and characterises the cultural chronology of human settlement of the Northern Territory coastal plains over the past 10 000 years. Ladjiladji language area: A reconstruction Ian Clark and Edward Ryan In this reconsideration of the Ladjiladji language area in northwest Victoria, we contend that while Tindale?s classical reconstruction of this language identified a fundamental error in Smyth?s earlier cartographic representation, he incorrectly corrected that error. We review what is known about Ladjiladji and through a careful analysis demonstrate not only the errors in both Smyth and Tindale but also proffer a fundamental reconstruction grounded in the primary sources.ladjiladji, social engineering, dalabon, indigenous health, coronial system, radiocarbon dating

This is a 2013 election leaflet for Dan Tehan, the Federal Member for Wannon (Liberal Party). Wannon electorate is in the south west of Victoria and was one of the original seats established in 1900 for the first Federal Government. Warrnambool is in the Wannon Electorate. Dan Tehan won the seat in 2010 for the Liberal Party and has held it ever since. This is a leaflet of four pages and a cover. The printed material is multi-coloured with colour photographs, a map of the electorate and election statements and promises. There is one loose sheet printed in black and white. dan tehan, wannon electorate, warrnambool

In March 1995 ATCV had circulated a proposal for an ‘Australia Corps’. The proposal emerged over time from ATCV board and staff through debate and experience. ATCV Board member Alan Wright had written earlier: “There is in our society a terrible vacuum for adolescents to give expression to their independence and idealism in a constructive way, a chance to try themselves out independent of their parents/teachers in adult roles.” ATCV’s Brisbane office manager Phil Harrison had first been involved with ATCV as a volunteer from UK, drew together ideas about an ‘Australia Corps’, that had been discussed with Alan Wright, John Fenton and others at the ATCV staff/board planning workshop at Sorrento in December 1993 and “…based upon our experience and participation in the LEAP program and observations of Conservation Corps around the world”. The concept of a six-month program for young people with a training wage and accredited training which encouraged both competencies and personal development emerged, with a standard format of ten participants working fopr six months under the direction of a supervisor. The ‘Australia Corps’ proposal was widely distributed to Federal, State and Territory parliamentarians and received positive feedback. The Liberal Party, then in Opposition, included the idea of a “Green Army” in their environmental policy, placing more emphasis on environmental outcomes and less on job creation than the Keating ALP Government had. A young and up-and-coming parliamentarian, Tony Abbott MP, was enthusiastic and was to visit several ATCV projects (both before and after Green Corps started) to learn about their workings direct from volunteers and CVA staff. Several times he visited projects with Ian Smith project and Ian recalls being impressed by the efforts he made to talk at length with all participants. Tony Abbott took a personal interest in the progress of Green Corps. Colin Jackson and Phil Harrison were guests of Abbott in Parliament House, Canberra, on the evening of 20 August 1996. The Federal Treasurer, Peter Costello, announced in his first Budget Speech that: - “the Government will provide $42 million over the next 3 years to establish the Green Corps. The Green Corps will be open to young Australians aged 17 to 20 to demonstrate their commitment to the environment by working on projects to preserve and restore Australia's natural environment and cultural heritage. The projects will also contribute to their career and employment prospects through training, skills development, work experience and personal development.” ATCV’s chief executive officer Colin Jackson worked with senior staff Madeline Townsend, Garry Snowden, Phil Harrison, and John Fenton to fine-tune the ATCV proposal. On the strength of unique national coverage and credible record ATCV went on to win the tender to administer and manage the day-to-day operations of the Green Corps program for five years (1997-2002). Winning a $36 million contract was a big breakthrough for ATCV. Fourteen years before, a small non-profit group had started in Ballarat in country Australia with a vision – but little else. Its key people had shaped opinion and won political support for a concept. There was about to be transformation from hand-to-mouth existence into a nation-wide business with resources to build for the long term. This documents records many positive comments about Green Corps and ATCV's implementation of it.24pp illustrated booklet printed in green and some gold.atcv green corps australia-corps tony abbott mp phil-harrison

Newspaper Clipping from The Mail, 17-09-1996, P6 - 24 hour TradingThe State Government's shop trading reforms are all about freedom of choice, according to Liberal MLA for Mooroolbark, Lorraine Elliot. " Local communities will also have their right to choose whether Sunday trading should occur in their local area", Ms Elliot said.

Mr C. Brook was the Principal of Williamstown High School from 1947-56Copy of a black and white photograph, mounted on board. Accompanied by a caption.Caption reads: Mr C. Brook, Headmaster from 1947-1956. "the most important objectives of education must be to discipline the mind, to teach the student how to acquire knowledge, to instil in him the desire to become an even more useful member of society. The Government of the State has provided free education to the matriculation stage, liberal grants for books, travelling allowances and in certain cases maintenance allowances. These grants together with a large number of scholarships, have made secondary education available to all." High Tide 1952. Enrolment in 1951 was 780 students.williamstown high school, headmaster, 1947, 1948, 1949, 1950, 1951, 1952, 1953, 1954, 1955, 1956, mr c. brook