Hollis Brothers were first recorded trading from 11 Weaman Row in 1840 but appear to have started trading a little earlier. The firm later became Isaac Hollis & Sons and claimed establishment from 1814. Richard & William Hollis were recorded trading in Bath Street Birmingham from 1814 to 1818 so it may be that the Hollis brothers were descended from them. The brothers were Isaac Hollis (1815) and Frederick Hollis (birth date unknown), but Frederick died 20 December 1839. Isaac was recorded in the 1841 census living in Weaman Row. He was a 25-year-old gun and pistol maker, married to Emma 1821. They had two children, Isaac (1837), and Henry (1839). After Frederick died, Isaac carried on trading under the name of Hollis Brothers until 1845 when he re-named the business Hollis Brothers & Co who traded up to 1848. In 1844 Isaac entered into a short term partnership with William Tranter at 10 & 11 Weaman Row, presumably to complete a particular contract or supply certain parts, this partnership lasted until 1849. In 1848 Isaac took in Isaac Brentnall Sheath as a partner, and the firm of Hollis & Sheath was established, expanding into 10 Weaman Row. Hollis & Sheath were licensed makers of percussion breech-loading guns. in 1861 the firm changed its name to Isaac Hollis & Sons on the departure of Isaac Brentnall Sheath. Isaac Sheath died in July 1875 By about 1870 Isaac Hollis and Henry Hollis had taken over the day to day running of the business. Isaac Hollis was responsible for the overall management and the marketing of the firm's products. Henry was responsible for manufacturing. The firm became volume producers of inexpensive trade guns and sporting guns for the South African and the British colonies. In 1870 the firm opened a shop at 44a Cannon Street in London; in 1871 this moved to 83 Cheapside. Isaac Hollis Jnr died October 1875 in Birmingham aged 37. He was never married and in 1876/1877 Henry registered a limited liability company, Isaac Hollis & Sons Ltd, but by 1879 they were again trading as Isaac Hollis & Sons. From 1879 the London shop was at 6 Great Winchester Street. From 1932 to 1933 the London business traded as Hollis, Bentley & Playfair Hollis, Bentley & Playfair finally closed in Birmingham in 1953.The shotgun is not in pristine condition and is not very significant historically or valuable, although made by a well known and respected manufacturer of firearms there are many better examples of Issac Hollis and Sons shotguns in collections and for sale. This particular example is of a standard pattern for utilitarian use of which many were made.Shotgun, double barrel, 12 gauge, with cleaning rod. Right barrel has been cut shorter and has sharp edges on the muzzle. Metal stock extension, cleaning rod comprising 3 pieces that screw together. Gun is stored in a black painted, wooden case with hinged lid. Inscribed "I. HOLLIS & SONS", SN 84245. "I. HOLLIS & SONS". SN on stock “84245”. Badge on both sides “Crown [symbol] / BV”. “Crown [symbol] / NP”, “12G inside Diamond [symbol]”, “NITRO PROOF”, “STEEL 84245” Paper note included with gun, written in felt tip pen “ENTERPRISE”. flagstaff hill, warrnambool, shipwrecked-coast, flagstaff-hill, flagstaff-hill-maritime-museum, maritime-museum, shipwreck-coast, flagstaff-hill-maritime-village, shotgun, double barrel shotgun, isaac hollis and son, birmingham, i hollis and sons, gun makers, sporting firearm, south african firearm market, rifles for british government, hollis, bentlely and playfair

Hollis Brothers were first recorded trading from 11 Weaman Row in 1840 but appear to have started trading a little earlier. The firm later became Isaac Hollis & Sons and claimed establishment from 1814. Richard & William Hollis were recorded trading in Bath Street Birmingham from 1814 to 1818 so it may be that the Hollis brothers were descended from them. The brothers were Isaac Hollis (b.1815) and Frederick Hollis (birth date unknown), but Frederick died 20 December 1839. Isaac was recorded in the 1841 census living in Weaman Row. He was a 25-year-old gun and pistol maker, married to Emma 1821. They had two children, Isaac (1837), and Henry (1839). After Frederick died, Isaac carried on trading under the name of Hollis Brothers until 1845 when he re-named the business Hollis Brothers & Co who traded up to 1848. In 1844 Isaac entered into a short term partnership with William Tranter at 10 & 11 Weaman Row, presumably to complete a particular contract or supply certain parts. This partnership lasted until 1849. In 1848 Isaac took in Isaac Brentnall Sheath as a partner, and the firm of Hollis & Sheath was established, expanding into 10 Weaman Row. Hollis & Sheath were licenced makers of percussion breech-loading guns. In 1861 the firm changed its name to Isaac Hollis & Sons on the departure of Isaac Brentnall Sheath. Isaac Sheath died in July 1875. By about 1870 Isaac Hollis and Henry Hollis had taken over the day to day running of the business. Isaac Hollis was responsible for the overall management and the marketing of the firm's products. Henry was responsible for manufacturing. The firm became volume producers of inexpensive trade guns and sporting guns for the South African and the British colonies. In 1870 the firm opened a shop at 44a Cannon Street in London; in 1871 this moved to 83 Cheapside. Isaac Hollis Jnr died October 1875 in Birmingham aged 37. He was never married and in 1876/1877 Henry registered a limited liability company, Isaac Hollis & Sons Ltd, but by 1879 they were again trading as Isaac Hollis & Sons. From 1879 the London shop was at 6 Great Winchester Street. From 1932 to 1933 the London business traded as Hollis, Bentley & Playfair Hollis, Bentley & Playfair finally closed in Birmingham in 1953. This gun is a typical example of the type of firearm issued to the colony's military in 1861. Specifically made by Isaac Hollis and Sons for the military market of the time and sold through contractors Hebbert & Sons, military suppliers, in London. The gun was probably issued from the Hythe Armory to British troops (a training facility) or police prior to coming to Tasmania Australia around 1861.Gun; Percussion Carbine, .577 Cal. Colonial Tasmanian issue Artillery carbine, Pattern 1861. Muzzle loading "Cap and Ball" musket. Wood stock and ram rod. Inscriptions are on the stock and breech. Gun was made for Herbert & Co. London by Isaac Hollis & Sons, Birmingham.Stamped on stock "SOLD 95", " ISAAC HOLLIS & SONS" "GUN & PISTOL MANUFACTURES" "BIRMINGHAM" "LASTON ARMOURER HYTHE" "MANUFACTURED EXPRESSLY FOR HEBBERT & CO LONDON". Stamped on breech "25", and "25C ---05"flagstaff hill, warrnambool, shipwrecked-coast, flagstaff-hill, flagstaff-hill-maritime-museum, maritime-museum, shipwreck-coast, flagstaff-hill-maritime-village, firearms, gun, muzzle loading musket, isaac hollis and son, hebbert & sons, military supplies, lee enfield

A recollection of information about Girls Legacy Club and its primary instructor Miss Enez Domec Carre. It was written by C.E. Chancellor in June 1976. "Draft only. Girls Legacy Classes When I was attached to Girls' Classes after being transferred from Mildura Club to Melbourne, I found that the difference between the administration of the Girls' and the Boys' Classes was that the Girls' Classes were centralised in one building in Market Street, whilst the Boys' Classes were held in Melbourne and in various suburbs. The building in Market Street was leased from the Melbourne City Council, it was old, had narrow stairways, small rooms and was dusty and noisy so that is can be appreciated that the classes were held under great difficulties and inconvenience. Classes were held on both Friday and Tuesday nights of each week and the girls were trained in physical culture, ballet and dancing, and most of them also attended a speech training class. The girls were divided into Junior, Intermediate and Senior girls, and the hourly classes commenced at 5 p.m. It will be appreciated that after WW2 the numbers of girls attending increased considerably (actual numbers may be on old files) and it was necessary for the overall organisation to be efficient for this work to be efficiently carried out. In retrospect I do not think that too great a tribute can be paid to Miss Enez Domec Carre, F.P.C.V., not only for her great ability in teaching the physical culture and dancing classes, but also because she became the confidant of the mothers and the girls for their particular problems, and was able to transmit these to the Class Legatees, and she also assisted in helping to solve them - and be sure there were many of them with so many girls and families involved. Miss Carre was also responsible for the many magnificent presentations of the various items learnt by the Classes during each year and of the merging of individual classes held at various times and days to enable them to be so successfully shown at the each annual Legacy Parade. Miss Carre also organised the Mothers, Legatees' wives and friends into sewing groups to provide the thousands of costumes required for the items presented, and naturally she had to design these costumes - all of this work was carried out, as previously mentioned, under the extreme difficulties they were working under in the Market Street building. The purchase of Legacy House and the transfer of classes to this building was of immense help and importance in the carrying on of these classes which have proved so valuable to Legacy work. Many of the girls - now Mothers and Grandmothers still help in Legacy work and still appreciate the value of the Girls' Classes were to them. C.E. Chancellor cc. to Legatees A.R. Beattie / Larkin / Gibsey"A nice summary of the work done by Miss Enez Domec Carre for Legacy and the conditions the classes were held in prior to moving to Legacy House.White foolscap paper with black type x 2 pages recollecting the contribution Miss Enez Domec Carre to the Girls Physical Culture Classes as well as details of location of classes.girls' classes, girls' club, junior legatee

Ephemera from Original Box 313; This is not a catalogued description of the contents but a broad-brush overall description. a. Book with 'Ledger' on cover; has newspaper cuttings re stage and screen on 8 of 94 pages (remaining, mostly blank); b. Gordon & Gotch - Sample Calendar No. 3 1935.( 61 cm x 50 cm) x2; c. Gordon & Gotch - Sample Calendar No. 2 (61 cm x 50 cm) x 2; d. Victorian Act of Parliament No 3041 (amending the Law relating to Public Health, 1919, 176 pages; e. Victorian Act of Parliament -(amending the Sewerage District Acts No 3437, 1925, 5 pages ; f. Scrapbook with cuttings from papers relating to Australia's history, scenery, flora and fauna, Farming, Industry, Rodeo, Horse Racing, Rural, Surf Life Saving, Religion, Federation, Explorers, Gold, Birds, - some loose cuttings in back; g. Land Tax Act, Schedule L 1910 (blank sheet); h. Commission of Public Health - three day tour of Western District (Warrnambool, port Fairy, Colac) from Melbourne; i. Collection of cuttings, envelopes; j. Newspapers - Argus, Advertiser pages late 1930s; (not scanned) k. Collection of newspaper cuttings; l. Collection of Public Health Regulations, 7 parts; m. Act of Parliament, Victoria No. 2632 - Law relating to Amendment of the Constitution; n. Folder containing issues of The Bendigo Church News, 25 parts 1930s-1950s; o. Collection of book lists/catalogues; p. AA (Automobile Association) Members Handbook 1963; q. Collection of varied sheets and pamphlets; r. Articles of Association - Ocean Salt Company; s.. Sydney Symphony Orchestra program 1953; t. Queen Mary's Message to the people, Jan 1936; u. various notices for display of historical items (BHS Collection)ephemera, mementoes

St Margaret’s Church of England was officially opened on December 12, 1861. It is the oldest intact church building in Eltham. At the time it was known as Christ Church until its consecration in 1871, when it was completely free of debt (£1,700 for the church and parsonage) despite the district’s poverty. This was largely due to the free labour and materials, including locally made bricks donated by local artisans and others. The church is historically significant because it is the oldest church in the former Shire of Eltham and has associations with the philanthropist and founder of Brighton, Henry Dendy (who donated the land on which the church is built), the architect Nathaniel Billing and the prominent local builder, George Stebbing. The church is architecturally and aesthetically significant because it is constructed in the Gothic Revival style with several stained-glass windows of various dates and is also a very early use of polychromatic brickwork in Victoria. Billing was one of the first Melbourne architects to employ polychromatic brickwork and an important early architect. The rear wall was intended to be temporary. A major feature of the design is the large buttresses with long, steeply graded upper faces. The overall design is well proportioned with the surface brick patterns relieving an otherwise austere design. The church is spiritually and socially significant because it has been an important place of worship for the people of Eltham for almost 150 years. The land on which the buildings stand was donated by Henry Dendy. Dendy arrived in Melbourne in 1841 after purchasing in England eight square miles at Brighton under the system of "special surveys". After this land passed out of his hands, Dendy moved about Victoria, visited England, then returned to settle in Eltham where he purchased a flour mill. Dendy chaired the meeting held in 1860 “for the purpose of devising such means as may be expedient for the establishment of a Church of England in the township of Eltham”. He became chairman and treasurer of the church committee. Unlike the establishment of many early churches in Victoria where a vicar was appointed to a parish and later a permanent church was constructed, the population at Eltham initiated action to build a church. The nearest church at that time was at Heidelberg and the Eltham settlement was part of the parish of St Johns Heidelberg. Isolation and the tedious, time consuming journey between Heidelberg and Eltham resulted in the Eltham community taking its own action. The original vicarage (Dendy House) at the rear of the church is also an important part of the cultural significance of this place because it is connected to the church and the development of the Eltham area. Together, the church and the vicarage are aesthetically significant because they form a significant streetscape feature. The mud-brick community hall designed by Robert Marshall was added in 1978. In 2014 the original temporary rear wall was removed as part of a modern extension designed by Architects Atelier Wagner and constructed by Conrad Construction and Management. Covered under Heritage Overlay, Nillumbik Planning Scheme. National Trust of Australia (Victoria) State significance Victorian Heritage Published: Nillumbik Now and Then /​ Marguerite Marshall 2008; photographs Alan King with Marguerite Marshall.; p67This collection of almost 130 photos about places and people within the Shire of Nillumbik, an urban and rural municipality in Melbourne's north, contributes to an understanding of the history of the Shire. Published in 2008 immediately prior to the Black Saturday bushfires of February 7, 2009, it documents sites that were impacted, and in some cases destroyed by the fires. It includes photographs taken especially for the publication, creating a unique time capsule representing the Shire in the early 21st century. It remains the most recent comprehenesive publication devoted to the Shire's history connecting local residents to the past. nillumbik now and then (marshall-king) collection, eltham, st margaret's anglican church, st margaret's church, christ church

Nimons Bridge was built in 1890, as part of the then Ballarat-Linton railway. The bridge is 17 spans with tall timber piers of four driven piles each, with triple sets of diagonal cross-bracing and walers and a single row of longitudinal horizontal bracing between piers. The spans are of a uniform twenty feet (6.1 metres), originally supported by four 21-inch x 9-inch (535 mm x 230 mm) Kauri timber beams per span, following the standard V.R. design of the period. When the superstructure was rebuilt after the 1953 fire, the timber beams were replaced with two 24-inch (610mm) deep rolled-steel-joists on each span. These are marked 'Lancashire Steel Co., Scotland' and are believed to have been second-hand. The deck of transverse-timber planks is 103.6 metres in length. Overall the bridge has an impressive appearance with its exceptionally tall triple-cross-braced piers creating a 'three-tiered' effect, with the deck 19.2 metres above the Woady Yaloak River. The Ballarat-Skipton line closed in 1985. Nimons Bridge has been recently restored, as part of the Ballarat-Skipton Rail Trail. How is it significant? Nimons Bridge is significant for technical, historic and aesthetic reasons at a State level. Why is it significant? Nimons Bridge is technically significant as Victoria's fourth-tallest timber trestle bridge when built, and as the third-tallest surviving example. It is also the second-largest composite bridge combining traditional timber piers with RSJ spans and a timber deck and falls within a select group of fewer than ten timber railway bridges with horizontal longitudinal bracing between the piers and three sets of double cross-bracing on its tallest piers, creating a visually striking 'three tiered' effect that enhances its viaduct form. Nimons Bridge is historically significant as having served initially the mining community at Linton, then the Western District agricultural area and in later years a kaolin quarry at Pittong. Nimons Bridge is historically significant as a representative of the 'light' branch line methodology that stimulated the explosion of railway construction in Victoria during the 1880s, and provides an interesting contrast with the more solid and vastly more expensive railway viaducts built in similar terrain on Victorian main lines, at Moorabool and Taradale, in the late 1850s. Approached by a deep cutting and high embankment at either end, the bridge represents a very cost-effective late 19th century engineering solution to the characteristic physiography of western Victoria with flat basalt plains intersected by deep wide valleys occasionally subject to severe flooding. Nimons Bridge is aesthetically significant for its visually impressive viaduct form, crossing a deep and steep-sided valley that is part of a rich cultural landscape. Within close proximity of the bridge are mullock dumps, tailings, shaft sites and other relics of the deep-lead alluvial mining era. The bridge is the most visually spectacular timber-trestle rail bridge in Western Victoria and is among the most spectacular timber-trestle rail bridges surviving anywhere in Victoria. It is part of the Ballarat-Skipton Rail Trail. Classified by the National Trust :02/10/2000 (http://vhd.heritagecouncil.vic.gov.au/places/67986)Colour photograph of a log bridge known as Nimon's Bridge.ballarat-linton, nimons bridge, nimon's bridge, log bridge, viaduct, timber-trestle rail bridge

B&W Photos of Building AHTS vessel Lady Elizabeth at ASI shipbuilders WA.Photo Captions. Australian Offshore Services, part of the Energy Services Division of P&O Australia Ltd. recently placed an order for a new anchor—handling supply vessel to be built by Australian Shipbuilding Industries (WA) Pty. Ltd. at Cockbum Sound, W.A. The 2,650 tonnes displacement ship will be the largest 111' the A.O.S. fleet and the first built for the Company in W.A. Delivery is scheduled for September 1982, after which the ship will join other units of the A.O.S. fleet serving 011 and gas projects in Bass Strait and off the W.A. coast. PRINCIPAL DIMENSIONS: Length, overall 66.30 metres 14.15 " 5.65 H Beam Depth A new oil rig supply vessel for Australian Offshore Services, part of the Energy Services Division of P&O Australia Ltd. is due to be launched on September 9 at the Australian Shipbuilding Industries shipyard at South Coogee (W.A.). The ship will be named Lady Elizabeth by Ms Anne Elizabeth Blanckensee, wife of Mr Alan Blanckensee, a Director of P&O Australia Ltd. A.O.S. operates a large fleet of supply Vessels which support oil and gas exploration projects off the W.A. and Victorian coasts and LADY ELIZABETH will be the 14th ship built in Australia for the Company in the last 14 years. LADY ELIZABETH (2,650 tonnes displacement) is 66.30 metres in length, 14.15 metres beam and 5.65 metres moulded depth. She Will be powered by four Daihatsu engines developlng a combined total of 7,200 b.h.p. After the ceremony, the vessel's fitting out will continue and she is expected to enter service in October, under the Command of Captain G.D. Mellor of Thornlie, W.A.

This beautifully made ship model is a side relief of the steam ship “S.S. Nelson”, which was launched in 1877. The model’s case stands out because of its ornately carved internal frame. Relief models of ships, sometimes called half models, were often built by the shipbuilders as an exact scale model of the finished ship. The shipbuilders would use the model to ensure that the design was balanced. They would use the model as a point of reference during building. Also, ship models were used to demonstrate the designs to prospective buyers. It is not known whether this model of the “S.S. Nelson” was made for these purposes. HISTORY of the “S.S. Nelson” During the period 1840-1890 shipping was the cheapest and most practical means of carrying produce and goods to and from coastal towns such as Warrnambool. In the 1850s regular domestic steamer services began and by 1870 the passenger trade was booming. Passengers were taken to the ship’s side in small boats called lighters, which took it to ships at anchorage in Lady Bay, then climbed aboard up ladders or gangways. Their fare covered accommodation Saloon/Cabin section (higher class and more expensive) or the Steerage section (lower class and less expensive, below deck level). Produce included livestock such as pigs and fowls, and dairy products, bales of wool, and potatoes. The goods were loaded from the Warrnambool Jetty into the lighters. The S.S. Nelson was built by Messrs Blackwood and Gordon of Port Glasgow for a cost £25,000 in 1877. She was an iron screw steamer with an overall length of 200 feet, beam 25.5 feet and a depth of hold of 19.4 feet, which gave her a gross measurement of 649 tons. Her engines gave her a best speed of 13 knots and a maintainable speed of 12 knots. She was described as a handsome, star decked, efficient steamship, fitted with accommodating for 75 first class passengers in a saloon, and 40 second class passengers in a cabin. The S.S. Nelson arrived in the colony of Victoria on March 9th, 1877. She was first registered in Warrnambool by the Warrnambool Steam Packet Company under the management of Mr William Evans, and employed in the coastal trade of south west Victoria. She was very popular in 1878, registered under the new ownership of the Western Steamship Navigation Company, trading between Melbourne, Warrnambool and Portland. Captained John Nicholson commanded the S.S. Nelson after the previous captain, Thomas Smith, was suspended in 1882 for six months by the Victorian Steam Navigation Board following the collision between the S.S. Nelson and the S.S. Julia Percy. Other Captains include S Drewet and John Thompson. The S.S. Nelson was sold to Messrs. Huddart, Parker and Co. and re-registered in Melbourne on June 23rd, 1890. The new owners intended to use her for their Bass Strait crossing between Melbourne, Victoria and Launceston, Tasmania. On the night of Friday, June 27th 1890, under the command of Captain Carrington, she was on her way to Launceston on her first crossing for her new owners. She had no passengers and very little cargo and was to return to Melbourne with passengers the following morning. She was only 21 hours out of the dock when she struck Porpoise Rock in the Tamar River. All crew of 25 were saved but the bulkheads gave way and she rapidly filled before keeling over and disappearing in approximately 130 feet of water. The new owners had fully insured the almost 14-year-old S.S. Nelson with the Australian Alliance Insurance Company and she had only been in their possession for four days. This ship model of the S.S. Nelson is significant for its connection with the steam screw ship S.S. Nelson, one of a fleet of vessels owned by the Warrnambool Steam Packet Company. The S.S. Nelson was specifically built and purchased for the Victorian coastal trade business of the late 19th century, when shipping was the cheapest and most practical means of transporting goods and passengers between Victoria’s coastal towns and the major port at Melbourne. Once the railway came to Warrnambool in 1889, the steam shipping industry began to decline.Ship model; relief of the S.S. Nelson, showing deck superstructure, ventilators and single funnel. Ship's name is painted on the bow "NELSON". Wood model, varnished finish over natural wood and black painted areas. Timber case with ornate edging and glass front and sides."NELSON" painted on bowflagstaff hill, warrnambool, shipwrecked-coast, flagstaff-hill, flagstaff-hill-maritime-museum, maritime-museum, shipwreck-coast, flagstaff-hill-maritime-village, s.s. nelson steam ship 1877, screw steamer, 1877 vessel, ship model s.s. nelson, blackwood and gordon port glasgow, warrnambool steam packet company, western steam navigation company, south west coast trader, sea transport melbourne to portland, victorian steam navigation board, s.s. julia percey, captain john nicholson, captain thomas smith, captain s drewet, captain john thompson, captain carrington, huddart, parker and co, bass strait crossing 1890, sea transport melbourne to launceston, porpoise rock tamar river, australian alliance insurance company, ship model making, vessels, victorian coastal trader

This is an image of the Warrnambool Lighthouse Complex on Middle Island in 1854. The Store, Lighthouse Keeper's Quarters, Lighthouse and Flagstaff are in the background. The foreground shows a covered buggy drawn by two horses and a person in attendance, and another wheeled vehicle behind it with a figure nearby. There is a saddled horse to the right with two males in conversation nearby. The ground is soft, perhaps the riverbed or sandy shore. THE LIGHTHOUSE KEEPERS Lighthouse Keepers were responsible for keeping their Lighthouse’s lights shining at night. They kept a lookout for passing vessels and changes in weather. They were expected to clean, polish and maintain the equipment and buildings. They kept regular and detailed records of who was on watch, and the time the light was lit, trimmed and extinguished. They kept a journal about other events that occurred. They keep regular, accurate Meteorological Logs. It was expected that they were competent in Morse code signalling. They would be called to help in times of disasters and shipwrecks and to give official statements about these events. Many Lighthouse Keepers also volunteered as members of the lifeboat crew. The Lady Bay lighthouses were officially classified as small, so the Keepers had the official titles of Senior Assistant Lighthouse Keeper and Assistant Lighthouse Keeper. They were employed by the Public Service and paid rent to live in the Lighthouse Quarters. They were compulsorily retired at the age of 60, with most receiving a superannuation payment. Despite their time-consuming duties, there was time to follow hobbies and crafts such as growing vegetables, playing musical instruments, making models of buildings including lighthouses, and crafting furniture pieces. An example of a keeper’s skills is the carved fire screen made by /assistant Keeper Thomas Hope in the late 19th century and displayed in the Lighthouse Keeper’s cottage at Flagstaff Hill. Both Alexander and Farncombe had served under Senior Keeper Robert Deverell, who was the first and only Senior Lighthouse Keeper at the Middle Island Complex. John Alexander was the Assistant Keeper in the 1850s. Andrew Farncombe was the last Assistant Keeper at Middle Island, serving there with his family from 1864 to 1871. During 1871 and 1872 the Lighthouse Complex was moved to Flagstaff Hill on Merri Street. Farncombe and Deverell then became the first Keepers and occupants of the Lady Bay Lighthouse Complex at Flagstaff Hill. They continued their service together; overall, Deverell served from 1859 to 1885 and Farncombe from 1864 to 1974. WARRNAMBOOL'S LADY BAY LIGHTHOUSE COMPLEX - The original Lighthouse Complex was built on Middle Island in 1858-1859 then transferred stone-by-stone to Flagstaff Hill in 1871. The Complex comprised the Lighthouse, the Lighthouse Keepers’ Quarters and a Privy. The bluestone Keeper’s Quarters was a cottage divided into two compartments, one for the Senior Keeper and his family, the other for the Assistant Keeper and his family. The bluestone Store was divided into three; a store, a workshop, and an oil store (or office). The Privy comprised a small building also divided into two separate, back-to-back toilets, one for each Keeper and his family. In the 1970s the Flagstaff Hill Planning Board was set up under the chairmanship of John Lindsay. The Board was to make recommendations to the Warrnambool City Council regarding the use of the buildings and the rest of the Crown Land on the site. The Flagstaff Hill Maritime Village opened in 1975 and began renovating the Cottage in stages, during which time evidence of a 1920s fire was found in the eastern section of the cottage. Additions of a porch on the west and a washroom on the east were made in the 1980s. The western part of the building is now a Shipwreck Museum and the east has returned to a late 19th-century Lighthouse Keeper’s cottage and includes the screen made by Assistant Lighthouse Keeper Thomas Hope in the late 19th century. Hope served two periods of time at the Lighthouse. This photograph is significant as a visual record of the original Warrnambool Lighthouse Complex on Middle Island, the origin of what is now the Lady Bay Lighthouse Complex. The photograph is significant for its connection to the Complex, which is now listed on the Victorian Heritage Register, H1520, for being of historical, scientific (technological) and architectural significance to the State of Victoria. The Complex is significant as an example of early colonial development. The photograph is significant for its connection with the important navigational function of the Lighthouses, a function still being performed to this day. The photograph is also significant as it shows an example of buildings organised by the Public Works Department in Victoria in the mid-to-late 19th century. The structures tare still stand strong. Photograph of horses, a buggy and three gentlemen in the foreground and the background shows a lighthouse and accompanying buildings. Printed in black and white. (Another two horse-drawn vehicles are partially visible). The subject is the Lighthouse Complex on Middle Island, Warrnambool, dated between 1854 and 1871.An inscription is handwritten in black pen on the back of the mounting board."The lighthouse and accompanying buildings were / established on Middle Island in 1854, as this / picture shows. In 1871 they were moved to their / present site on Flagstaff Hill."flagstaff hill, flagstaff hill maritime museum, flagstaff hill maritime village, warrnambool, maritime museum, shipwreck coast, lighthouse keeper's cottage, lighthouse residence, lighthouse, chart room, quarters, privy, middle island, beach lighthouse, obelisk, lighthouse complex, lady bay complex, warrnambool port, warrnambool harbour, lady bay, keepers, lighthouse keeper, upper lighthouse, lower lighthouse, assistant keeper, ports and harbours, cottage, meteorological record, 1854, 1871

This padlock has been salvaged from the wrecked sailing ship SCHOMBERG. It is not known whether the padlock was a part of the ship’s equipment or if it was among personal effects or cargo. At some point in time the padlock has been mounted and sealed in resin, perhaps for both display and preservation purposes. ABOUT THE SCHOMBERG When SCHOMBERG was launched in 1855, she was considered the “Noblest ship that ever floated on water.” SCHOMBERG’s owners, the Black Ball Line, commissioned the ship for their fleet of passenger liners. She was built by Alexander Hall of Aberdeen. Overall she had accommodation for 1000 passengers. SCHOMBERG’s 34 year old master, Captain ‘Bully’ Forbes, (James Nicol Forbes) was born in Aberdeen in 1821 and rose to fame with his record-breaking voyages on the famous Black Ball Line ships; MARCO POLO and LIGHTNING. On this, the SCHOMBERG’s maiden voyage, he was going to break records. SCHOMBERG departed Liverpool 6 October 1855 flying the sign “Sixty Days to Melbourne”. She carried 430 passengers and 3000 tons cargo including iron rails and equipment intended to build the Melbourne to Geelong Railway and a bridge over the Yarra from Melbourne to Hawthorn. She also carried a cow for fresh milk, pens for fowls and pigs, 90,000 gallons of water for washing and drinking, 17,000 letters and 31,800 newspapers. The ship and cargo was insured for $300,000, a fortune for the time. The winds were poor as she sailed across the equator, slowing SCHOMBERG’s journey considerably. Land was first sighted on Christmas Day, at Cape Bridgewater near Portland, and Captain Forbes followed the coastline towards Melbourne. Forbes was said to be playing cards when called by the Third Mate Henry Keen, who reported land about 3 miles off, Due in large part to the captain's regarding a card game as more important than his ship, it eventually ran aground on a sand spit near Curdie's Inlet (about 56 km west of Cape Otway) on 26 December 1855, 78 days after leaving Liverpool. The sand spit and the currents were not marked on Forbes’s map. The crew from the scouting party advised Forbes to wait until morning before trying to take the passengers to safety in the lifeboats because the rough seas could easily overturn the small vessels. The ship’s Chief Officer spotted SS QUEEN at dawn and signalled the steamer. The master of the SS QUEEN approached the stranded vessel and all of SCHOMBERG’s passengers and crew were able to disembark safely. The SCHOMBERG was lost and with her, Forbes’ reputation. The Black Ball Line’s Melbourne agent sent a steamer to retrieve the passengers’ baggage from the SCHOMBERG. Other steamers helped unload her cargo until the weather changed and prevented the salvage teams from accessing the ship. Later one plunderer found a case of Wellington boots, but alas, all were for the left foot! Local merchants Manifold & Bostock bought the wreck and cargo, but did not attempt to salvage the cargo that was still on board the ship. They eventually sold it on to a Melbourne businessman and two seafarers. In 1864, after two of the men drowned when they tried to reach SCHOMBERG, salvage efforts were abandoned. Parts of the SCHOMBERG were washed ashore on the south island of New Zealand in 1870, nearly 15 years after the wreck. The wreck now lies in 825 metres of water and the shape of the ship can still be seen due to the remaining railway irons, girders and the ship’s frame. A variety of goods and materials can be seen scattered about nearby. Flagstaff Hill holds many items salvaged from the SCHOMBERG including a ciborium (in which a diamond ring was concealed), communion set, ship fittings and equipment, personal effects, a lithograph, tickets, menu and photograph from the SCHOMBERG. This brass padlock is registered as an artefact in the SCHOMBERG collection. The SCHOMBERG collection as a whole is of historical and archaeological significance at a State level, listed on the Victorian Hertage Register VHR S612. Flagstaff Hill’s collection of artefacts from the SCHOMBERG is significant for its association with the Victorian Heritage Registered shipwreck. The collection is primarily significant because of the relationship between the objects, as together they have a high potential to interpret the story of the SCHOMBERG. The SCHOMBERG collection is archaeologically significant as the remains of an international passenger ship. The shipwreck collection is historically significant for representing aspects of Victoria’s shipping history and its potential to interpret sub-theme 1.5 of Victoria’s Framework of Historical Themes (living with natural processes). The collection is also historically significant for its association with the shipwreck and the ship, which was designed to be fastest and most luxurious of its day. The SCHOMBERG collection meets the following criteria for assessment: Criterion A: Importance to the course, or pattern, of Victoria’s cultural history. Criterion B: Possession of uncommon, rare or endangered aspects of Victoria’s cultural history. Criterion C: Potential to yield information that will contribute to an understanding of Victoria’s cultural Brass Padlock lying in a wooden block and encased in resin. The wood encasing the padlock has seven man-made holes in it, perhaps used to hand as a display. There was a paper label with an inscription on the top and bottom of the wood immediately surrounding the padlock. the brass has tarnished. Recovered from the wreck of the Schomberg in 1974.Marked on block - "Recovered 1974 'Schomberg'"flagstaff hill, warrnambool, shipwrecked-coast, flagstaff-hill, flagstaff-hill-maritime-museum, maritime-museum, shipwreck-coast, flagstaff-hill-maritime-village, padlock, schomberg shipwreck, brass padlock circa 1855, object salvaged from shipwreck, captain bully forbes, 19th century security hardware, sjouvenir, security, brass padlock

Kids of all ages enjoy the Miniature Railway. Published: Nillumbik Now and Then /​ Marguerite Marshall 2008; photographs Alan King with Marguerite Marshall.; p163 On Sundays in Eltham thousands of children, mums, dads and grandparents can be seen travelling around Lower Eltham Park in tiny trains. They are among the two and half million passengers who have travelled on the Diamond Valley Railway since it officially began in 1961. The miniature railway originally operated from the 1940s at Chelsworth Park, Ivanhoe, until flooding caused it to be moved to the Eltham Lower Park in 1959. The railway is modelled on the 1920s era – the heyday of passenger rail travel – and the trains are built on a scale of two inches to the foot (1/6). Although not exact replicas, trains include models of the Spirit of Progress, Puffing Billy, The Overland, Dog Boxes, Vic Rail S class, G class and a NSW 81 Class. The three and a half kilometres of track is set amongst native plants and picnic areas. A friendly hoot or the clang of a bell occasionally punctuates the tranquillity as a train emerges from a treed bend with passengers excitedly waving to onlookers. For $3 the train takes you on a 13-minute two-kilometre ride. Passengers sit in single file in the narrow train, which clatters along tracks built to the scale of the Australian narrow gauge of three feet six inches (1.1m). These are used in Queensland, South Australia, Tasmania and Western Australia. Safety standards are stringently kept. Even before you buy a ticket notices tell you that you must wear closed shoes. You can even borrow these, and you are given a pair of socks for the ride! Blue-overalled volunteers check tickets, see you aboard, and drive the train. They are mainly retired men who can at last devote their time to what little boys dream of – playing with trains. Passengers are instructed in safe behaviour, then the station master waves a white flag and off we go. The guard sits at the back with his whistle and green flag at the ready. The winding track, fringed by native trees and bushes planted by volunteers, stands on crown land managed by Nillumbik Council. The train clatters along the track and crosses a bridge over a drain elevated by name to The Blow Fly Creek. We pass by Meadmore Junction at a speed of three kilometres an hour. Then on through a tunnel, accompanied by squeals of delight, and after a few moments of blackness, light glimmers at the end. On we go, past the original platform, along another route past busy Main Road through Pine Creek Station, over a bridge and through another tunnel with more screams of delight.Then a signal stops us before the ‘all clear’ to return to our original point of departure. The railway services its passengers – the largest number of any miniature railway in Australia – with a fleet including: six diesel locomotives, three steam locomotives, eight sets of passenger cars and one battery electric Dog Box set. Members also privately own 20 locomotives and powered carriage sets as well as four carriage sets.1 All the trains are stored on-site in workshops, sheds and a tunnel. The railway is entirely run by volunteers, so that all ticket money is used for maintenance and extensions, and some goes to local charities. Since 1991, the entire railway has been rebuilt, including an upgraded signalling system. About half of the 120 volunteer members are active with about 35 working each Sunday, and a dozen or so working every Wednesday. Members are trained to positions of station assistant, booking officer, train guard, train driver or signalman. Members construct new carriages and locomotives as well as maintaining track, signalling and rolling stock.This collection of almost 130 photos about places and people within the Shire of Nillumbik, an urban and rural municipality in Melbourne's north, contributes to an understanding of the history of the Shire. Published in 2008 immediately prior to the Black Saturday bushfires of February 7, 2009, it documents sites that were impacted, and in some cases destroyed by the fires. It includes photographs taken especially for the publication, creating a unique time capsule representing the Shire in the early 21st century. It remains the most recent comprehenesive publication devoted to the Shire's history connecting local residents to the past. nillumbik now and then (marshall-king) collection, diamond valley railway, eltham lower park

The Irish National Land League (Irish: Conradh na Talún) was an Irish political organisation of the late 19th century which sought to help poor tenant farmers. Its primary aim was to abolish landlordism in Ireland and enable tenant farmers to own the land they worked on. The period of the Land League's agitation is known as the Land War. Within decades of the league's foundation, through the efforts of William O'Brien and George Wyndham (a descendant of Lord Edward FitzGerald), the 1902 Land Conference produced the Land (Purchase) Act 1903 which allowed Irish tenant farmers buy out their freeholds with UK government loans over 68 years through the Land Commission (an arrangement that has never been possible in Britain itself). For agricultural labourers, D.D. Sheehan and the Irish Land and Labour Association secured their demands from the Liberal government elected in 1905 to pass the Labourers (Ireland) Act 1906, and the Labourers (Ireland) Act 1911, which paid County Councils to build over 40,000 new rural cottages, each on an acre of land. By 1914, 75% of occupiers were buying out their landlords, mostly under the two Acts. In all, under the pre-UK Land Acts over 316,000 tenants purchased their holdings amounting to 15 million acres (61,000 km2) out of a total of 20 million acres (81,000 km2) in the country. Sometimes the holdings were described as "uneconomic", but the overall sense of social justice was undeniable. (http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Irish_National_Land_League, accessed 21 January 2014) The Irish National Land League was founded at the Imperial Hotel in Castlebar, the County town of Mayo, on 21 October 1879. At that meeting Charles Stewart Parnell was elected president of the league. Andrew Kettle, Michael Davitt, and Thomas Brennan were appointed as honorary secretaries. This united practically all the different strands of land agitation and tenant rights movements under a single organisation. The two aims of the Land League, as stated in the resolutions adopted in the meeting, were: ...first, to bring out a reduction of rack-rents; second, to facilitate the obtaining of the ownership of the soil by the occupiers. That the object of the League can be best attained by promoting organisation among the tenant-farmers; by defending those who may be threatened with eviction for refusing to pay unjust rents; by facilitating the working of the Bright clauses of the Irish Land Act during the winter; and by obtaining such reforms in the laws relating to land as will enable every tenant to become owner of his holding by paying a fair rent for a limited number of years. Charles Stewart Parnell, John Dillon, Michael Davitt, and others including Cal Lynn then went to America to raise funds for the League with spectacular results. Branches were also set up in Scotland, where the Crofters Party imitated the League and secured a reforming Act in 1886. The government had introduced the first ineffective Land Act in 1870, then the equally inadequate Acts of 1880 and 1881 followed. These established a Land Commission that started to reduce some rents. Parnell together with all of his party lieutenants, including Father Eugene Sheehy known as "the Land League priest", went into a bitter verbal offensive and were imprisoned in October 1881 under the Irish Coercion Act in Kilmainham Jail for "sabotaging the Land Act", from where the No-Rent Manifesto was issued, calling for a national tenant farmer rent strike which was partially followed. Although the League discouraged violence, agrarian crimes increased widely. Typically a rent strike would be followed by evictions by the police, or those tenants paying rent would be subject to a local boycott by League members. Where cases went to court, witnesses would change their stories, resulting in an unworkable legal system. This in turn led on to stronger criminal laws being passed that were described by the League as "Coercion Acts". The bitterness that developed helped Parnell later in his Home Rule campaign. Davitt's views were much more extreme, seeking to nationalise all land, as seen in his famous slogan: "The land of Ireland for the people of Ireland". Parnell aimed to harness the emotive element, but he and his party preferred for tenant farmers to become freeholders on the land they rented, instead of land being vested in "the people".(http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Irish_National_Land_League, accessed 21 January 2014)Image of a number of men sitting around a table. They are members of the Land League Committee during a meeting in Dublin.ballarat irish, land league, land league committee, dublin

When the Schomberg was launched in 1855, she was considered the "Noblest” ship that ever floated on the water. Schomberg's owners, the Black Ball Line had commissioned the ship for their fleet of passenger liners. She was built by Alexander Hall of Aberdeen for £43,103 and constructed with 3 skins. One planked fore and aft and two diagonally planked, fastened together with screw-threaded trunnels (wooden rails). Her First Class accommodation was simply luxurious with velvet pile carpets, large mirrors, rosewood, birds-eye maple and mahogany timbers throughout, soft furnishings of satin damask, and oak-lined library with a piano. Overall she had accommodation for 1000 passengers. At the launch, the Schomberg's 34-year-old master, Captain 'Bully' Forbes, had promised to reach Melbourne in sixty days stating, "with or without the help of God." Captain James Nicol Forbes was born in Aberdeen in 1821 and rose to fame with his record-breaking voyages on the famous Black Ball Line ships; Marco Polo and Lightning. In 1852 in the Marco Polo, he made the record passage from London to Melbourne in 68 days. Unfortunately, there were 53 deaths on the voyage, but the great news was off the record passage by Captain Forbes. In 1854 he took the clipper “Lighting” to Melbourne in 76 days and back in 63 days, this record was never beaten by a sailing ship. He often drove his crew and ship to breaking point to beat his previous records. He cared little for the comfort of the passengers. On this, the Schomberg's maiden voyage, he was determined to break existing records. Schomberg departed Liverpool on her maiden voyage on 6th October 1855 flying a sign that read "Sixty Days to Melbourne". She departed with 430 passengers and 3000 tons cargo including iron rails and equipment intended to build the Melbourne to Geelong Railway and a bridge over the Yarra from Melbourne to Hawthorn. She also carried a cow for fresh milk, pens for fowls and pigs, 90,000 gallons of water for washing and drinking. She also carried 17,000 letters and 31,800 newspapers. The ship and cargo were insured for $300,000 a fortune for the time. The winds were poor as she sailed across the equator, slowing Schomberg's journey considerably. The land was first sighted on Christmas Day, at Cape Bridgewater near Portland, Captain Forbes followed the coastline towards Melbourne. Forbes was said to be playing cards when called by the third mate Henry Keen, who reported land about 3 miles off. Due in large part to the captain's regarding a card game as more important than his ship, it eventually ran aground on a sand spit near Curdie's Inlet (about 56 km west of Cape Otway) on 26th December 1855, 78 days after leaving Liverpool. The sand spit and the currents were not marked on Forbes's map. Overnight, the crew launched a lifeboat to find a safe place to land the ship’s passengers. The scouting party returned to Schomberg and advised Forbes that it was best to wait until morning because the rough seas could easily overturn the small lifeboats. The ship’s Chief Officer spotted the SS Queen at dawn and signalled the steamer. The master of the Queen approached the stranded vessel and all of Schomberg’s passengers and crew disembarked safely. The Black Ball Line's Melbourne agent sent a steamer to retrieve the passengers' baggage from the Schomberg. Other steamers helped unload her cargo until the weather changed and prevented the salvage teams from accessing the ship. Later one plunderer found a case of Wellington boots, but alas, all were for the left foot. Local merchants Manifold & Bostock bought the wreck and cargo but did not attempt to salvage the cargo still on board the ship. They eventually sold it on to a Melbourne businessman and two seafarers. In 1864 after two of the men drowned when they tried to reach Schomberg, salvage efforts were abandoned. In 1870, nearly 15 years after the wreck parts of the Schomberg had washed ashore on the south island of New Zealand. The wreck now lies in 825 metres of water and although the woodwork is mostly disintegrated the shape of the ship can still be determined due to the remaining railway irons, girders and the ship’s frame. A variety of goods and materials can be seen scattered about nearby. There have been many other artefacts salvaged from the wreck include ship fittings and equipment, personal effects, a lithograph, tickets and photographs from the Schomberg. This ceramic container was retrieved from the shipwreck site during early salvage efforts on the vessel. And was donated to the Flagstaff Hill collection of Schomberg shipwreck artefacts.The ceramic container is particularly significant in that along with other items from the wreck have helped in part to having legislation changed to protect shipwrecks, with far tighter controls being employed to oversee the salvaging of wreck sites. This item forms part of the Schomberg collection at Flagstaff Hill maritime museum. The collection as a whole is of historical and archaeological significance at a State level. Flagstaff Hill’s collection of artefacts from the Schomberg is also significant for its association with the Victorian Heritage Registered Schomberg shipwreck (VHR S 612). The collection is of additional significance because of the relationship between the objects salvaged, as together they help us to interpret the story of the Schomberg. The collection as a whole is historically significant for representing aspects of Victoria's maritime history and its potential to interpret social and historical themes from society at the time of the wreck.Stoneware Container with lid, white in colour,Noneflagstaff hill, warrnambool, shipwrecked-coast, flagstaff-hill, flagstaff-hill-maritime-museum, maritime-museum, shipwreck-coast, flagstaff-hill-maritime-village, container, shipwrecked-artefact, schomberg, clipper ship, black ball line, 1855 shipwreck, aberdeen clipper ship, captain forbes, peterborough shipwreck, ss queen

When the Schomberg was launched in 1855, she was considered the "Noblest” ship that ever floated on the water. Schomberg's owners, the Black Ball Line had commissioned the ship for their fleet of passenger liners. She was built by Alexander Hall of Aberdeen for £43,103 and constructed with 3 skins. One planked fore and aft and two diagonally planked, fastened together with screw-threaded trunnels (wooden rails). Her First Class accommodation was simply luxurious with velvet pile carpets, large mirrors, rosewood, birds-eye maple and mahogany timbers throughout, soft furnishings of satin damask, and oak-lined library with a piano. Overall she had accommodation for 1000 passengers. At the launch, the Schomberg's 34-year-old master, Captain 'Bully' Forbes, had promised to reach Melbourne in sixty days stating, "with or without the help of God." Captain James Nicol Forbes was born in Aberdeen in 1821 and rose to fame with his record-breaking voyages on the famous Black Ball Line ships; Marco Polo and Lightning. In 1852 in the Marco Polo, he made the record passage from London to Melbourne in 68 days. Unfortunately, there were 53 deaths on the voyage, but the great news was off the record passage by Captain Forbes. In 1854 he took the clipper “Lighting” to Melbourne in 76 days and back in 63 days, this record was never beaten by a sailing ship. He often drove his crew and ship to breaking point to beat his previous records. He cared little for the comfort of the passengers. On this, the Schomberg's maiden voyage, he was determined to break existing records. Schomberg departed Liverpool on her maiden voyage on 6th October 1855 flying a sign that read "Sixty Days to Melbourne". She departed with 430 passengers and 3000 tons cargo including iron rails and equipment intended to build the Melbourne to Geelong Railway and a bridge over the Yarra from Melbourne to Hawthorn. She also carried a cow for fresh milk, pens for fowls and pigs, 90,000 gallons of water for washing and drinking. She also carried 17,000 letters and 31,800 newspapers. The ship and cargo were insured for $300,000 a fortune for the time. The winds were poor as she sailed across the equator, slowing Schomberg's journey considerably. The land was first sighted on Christmas Day, at Cape Bridgewater near Portland, Captain Forbes followed the coastline towards Melbourne. Forbes was said to be playing cards when called by the third mate Henry Keen, who reported land about 3 miles off. Due in large part to the captain's regarding a card game as more important than his ship, it eventually ran aground on a sand spit near Curdie's Inlet (about 56 km west of Cape Otway) on 26th December 1855, 78 days after leaving Liverpool. The sand spit and the currents were not marked on Forbes's map. Overnight, the crew launched a lifeboat to find a safe place to land the ship’s passengers. The scouting party returned to Schomberg and advised Forbes that it was best to wait until morning because the rough seas could easily overturn the small lifeboats. The ship’s Chief Officer spotted the SS Queen at dawn and signalled the steamer. The master of the Queen approached the stranded vessel and all of Schomberg’s passengers and crew disembarked safely. The Black Ball Line's Melbourne agent sent a steamer to retrieve the passengers' baggage from the Schomberg. Other steamers helped unload her cargo until the weather changed and prevented the salvage teams from accessing the ship. Later one plunderer found a case of Wellington boots, but alas, all were for the left foot. Local merchants Manifold & Bostock bought the wreck and cargo but did not attempt to salvage the cargo still on board the ship. They eventually sold it on to a Melbourne businessman and two seafarers. In 1864 after two of the men drowned when they tried to reach Schomberg, salvage efforts were abandoned. In 1870, nearly 15 years after the wreck parts of the Schomberg had washed ashore on the south island of New Zealand. The wreck now lies in 825 metres of water and although the woodwork is mostly disintegrated the shape of the ship can still be determined due to the remaining railway irons, girders and the ship’s frame. A variety of goods and materials can be seen scattered about nearby. There have been many other artefacts salvaged from the wreck include ship fittings and equipment, personal effects, a lithograph, tickets and photographs from the Schomberg. This item was retrieved from the shipwreck site during early salvage efforts on the vessel. And was donated to the Flagstaff Hill collection of Schomberg shipwreck artefacts.This artifact is particularly significant in that along with other items salvaged from the wreck have helped in part to having legislation changed to protect shipwrecks, with far tighter controls being employed to oversee the salvaging of wreck sites. This item forms part of the Schomberg collection at Flagstaff Hill maritime museum. The collection as a whole is of historical and archaeological significance at a State level. Flagstaff Hill’s collection of artefacts from the Schomberg is also significant for its association with the Victorian Heritage Registered Schomberg shipwreck (VHR S 612). The collection is of additional significance because of the relationship between the objects salvaged, as together they help us to interpret the story of the Schomberg. The collection as a whole is historically significant for representing aspects of Victoria's maritime history and its potential to interpret social and historical themes from society at the time of the wreck. Brass keg spigot valve/tap, Schomberg Artifact Reg No S/94.Nonewarrnambool, flagstaff-hill, flagstaff-hill-maritime-museum, maritime-museum, shipwreck-coast, flagstaff-hill-maritime-village, schomberg, shipwrecked-artefact, clipper ship, black ball line, 1855 shipwreck, aberdeen clipper ship, captain forbes, peterborough shipwreck, ss queen, keg tap, brass keg tap

Mainly Pictorial record of Carlton's GF 1979 win over Collingwood by 5 points 1979 Summary After the early season problems with coaching staff in 1978, the Carlton team seemed to really gel under the stewardship of Alex Jesaulenko after he took over as coach early in the season. In fact, Jesaulenko had won 14 of his 18 games in charge. This late season form certainly carried over into the 1979, Jesaulenko's team winning its first 6 matches, before a narrow 4 point loss to North Melbourne in Round 7. Carlton would be the dominant team of the season, losing only two more games, to Geelong by 6 points in Round 12 and to Collingwood in Round 21 by 19 points. Measures of the Blues dominance include being on top of the ladder in 20 of 22 rounds, finishing 2 games in front of second place on the ladder, winning by at least 50 points eight times and having an average winning margin of over 40 points in the team's 21 victories. It topped 100 points in all but 2 matches (one of which was the Grand Final in muddy conditions)- a feat never achieved by any team before. After finishing clearly the best side of the home and away season, the team had a week break in the first week of finals before taking on North Melbourne in the first Semi Final. After a tense first quarter in which both sides kicked only a goal a piece, Carlton started to exert its dominance in the second quarter, but poor kicking for goal left the Kangaroos still in the match, with the Blues having a 14 point half-time lead. Carlton's seven goals in the thrid quarter killed the game as a contest, and 38 point winning margin probably flatters North considering that the Blues had 36 scoring to 18. This victory would give the team a place in the Grand Final and another week break. Collingwood defeated North Melbourne in the Preliminary Final to setup a Grand Final clash between the two old enemies. After a slow start Carlton would trail by 10 points at quarter-time, but would lead by 1 point going into half-time. A 5 goal third quarter gave the Blues a handy 21 point lead going into the last quarter, but poor kicking would again threaten the chance of victory for the team. Kicking 1.4 for the last quarter Carlton hung on to win by only 5 points and claim our 12th Premiership, equalling both Collingwood and Essendon for the most VFL premierships at the time. Coupled with the Premiership was the Norm Smith Medal to Wayne Harmes. Incredibly, the only Carlton goal for the quarter was the infamous Harmes tap to Sheldon, where Wayne Harmes followed up his terrible kick, knocking the ball with an amazing sliding punch to Ken Sheldon in the goal square who kicked the goal to win the match. To this day the debate about whether the ball Harmes tapped back was out of bounds or not. In the final analysis the Blues would win 11.16 (82) to 11.11 (77) in our first Grand Final appearance since 1973 to end our glorious 1970's era as it started, with a Premiership. Jesaulenko now had the enviable record of 35 wins and a premiership from 42 games as coach in less than two seasons in the position. Unbelievably he wouldn't be the Carlton Coach in the following season. Former Melbourne Lord Mayor Ian Rice issued a challenge to incumbent President George Harris for control of the club. Jesaulenko threw his support behind Harris, who had appointed him Coach the previous season. In a bitter and hard fought election, Rice would win and Jesaulenko would cross to St Kilda as their coach. Jesaulenko would again coach the Blues, being appointed after Robert Walls mid season sacking in 1989 until the end of the 1990 season. You may have noticed that the Round orders in this year appear to be slightly out of order. Please click here to find out why. At the lower levels, Carlton also won the Under 19's Premiership for the 6th time in 1979, following on from the Under 19's Premiership in 1978. The team list has been scanned in and can be viewed here. This was Carlton's last Under 19's Premiership with the competition disappearing after 1991. Overall, Carlton with 6 premierships was behind only Richmond with 11 and the Kangaroos with 7.A mainly pictorial record of 1979 Carlton Triumph over Collingwood. Includes an autograph page of many 1970s Carlton Players.A4 Coverless Scrap Book

The Schomberg Cannon was recovered from the 1855 wreck of the SCHOMBERG in 1974 by Flagstaff Hill divers Peter Ronald, Colin Goodall and Gary Hayden. The wreck site was discovered in August 1973 by Stan McPhee and John Laidlaw. ABOUT THE SCHOMBERG When SCHOMBERG was launched in 1855, she was considered the “Noblest ship that ever floated on water.” SCHOMBERG’s owners, the Black Ball Line, commissioned the ship for their fleet of passenger liners. The ship was built by Alexander Hall of Aberdeen at a cost of £43,103. It was constructed with three skins: one planked fore and aft and two diagonally planked, fastened together with screw-threaded trunnels (wooden rails). Its first-class accommodation was simply luxurious; velvet pile carpets, large mirrors, rosewood, birds-eye maple, mahogany, soft furnishings of satin damask; an oak-lined library and a piano. Overall she had accommodation for 1000 passengers. At the launch, the SCHOMBERG’s 34-year-old master, Captain ‘Bully’ Forbes, had promised Melbourne in 60 days, "with or without the help of God." James Nicol Forbes was born in Aberdeen in 1821 and rose to fame with his record-breaking voyages on the famous Black Ball Line ships; MARCO POLO and LIGHTNING. In 1852 in the MARCO POLO he made the record passage from London to Melbourne in 68 days. There were 53 deaths on the voyage but the great news was of the record passage by the master. In 1954 Captain Forbes took the clipper LIGHTNING to Melbourne in 76 days and back in 63 days, this was never beaten by a sailing ship. He often drove his crew and ship to breaking point to beat his own records. He cared little for the comfort of the passengers. On this, the SCHOMBERG’s maiden voyage, he was going to break records. SCHOMBERG departed Liverpool on her maiden voyage on 6 October 1855 flying the sign “Sixty Days to Melbourne”. The ship departed with 430 passengers and 3000 tons of cargo including iron rails and equipment intended to build the Melbourne to Geelong Railway and a bridge over the Yarra from Melbourne to Hawthorn. She also carried a cow for fresh milk, pens for fowls and pigs, and 90,000 gallons of water for washing and drinking. It also carried 17,000 letters and 31,800 newspapers. The ship and the cargo was insured for $300,000, a fortune in those times. The winds were poor as she sailed across the equator, slowing SCHOMBERG’s journey considerably. Land was first sighted on Christmas Day, at Cape Bridgewater near Portland, and Captain Forbes followed the coastline towards Melbourne. Forbes was said to be playing cards when called by the Third Mate Henry Keen, who reported land about 3 miles off, Due in large part to the captain's regarding a card game as more important than his ship, it eventually ran aground on a sand spit near Curdie's Inlet (about 56 km west of Cape Otway) on 26 December 1855, 78 days after leaving Liverpool. The sand spit and the currents were not marked on Forbes’s map. Overnight, the crew launched a lifeboat to find a safe place to land the ship’s passengers. The scouting party returned to SCHOMBERG and advised Forbes that it was best to wait until morning because the rough seas could easily overturn the small lifeboats. The ship’s Chief Officer spotted SS QUEEN at dawn and signalled the steamer. The master of the SS QUEEN approached the stranded vessel and all of SCHOMBERG’s passengers and crew were able to disembark safely. The SCHOMBERG was lost and with her, Forbes’ reputation. The Black Ball Line’s Melbourne agent sent a steamer to retrieve the passengers’ baggage from the SCHOMBERG. Other steamers helped unload her cargo until the weather changed and prevented the salvage teams from accessing the ship. Later one plunderer found a case of Wellington boots, but alas, all were for the left foot! Local merchants Manifold & Bostock bought the wreck and cargo, but did not attempt to salvage the cargo still on board the ship. They eventually sold it on to a Melbourne businessman and two seafarers. In 1864 after two of the men drowned when they tried to reach SCHOMBERG, salvage efforts were abandoned. Parts of the SCHOMBERG were washed ashore on the south island of New Zealand in 1870, nearly 15 years after the wreck. The wreck now lies in 825 metres of water. Although the woodwork is mostly disintegrated the shape of the ship can still be seen due to the remaining railway irons, girders and the ship’s frame. A variety of goods and materials can be seen scattered about nearby. Flagstaff Hill holds many items salvaged from the SCHOMBERG including a ciborium (in which a diamond ring was concealed), communion set, ship fittings and equipment, personal effects, a lithograph, tickets and a photograph from the SCHOMBERG. One of the SCHOMBERG bells was in the old Warrnambool Library. The Schomberg cannon is currently on loan to the Port Campbell Visitor Information Centre.The SCHOMBERG collection is of historical and archaeological significance at a State level, listed on the Victorian Heritage Register VHR S612. Flagstaff Hill’s collection of artefacts from the SCHOMBERG is significant for its association with the Victorian Heritage Registered shipwreck. The collection is primarily significant because of the relationship between the objects, as together they have a high potential to interpret the story of the SCHOMBERG. The SCHOMBERG collection is archaeologically significant as the remains of an international passenger ship. The shipwreck collection is historically significant for representing aspects of Victoria’s shipping history and its potential to interpret sub-theme 1.5 of Victoria’s Framework of Historical Themes (living with natural processes). The collection is also historically significant for its association with the shipwreck and the ship, which was designed to be the fastest and most luxurious of its day. The SCHOMBERG collection meets the following criteria for assessment: Criterion A: Importance to the course, or pattern, of Victoria’s cultural history. Criterion B: Possession of uncommon, rare or endangered aspects of Victoria’s cultural history. Criterion C: Potential to yield information that will contribute to an understanding of Victoria’s cultural history.Cannon; 6-POUNDER (6pdr) smooth bore cannon, mounted on a wooden frame. The cannon has a metal lug on each side. It is commonly known as the Schomberg cannon. It was recovered from the wreck of the Schomberg in 1974.warrnambool, flagstaff-hill, flagstaff-hill-maritime-museum, maritime-museum, shipwreck-coast, flagstaff-hill-maritime-village, schomberg, shipwrecked-artefact, clipper ship, black ball line, 1855 shipwreck, aberdeen clipper ship, captain forbes, peterborough shipwreck, ss queen, cannon, the schomberg cannon, schomberg cannon, peterborough, 1855, sailing ship

This model of the clipper ship SS Schomberg was researched and constructed to a scale of 1:64 by David Lumsden in 1988. When the Schomberg was launched in 1855, she was considered the "Noblest” ship that ever floated on the water. Schomberg's owners, the Black Ball Line had commissioned the ship for their fleet of passenger liners. She was built by Alexander Hall of Aberdeen for £43,103 and constructed with 3 skins. One planked fore and aft and two diagonally planked, fastened together with screw-threaded trunnels (wooden rails). Her First Class accommodation was simply luxurious with velvet pile carpets, large mirrors, rosewood, birds-eye maple and mahogany timbers throughout, soft furnishings of satin damask, and oak-lined library with a piano. Overall she had accommodation for 1000 passengers. At the launch, the Schomberg's 34-year-old master, Captain 'Bully' Forbes, had promised to reach Melbourne in sixty days stating, "with or without the help of God." Captain James Nicol Forbes was born in Aberdeen in 1821 and rose to fame with his record-breaking voyages on the famous Black Ball Line ships; Marco Polo and Lightning. In 1852 in the Marco Polo, he made the record passage from London to Melbourne in 68 days. Unfortunately, there were 53 deaths on the voyage, but the great news was off the record passage by Captain Forbes. In 1854 he took the clipper “Lighting” to Melbourne in 76 days and back in 63 days, this record was never beaten by a sailing ship. He often drove his crew and ship to breaking point to beat his previous records. He cared little for the comfort of the passengers. On this, the Schomberg's maiden voyage, he was determined to break existing records. Schomberg departed Liverpool on her maiden voyage on 6th October 1855 flying a sign that read "Sixty Days to Melbourne". She departed with 430 passengers and 3000 tons cargo including iron rails and equipment intended to build the Melbourne to Geelong Railway and a bridge over the Yarra from Melbourne to Hawthorn. She also carried a cow for fresh milk, pens for fowls and pigs, 90,000 gallons of water for washing and drinking. She also carried 17,000 letters and 31,800 newspapers. The ship and cargo were insured for $300,000 a fortune for the time. The winds were poor as she sailed across the equator, slowing Schomberg's journey considerably. The land was first sighted on Christmas Day, at Cape Bridgewater near Portland, Captain Forbes followed the coastline towards Melbourne. Forbes was said to be playing cards when called by the third mate Henry Keen, who reported land about 3 miles off. Due in large part to the captain's regarding a card game as more important than his ship, it eventually ran aground on a sand spit near Curdie's Inlet (about 56 km west of Cape Otway) on 26th December 1855, 78 days after leaving Liverpool. The sand spit and the currents were not marked on Forbes's map. Overnight, the crew launched a lifeboat to find a safe place to land the ship’s passengers. The scouting party returned to Schomberg and advised Forbes that it was best to wait until morning because the rough seas could easily overturn the small lifeboats. The ship’s Chief Officer spotted the SS Queen at dawn and signaled the steamer. The master of the Queen approached the stranded vessel and all of Schomberg’s passengers and crew disembarked safely. The Black Ball Line's Melbourne agent sent a steamer to retrieve the passengers' baggage from the Schomberg. Other steamers helped unload her cargo until the weather changed and prevented the salvage teams from accessing the ship. Later one plunderer found a case of Wellington boots, but alas, all were for the left foot. Local merchants Manifold & Bostock bought the wreck and cargo but did not attempt to salvage the cargo still on board the ship. They eventually sold it on to a Melbourne businessman and two seafarers. In 1864 after two of the men drowned when they tried to reach Schomberg, salvage efforts were abandoned. In 1870, nearly 15 years after the wreck parts of the Schomberg had washed ashore on the south island of New Zealand. The wreck now lies in 825 metres of water and although the woodwork is mostly disintegrated the shape of the ship can still be determined due to the remaining railway irons, girders and the ship’s frame. A variety of goods and materials can be seen scattered about nearby. There have been many other artefacts salvaged from the wreck include ship fittings and equipment, personal effects, a lithograph, tickets and photographs from the Schomberg. This item was retrieved from the shipwreck site during early salvage efforts on the vessel. And was donated to the Flagstaff Hill collection of Schomberg shipwreck artefacts.This artifact is particularly significant in that along with other items salvaged from the wreck have helped in part to having legislation changed to protect shipwrecks, with far tighter controls being employed to oversee the salvaging of wreck sites. This item forms part of the Schomberg collection at Flagstaff Hill maritime museum. The collection as a whole is of historical and archaeological significance at a State level. Flagstaff Hill’s collection of artefacts from the Schomberg is also significant for its association with the Victorian Heritage Registered Schomberg shipwreck (VHR S 612). The collection is of additional significance because of the relationship between the objects salvaged, as together they help us to interpret the story of the Schomberg. The collection as a whole is historically significant for representing aspects of Victoria's maritime history and its potential to interpret social and historical themes from society at the time of the wreck.Wooden model of the clipper ship SS Schomberg. The three masts are rigged with lines but have no sails. The model is mounted on pedestals on a timber board, exhibited in a glass case. The scale of this model is 1:64.Noneflagstaff hill, warrnambool, shipwrecked-coast, flagstaff-hill, flagstaff-hill-maritime-museum, maritime-museum, shipwreck-coast, flagstaff-hill-maritime-village, ship model, schomberg ship model, 1855, david lumsden, ship model maker, clipper ship, black ball line, 1855 shipwreck, aberdeen clipper ship, captain forbes, peterborough shipwreck, ss queen

In 1975, 120 years after the sailing ship Schomberg was wrecked, Flagstaff Hill divers (Peter Ronald, Colin Goodall and Gary Hayden) found an ornate communion set amongst the wreckage. The set comprised a jug, ciborium, lid, chalice and plate. The items, apart from the lid, were then displayed at Flagstaff Hill Maritime Village. The lid had etchings that did not match the chalice and sat in storage for several years. Then in 1978, while the marine concretion inside the lid was being examined, a surface layer came loose and revealed a glint of gold that was assumed to be a piece of brass. The layers of concretion were carefully removed and a ring-like band emerged. Further treatment exposed a 'large faceted stone in an intricate gold setting. Weeks later a detailed examination estimated the value of the ring, known as the Schomberg Diamond, to be $7000. When the Schomberg was launched in 1855, she was considered the "Noblest” ship that ever floated on the water. Schomberg's owners, the Black Ball Line had commissioned the ship for their fleet of passenger liners. She was built by Alexander Hall of Aberdeen at a cost of £43,103 and constructed with 3 skins. One planked fore and aft and two diagonally planked, fastened together with screw-threaded trunnels (wooden rails). Her First Class accommodation was simply luxurious with velvet pile carpets, large mirrors, rosewood, birds-eye maple and mahogany timbers throughout, soft furnishings of satin damask, an oak-lined library with a piano. Overall she had accommodation for 1000 passengers. At the launch, the Schomberg's 34-year-old master, Captain 'Bully' Forbes, had promised to reach Melbourne in sixty days stating, "with or without the help of God." Captain James Nicol Forbes was born in Aberdeen in 1821 and rose to fame with his record-breaking voyages on the famous Black Ball Line ships; Marco Polo and Lightning. In 1852 in the Marco Polo, he made the record passage from London to Melbourne in 68 days. Unfortunately there were 53 deaths on the voyage, but the great news was off the record passage by Captain Forbes. In 1854 he took the clipper “Lighting” to Melbourne in 76 days and back in 63 days, this record was never beaten by a sailing ship. He often drove his crew and ship to breaking point to beat his previous records. He cared little for the comfort of the passengers. On this, the Schomberg's maiden voyage, he was determined to break existing records. Schomberg departed Liverpool on her maiden voyage on 6th October 1855 flying a sign that read "Sixty Days to Melbourne". She departed with 430 passengers and 3000 tons cargo including iron rails and equipment intended to build the Melbourne to Geelong Railway and a bridge over the Yarra from Melbourne to Hawthorn. She also carried a cow for fresh milk, pens for fowls and pigs, 90,000 gallons of water for washing and drinking. She also carried 17,000 letters and 31,800 newspapers. The ship and cargo were insured for $300,000 a fortune for the time. The winds were poor as she sailed across the equator, slowing Schomberg's journey considerably. Land was first sighted on Christmas Day, at Cape Bridgewater near Portland, Captain Forbes followed the coastline towards Melbourne. Forbes was said to be playing cards when called by the third mate Henry Keen, who reported land about 3 miles off. Due in large part to the captain's regarding a card game as more important than his ship, it eventually ran aground on a sand spit near Curdie's Inlet (about 56 km west of Cape Otway) on 26th December 1855, 78 days after leaving Liverpool. The sand spit and the currents were not marked on Forbes's map. Overnight, the crew launched a lifeboat to find a safe place to land the ship’s passengers. The scouting party returned to Schomberg and advised Forbes that it was best to wait until morning because the rough seas could easily overturn the small lifeboats. The ship’s Chief Officer spotted the SS Queen at dawn and signaled the steamer. The master of the Queen approached the stranded vessel and all of Schomberg’s passengers and crew disembarked safely. The Black Ball Line's Melbourne agent sent a steamer to retrieve the passengers' baggage from the Schomberg. Other steamers helped unload her cargo until the weather changed and prevented the salvage teams from accessing the ship. Later one plunderer found a case of Wellington boots, but alas, all were for the left foot. Local merchants Manifold & Bostock bought the wreck and cargo but did not attempt to salvage the cargo still on board the ship. They eventually sold it on to a Melbourne businessman and two seafarers. In 1864 after two of the men drowned when they tried to reach Schomberg, salvage efforts were abandoned. In 1870, nearly 15 years after the wreck parts of the Schomberg had washed ashore on the south island of New Zealand. The wreck now lies in 825 meters of water and although the woodwork is mostly disintegrated the shape of the ship can still be determined due to the remaining railway irons, girders and the ship’s frame. A variety of goods and materials can be seen scattered about nearby. The actual lid in which the ring was found has not yet been completely identified and could belong to a coffee pot, sugar bowl or maybe a jug or something similar. Although all survived the wreck no-one came forward to claim the valuable diamond. The Schomberg Diamond is currently on display in the Great Circle Gallery. Flagstaff Hill Maritime Village along with the rest of the communion set. Other artefacts salvaged from the wreck include ship fittings and equipment, personal effects, a lithograph, tickets and photographs from the Schomberg. One of the Schomberg bells is in the Warrnambool Library.The Schomberg Diamond is particularly significant in that it played a crucial part in having the legislation changed to protect shipwrecks, with far tighter control over the salvaging of items from wreck sites. This ring is registered as Artefact S/105 in the Schomberg collection, the Schomberg collection as a whole is of historical and archaeological significance at a State level. Flagstaff Hill’s collection of artefacts from the Schomberg is also significant for its association with the Victorian Heritage Registered shipwreck (VHR S 612). The collection is of prime significant because of the relationship between the objects salvaged, as together they help us to interpret the story of the Schomberg. The collection as a whole is historically significant for representing aspects of Victoria's maritime history and its potential to interpret social and historical themes. A mid-Victorian gentleman's solitaire diamond dress ring with a Brazilian cut diamond (cushion cut), one and one-third carat set within an 18 carat yellow gold ring consisting of four claws within an open scroll setting and a divided scroll shank. Colour is classified as 'J', clarity SII. The setting is handmade. warrnambool, shipwrecked-coast, flagstaff-hill, flagstaff-hill-maritime-museum, maritime-museum, shipwreck-coast, flagstaff-hill-maritime-village, schomberg, shipwrecked-artefact, clipper ship, black ball line, 1855 shipwreck, aberdeen clipper ship, captain forbes, peterborough shipwreck, ss queen, ciborium, ring, schomberg-diamond, schomberg-ring, gentleman's ring, dress ring

Parnell was an Irish nationalist and statesman who led the fight for Irish Home Rule in the 1880s. Charles Stewart Parnell was born on 27 June 1846 in County Wicklow into a family of Anglo-Irish Protestant landowners. He studied at Cambridge University and was elected to parliament in 1875 as a member of the Home Rule League (later re-named by Parnell the Irish Parliamentary Party). His abilities soon became evident. In 1878, Parnell became an active opponent of the Irish land laws, believing their reform should be the first step on the road to Home Rule. In 1879, Parnell was elected president of the newly founded National Land League and the following year he visited the United States to gain both funds and support for land reform. In the 1880 election, he supported the Liberal leader William Gladstone, but when Gladstone's Land Act of 1881 fell short of expectations, he joined the opposition. By now he had become the accepted leader of the Irish nationalist movement. Parnell now encouraged boycott as a means of influencing landlords and land agents, and as a result he was sent to jail and the Land League was suppressed. From Kilmainham prison he called on Irish peasants to stop paying rent. In March 1882, he negotiated an agreement with Gladstone - the Kilmainham Treaty - in which he urged his followers to avoid violence. But this peaceful policy was severely challenged by the murder in May 1882 of two senior British officials in Phoenix Park in Dublin by members of an Irish terrorist group. Parnell condemned the murders. In 1886, Parnell joined with the Liberals to defeat Lord Salisbury's Conservative government. Gladstone became prime minister and introduced the first Irish Home Rule Bill. Parnell believed it was flawed but said he was prepared to vote for it. The Bill split the Liberal Party and was defeated in the House of Commons. Gladstone's government fell soon afterwards.(http://www.bbc.co.uk/history/historic_figures/parnell_charles.shtml, accessed 21 January 2014) The Irish National Land League (Irish: Conradh na Talún) was an Irish political organisation of the late 19th century which sought to help poor tenant farmers. Its primary aim was to abolish landlordism in Ireland and enable tenant farmers to own the land they worked on. The period of the Land League's agitation is known as the Land War. Within decades of the league's foundation, through the efforts of William O'Brien and George Wyndham (a descendant of Lord Edward FitzGerald), the 1902 Land Conference produced the Land (Purchase) Act 1903 which allowed Irish tenant farmers buy out their freeholds with UK government loans over 68 years through the Land Commission (an arrangement that has never been possible in Britain itself). For agricultural labourers, D.D. Sheehan and the Irish Land and Labour Association secured their demands from the Liberal government elected in 1905 to pass the Labourers (Ireland) Act 1906, and the Labourers (Ireland) Act 1911, which paid County Councils to build over 40,000 new rural cottages, each on an acre of land. By 1914, 75% of occupiers were buying out their landlords, mostly under the two Acts. In all, under the pre-UK Land Acts over 316,000 tenants purchased their holdings amounting to 15 million acres (61,000 km2) out of a total of 20 million acres (81,000 km2) in the country. Sometimes the holdings were described as "uneconomic", but the overall sense of social justice was undeniable. (http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Irish_National_Land_League, accessed 21 January 2014) The Irish National Land League was founded at the Imperial Hotel in Castlebar, the County town of Mayo, on 21 October 1879. At that meeting Charles Stewart Parnell was elected president of the league. Andrew Kettle, Michael Davitt, and Thomas Brennan were appointed as honorary secretaries. This united practically all the different strands of land agitation and tenant rights movements under a single organisation. The two aims of the Land League, as stated in the resolutions adopted in the meeting, were: ...first, to bring out a reduction of rack-rents; second, to facilitate the obtaining of the ownership of the soil by the occupiers. That the object of the League can be best attained by promoting organisation among the tenant-farmers; by defending those who may be threatened with eviction for refusing to pay unjust rents; by facilitating the working of the Bright clauses of the Irish Land Act during the winter; and by obtaining such reforms in the laws relating to land as will enable every tenant to become owner of his holding by paying a fair rent for a limited number of years. Charles Stewart Parnell, John Dillon, Michael Davitt, and others including Cal Lynn then went to America to raise funds for the League with spectacular results. Branches were also set up in Scotland, where the Crofters Party imitated the League and secured a reforming Act in 1886. The government had introduced the first ineffective Land Act in 1870, then the equally inadequate Acts of 1880 and 1881 followed. These established a Land Commission that started to reduce some rents. Parnell together with all of his party lieutenants, including Father Eugene Sheehy known as "the Land League priest", went into a bitter verbal offensive and were imprisoned in October 1881 under the Irish Coercion Act in Kilmainham Jail for "sabotaging the Land Act", from where the No-Rent Manifesto was issued, calling for a national tenant farmer rent strike which was partially followed. Although the League discouraged violence, agrarian crimes increased widely. Typically a rent strike would be followed by evictions by the police, or those tenants paying rent would be subject to a local boycott by League members. Where cases went to court, witnesses would change their stories, resulting in an unworkable legal system. This in turn led on to stronger criminal laws being passed that were described by the League as "Coercion Acts". The bitterness that developed helped Parnell later in his Home Rule campaign. Davitt's views were much more extreme, seeking to nationalise all land, as seen in his famous slogan: "The land of Ireland for the people of Ireland". Parnell aimed to harness the emotive element, but he and his party preferred for tenant farmers to become freeholders on the land they rented, instead of land being vested in "the people".(http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Irish_National_Land_League, accessed 21 January 2014)Image of bearded man known as Charles Stewart Parnellballarat irish, parnell, charles parnell, home rule

This small ship’s bell, possibly a ‘mess’ or dining room bell, was the smaller of the two bells rescued by the crew of the Schomberg when it was wrecked in 1855. All of the crew from the Schomberg wreck survived. They carried the two ship’s bells with them as they made their way along the coast, eventually arriving at the home of settler, John Manning, who lived at Hopkins Point near Warrnambool. Manning acquired the Schomberg bells, presenting them to two Warrnambool churches; the smaller one to St Joseph’s Catholic Church and the larger bell to St John’s Presbyterian church. This small bell developed a crack after about a year at St Joseph's church and could no longer be used. Thomas Manifold imported a new bell for that church and the cracked belled was stored at his farm and stored. The property was sold years later to John Logan, who donated the discarded bell to the Warrnambool Museum when it first opened in 1886. The Curator, Joseph Archibald, displayed the bell in the entry. The small bell was repaired and re-plated by Briggs Marine in 1986. The larger Schomberg bell was installed in St John’s Presbyterian Church. In 1887 a ‘massive’ new bell, made in Victoria, was installed at the Presbyterian Church, so the old bell was transferred to the nearby Woodford Presbyterian authorities. During World War II the 1887 bell cracked, and could not be repaired. In 1983 the old Schomberg bell from the Woodford church was loaned to Flagstaff Hill Maritime Museum and Village. When the Schomberg was launched in 1855, she was considered the "Noblest” ship that ever floated on the water. Schomberg's owners, the Black Ball Line had commissioned the ship for their fleet of passenger liners. She was built by Alexander Hall of Aberdeen at a cost of £43,103 and constructed with 3 skins. One planked fore and aft and two diagonally planked, fastened together with screw-threaded trunnels (wooden rails). Her First Class accommodation was simply luxurious with velvet pile carpets, large mirrors, rosewood, birds-eye maple and mahogany timbers throughout, soft furnishings of satin damask, and an oak-lined library with a piano. Overall she had accommodation for 1000 passengers. At the launch, the Schomberg's 34-year-old master, Captain 'Bully' Forbes, had promised to reach Melbourne in sixty days stating, "with or without the help of God." Captain James Nicol Forbes was born in Aberdeen in 1821 and rose to fame with his record-breaking voyages on the famous Black Ball Line ships; Marco Polo and Lightning. In 1852 in the ship Marco Polo, he made the record passage from London to Melbourne in 68 days. Unfortunately, there were 53 deaths on the voyage, but the great news was off the record passage by Captain Forbes. In 1854 he took the clipper “Lighting” to Melbourne in 76 days and back in 63 days, this record was never beaten by a sailing ship. He often drove his crew and ship to breaking point to beat his previous records. He cared little for the comfort of the passengers. On this, Schomberg's maiden voyage, he was determined to break existing records. Schomberg departed Liverpool on her maiden voyage on 6th October 1855 flying a sign that read "Sixty Days to Melbourne". She departed with 430 passengers and 3000 tons of cargo including iron rails and equipment intended to build the Melbourne to Geelong Railway and a bridge over the Yarra from Melbourne to Hawthorn. She also carried a cow for fresh milk, pens for fowls and pigs, and 90,000 gallons of water for washing and drinking. She also carried 17,000 letters and 31,800 newspapers. The ship and cargo were insured for $300,000 a fortune for the time. The winds were poor as she sailed across the equator, slowing Schomberg's journey considerably. The land was first sighted on Christmas Day, at Cape Bridgewater near Portland, Captain Forbes followed the coastline towards Melbourne. Forbes was said to be playing cards when called by the third mate Henry Keen, who reported land about 3 miles off. Due in large part to the captain's regarding a card game as more important than his ship, it eventually ran aground on a sand spit near Curdie's Inlet (about 56 km west of Cape Otway) on 26th December 1855, 78 days after leaving Liverpool. The sand spit and the currents were not marked on Forbes's map. Overnight, the crew launched a lifeboat to find a safe place to land the ship’s passengers. The scouting party returned to Schomberg and advised Forbes that it was best to wait until morning because the rough seas could easily overturn the small lifeboats. The ship’s Chief Officer spotted the SS Queen at dawn and signalled the steamer. The master of the Queen approached the stranded vessel and all of Schomberg’s passengers and crew disembarked safely. The Black Ball Line's Melbourne agent sent a steamer to retrieve the passengers' baggage from the Schomberg. Other steamers helped unload her cargo until the weather changed and prevented the salvage teams from accessing the ship. Later one plunderer found a case of Wellington boots, but alas, all were for the left foot. Local merchants Manifold & Bostock bought the wreck and cargo but did not attempt to salvage the cargo still on board the ship. They eventually sold it on to a Melbourne businessman and two seafarers. In 1864 after two of the men drowned when they tried to reach Schomberg, salvage efforts were abandoned. In 1870, nearly 15 years after the wreck parts of the Schomberg had washed ashore on the south island of New Zealand. The wreck now lies in 825 meters of water and although the woodwork is mostly disintegrated the shape of the ship can still be determined due to the remaining railway irons, girders and the ship’s frame. A variety of goods and materials can be seen scattered about nearby.The bell is particularly significant in that along with other items from the wreck helped in part to having the legislation changed to protect shipwrecks, with far tighter controls being employed to oversee the salvaging of wreck sites. This bell forms part of the Schomberg collection at Flagstaff Hill maritime museum. The collection as a whole is of historical and archaeological significance at a State level. Flagstaff Hill’s collection of artefacts from the Schomberg is also significant for its association with the Victorian Heritage Registered Schomberg shipwreck (VHR S 612). The collection is of additional significance because of the relationship between the objects salvaged, as together they help us to interpret the story of the Schomberg. The collection as a whole is historically significant for representing aspects of Victoria's maritime history and its potential to interpret social and historical themes from society at the time of the wreck. A small ship’s bell. The bell bears the ship’s name and year of construction on one side and the name and address of the ship’s builders on the other. These details are deeply engraved into the metal and formed in bold upper-case lettering. The bell has two bell stands, a left and a right side. Both stands have an Iron pipe made into an inverted ‘Y’ shape with a hole made in the single length, and feet attached to a rectangular metal plate at the other two ends. Feet are bolted into a timber base that has a hole drilled through the centre for mounting. Bell's front; “SCHOMBERG” with “1855” below. Bell's back “HALL & SONS (crack splits letter “N”) / BUILDERS (in italics) / ABERDEEN” (crack splits letter “B”).flagstaff hill, flagstaff hill maritime museum and village, warrnambool, maritime museum, maritime village, great ocean road, shipwreck coast, schomberg, silver plated bell, mess bell, bell stands, captain ‘bully’ forbes, alexander hall and son, james baines and company, liverpool’s black ball line, bell, schomberg bell, ship's bell, small bell, st joseph's church, briggs marine

A “Bill of Fare” is a menu or list of food offered for a meal. This Bill of Fare from the sailing ship Schomberg is handwritten in pen in hard-to-read script on the printed pages specifically for the Schomberg ship, of the Black Ball Line of Australian Packets. (‘Packets’ were vessels that had a regular trade run of cargo, passengers and mail; the sailing ship Schomberg was designed for long voyages between England and Australia.) These menus posed a puzzle as they have the handwritten dates of, May 10 and 12, 1856, by which time the Schomberg had sunk (she sunk on December 26, 1855). The donor of these pages of Bill of Fare is a stamp collector from Melbourne. He came across the menus in a package that he bought in 1980 at a stamp auction in Tasmania. He decided to give the menus to Flagstaff Hill this year during his annual family holiday in Warrnambool. A 1981 newspaper article about this donation included an interview with Flagstaff Hill’s curator Mr Peter Ronald, who said that the stationery of these menus is genuine. He went on to say that there would have been much stationery printed for use on the Schomberg although she sank on her maiden voyage. These menus could have been written at a dated late because the surplus Schomberg stationery could have been used for menus on other ships. We will probably never be sure of the answer but none-the-less the pages are still connected to the Schomberg. Below is what we believe the menu consists of although some of the writing is indecipherable - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - (first menu) Roast Mutton Boiled Mutton? Ox Tail Mulligatawny? Or possibly Ox Tail Vegetables? Mutton Pies? ------------------------------- Vegetables Potatoes ---------------------------------- Dessert Fruit Puddings? Saturday May 10, 1856 - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - AND - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - (second menu) Boiled Mutton Roast Mutton? Roast Geese? Ox Tail?? Calves Head Broth? ------------------------------- Vegetables Potatoes ------------------------------- Dessert Tarts? Rice Pudding? ?...Maids?? Monday May 12, 1856 - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - Background of “SCHOMBERG” When SCHOMBERG was launched in July, 1855, she was considered the “Noblest ship that ever floated on water.” SCHOMBERG’s owners, the Black Ball Line (one of three companies by that name), commissioned the ship for their fleet of passenger liners. She was built by Alexander Hall of Aberdeen, UK at a cost of £43,103. She was constructed with 3 skins: one planked fore and aft, and two diagonally planked, fastened together with screw threaded trunnels (wooden rails). Her first class accommodation was luxurious: velvet pile carpets; large mirrors; rosewood; birds-eye maple; mahogany; soft furnishings of gold satin damask; an oak-lined library; and a piano. Overall she had accommodation for 1000 passengers. SCHOMBERG’s 34 year old master, Captain James ‘Bully’ Forbes, had promised Melbourne in 60 days at the launch, "with or without the help of God." James Nicol Forbes was born in Aberdeen in 1821 and rose to fame with his record-breaking voyages on the famous Black Ball Line ships MARCO POLO and LIGHTNING. In 1852 in the MARCO POLO he made the record passage from London to Melbourne in 68 days. There were 53 deaths on the voyage but the great news was of the record passage by the master. In 1954 Captain Forbes took the clipper LIGHTNING to Melbourne in 76 days and back in 63 days, this was never beaten by a sailing ship. He often drove his crew and ship to breaking point to beat his own records. He cared little for the comfort of the passengers. On this, the SCHOMBERG’s maiden voyage, he was going to break records. SCHOMBERG departed Liverpool on her maiden voyage on 6 October 1855 flying the sign “Sixty Days to Melbourne”. She departed with 430 passengers and 3000 tons cargo including iron rails and equipment intended to build the Melbourne to Geelong Railway as well as a bridge over the Yarra from Melbourne to Hawthorn. She also carried a cow for fresh milk, pens for fowls and pigs, and 90,000 gallons of water for washing and drinking. SCHOMBERG also carried 17,000 letters and 31,800 newspapers. The ship and cargo was insured for $300,000, a fortune for the time. The winds were poor as she sailed across the equator, slowing SCHOMBERG’s journey considerably. Land was first sighted on Christmas Day, at Cape Bridgewater near Portland, and Captain Forbes followed the coastline towards Melbourne. Forbes was said to be playing cards when called by the Third Mate Henry Keen, who reported land about 3 miles off. Due in large part to Forbes regarding a card game as more important than his ship, SCHOMBERG eventually ran aground on a sand spit near Curdie's Inlet (about 56 km west of Cape Otway) on 26 December 1855, 78 days after leaving Liverpool. The sand spit and the currents were not marked on Forbes’s map. Overnight, the crew launched a lifeboat to find a safe place to land the ship’s passengers. The scouting party returned to SCHOMBERG and advised Forbes that it was best to wait until morning because the rough seas could easily overturn the small lifeboats. The ship’s Chief Officer spotted the steamer SS QUEEN at dawn and signalled it. The master of the SS QUEEN approached the stranded vessel and all of SCHOMBERG’s passengers and crew were able to disembark safely. The SCHOMBERG was lost and with her, Forbes’ reputation. The Black Ball Line’s Melbourne agent sent a steamer to retrieve the passengers’ baggage from the SCHOMBERG. Other steamers helped unload her cargo until the weather changed and prevented the salvage teams from accessing the ship. Later one plunderer found a case of Wellington boots, but alas, all were for the left foot! Local merchants Manifold & Bostock bought the wreck and cargo, but did not attempt to salvage the cargo still on board the ship. They eventually sold it on to a Melbourne businessman and two seafarers. In 1864 salvage efforts were abandoned after two men drowned when they tried to reach SCHOMBERG. Parts of the SCHOMBERG were washed ashore on the south island of New Zealand in 1870, nearly 15 years after the wreck. The wreck of the SCHOMBERG lies in 825 metres of water. Although the woodwork is mostly disintegrated, the shape of the ship can still be seen due to the remaining railway irons, girders and the ship’s frame. A variety of goods and materials can be seen surrounding the wreck, by divers. Flagstaff Hill holds many items salvaged from the SCHOMBERG including a ciborium (in which a diamond ring was concealed in concretion), communion set, ship fittings and equipment, personal effects, a lithograph, tickets and photograph from the SCHOMBERG. These Bills of Fare are significant due to their connection to Flagstaff Hill’s collection of artefacts from the Schomberg, which is significant for its association with the Victorian Heritage Registered shipwreck S612. The collection is primarily significant because of the relationship between the objects, as together they have a high potential to interpret the story of the Schomberg. The Schomberg collection is archaeologically significant as the remains of an international passenger ship. The shipwreck collection is historically significant for representing aspects of Victoria’s shipping history and its potential to interpret sub-theme 1.5 of Victoria’s Framework of Historical Themes (living with natural processes). The collection is also historically significant for its association with the shipwreck and the ship, which was designed to be fastest and most luxurious of its day. The Schomberg collection meets the following criteria for assessment: Criterion A: Importance to the course, or pattern, of Victoria’s cultural history. Criterion B: Possession of uncommon, rare or endangered aspects of Victoria’s cultural history. Criterion C: Potential to yield information that will contribute to an understanding of Victoria’s cultural history. Menu, or Bill of Fare, on cream coloured stationery from the sailing vessel “Schomberg”. Two rectangular pieces of paper, each bears the printed words “Black Ball Line of Australian Packets, Bill of Fare, Ship, Schomberg”, a printed symbol of the Black Ball line (a black ball on a red flag) and a decorative border. Both pages are handwritten, in similar but different sized writing, with a Bill of Fare and a date, Page (1) dated May 10th 1856 and (2) dated May 12th ’56, (Both dates are AFTER the Schomberg sank in December 26th 1855.) Both pages have three fold lines spaced across their width. To be used for the return voyage.Printed on the pages ““BLACK BALL LINE OF AUSTRALIAN PACKETS.” “Bill of Fare, / SHIP / “SCHOMBERG”.” Handwritten list of food, and on one page “Saturday May 10 1856” and on the other page “Monday May 12” warrnambool, peterborough, shipwrecked coast, shipwreck coast, flagstaff hill maritime museum, flagstaff hill maritime village, maritime museum, great ocean road, flagstaff hill, sailing ship schomberg, shipwreck schomberg, black ball line of australian packets, bill of fare schomberg, menu schomberg 1856, food mid-1800’s, food on ships mid-1800’s, menu, may 10, 1856, may 12, 1856

St Margaret’s Church of England was officially opened on December 12, 1861. It is the oldest intact church building in Eltham. At the time it was known as Christ Church until its consecration in 1871, when it was completely free of debt (£1,700 for the church and parsonage) despite the district’s poverty. This was largely due to the free labour and materials, including locally made bricks donated by local artisans and others. The church is historically significant because it is the oldest church in the former Shire of Eltham and has associations with the philanthropist and founder of Brighton, Henry Dendy (who donated the land on which the church is built), the architect Nathaniel Billing and the prominent local builder, George Stebbing. The church is architecturally and aesthetically significant because it is constructed in the Gothic Revival style with several stained-glass windows of various dates and is also a very early use of polychromatic brickwork in Victoria. Billing was one of the first Melbourne architects to employ polychromatic brickwork and an important early architect. The rear wall was intended to be temporary. A major feature of the design is the large buttresses with long, steeply graded upper faces. The overall design is well proportioned with the surface brick patterns relieving an otherwise austere design. The church is spiritually and socially significant because it has been an important place of worship for the people of Eltham for almost 150 years. The land on which the buildings stand was donated by Henry Dendy. Dendy arrived in Melbourne in 1841 after purchasing in England eight square miles at Brighton under the system of "special surveys". After this land passed out of his hands, Dendy moved about Victoria, visited England, then returned to settle in Eltham where he purchased a flour mill. Dendy chaired the meeting held in 1860 “for the purpose of devising such means as may be expedient for the establishment of a Church of England in the township of Eltham”. He became chairman and treasurer of the church committee. Unlike the establishment of many early churches in Victoria where a vicar was appointed to a parish and later a permanent church was constructed, the population at Eltham initiated action to build a church. The nearest church at that time was at Heidelberg and the Eltham settlement was part of the parish of St Johns Heidelberg. Isolation and the tedious, time consuming journey between Heidelberg and Eltham resulted in the Eltham community taking its own action. The original vicarage (Dendy House) at the rear of the church is also an important part of the cultural significance of this place because it is connected to the church and the development of the Eltham area. Together, the church and the vicarage are aesthetically significant because they form a significant streetscape feature. The mud-brick community hall designed by Robert Marshall was added in 1978. In 2014 the original temporary rear wall was removed as part of a modern extension designed by Architects Atelier Wagner and constructed by Conrad Construction and Management. Covered under Heritage Overlay, Nillumbik Planning Scheme. National Trust of Australia (Victoria) State significance Victorian Heritage Published: Nillumbik Now and Then /​ Marguerite Marshall 2008; photographs Alan King with Marguerite Marshall.; p67 St Margaret’s Anglican Church in Pitt Street, Eltham, which officially opened on December 12, 1861, is the oldest intact church building in Eltham.1 With the nearby courthouse and police station, it was one of the first permanent community buildings in the district. The church and vicarage are on the Register of the Heritage Council of Victoria and the National Trust of Australia – Victoria. The church is important as an early example of polychrome brickwork by the notable architect Nathaniel Billings. It is also notable for its historic associations with the early settlement of the Shire of Eltham and its connection with Henry Dendy, Brighton’s founder.2 Henry Dendy, who lived in Eltham much longer than at Brighton, chaired the original meeting which planned the church, and he donated the half-acre (0.2ha) site. Dendy had arrived in Melbourne in 1841 after buying eight square miles (20.7sq km) at Brighton while in England. After this land passed out of his hands, he eventually settled in Eltham where he bought a flour mill, west from the corner of Main Road and Pitt Street (then called Brewery Lane). The vicarage was named Dendy House after him. The Eltham settlers were unusual in initiating the establishment of a church. Usually in Victoria a vicar was appointed to a parish and then a permanent church was constructed. But then, the nearest church was at Heidelberg, which was a tedious and time-consuming journey. St Margaret’s builder was a local, George Stebbing, who also constructed the former Methodist, later Uniting, Church at John Street and the Shillinglaw Cottage near Eltham’s Central Park. It is believed the first Anglican Bishop of Melbourne, Bishop Perry, dedicated the church. After the ceremony he joined in the festivities at the nearby pub and a bill was sent to the parish for teas taken there by the bishop with other participants. The first vicar was the Reverend Robert Mackie from 1864 to1866. St Margaret’s Church was originally called Christ Church until its consecration in 1871, when it was completely free of debt (£1700 pounds for the church and parsonage) despite the district’s poverty. This was largely due to the free labour and materials, including local bricks, donated by local artisans and others. St Margaret’s Church is in the Gothic Revival tradition with a buttressed nave, paired lancet windows, porch and bell-cote. It was the first polychromatic brick church in Australia, using softly contrasting coloured brickwork.3 Billing was one of the first architects to introduce polychrome brickwork into Melbourne. His original drawings for St Margaret’s survive in a folio of his architectural work. However the church’s brickwork is more subdued than in his drawings. About half the windows – those in clear glass with gold borders – are original. The stained glass windows were made much later, but the one behind the altar is thought to be the oldest in the Diamond Valley. It was to be temporary until the congregation could afford to extend the church. In the early 1960s the original cedar pews were replaced by blonde timber pews and the originals were sold to restaurants and to private individuals. Eminent local sculptor Matcham Skipper created a crucifix for the church. A major addition was made in 1978, when the weatherboard hall was replaced by a mud-brick hall. Made of local material, it was designed by local architect and a former shire president Robert Marshall. The mud-brick hall reflects the style of building in Eltham of the late 1970s and for which Eltham is well-known. Perhaps because its earthy tones blend with the surrounding environment, the hall sits well with the church building. St Margaret’s membership has included economist and ABC chairman, Richard Downing; political commentator, diplomat and academic, William Macmahon Ball; Eltham civic leader, Charles Wingrove; artist, Peter Glass; and Eltham’s first postmaster, Frederick Falkiner.This collection of almost 130 photos about places and people within the Shire of Nillumbik, an urban and rural municipality in Melbourne's north, contributes to an understanding of the history of the Shire. Published in 2008 immediately prior to the Black Saturday bushfires of February 7, 2009, it documents sites that were impacted, and in some cases destroyed by the fires. It includes photographs taken especially for the publication, creating a unique time capsule representing the Shire in the early 21st century. It remains the most recent comprehenesive publication devoted to the Shire's history connecting local residents to the past. nillumbik now and then (marshall-king) collection, eltham, st margaret's anglican church, st margaret's church, st margarets church hall, christ church

On the 1984 Los Angeles Olympic Uniforms donator Doug wrote- During the 1980s the Australian wool industry was at its most prosperous times with record numbers of sheep producing wool receiving ever increasing values due to the success of the Reserve Price Scheme, and the overall guidance of the Australian Wool Corporation (AWC). As a humble technician, my role was a low profile newly created position of “Controller, Technical Marketing” where wool was to be marketed on its technical properties, as distinct from the “Product Marketing Group” which exploited trhe traditional high profile approach of marketing wool;s superior fashion attributes. The Woolmark was the tool central to this approach. When the forthcoming Los Angeles Olympic Games was announced, the Product Marketing Group seized upon the chance to show the world that we could make top fashion garments and display them on our elite athletes on the world stage. A concept was launched using a contemporary top designer, Adel Weiss, with the most exclusive fabrics and knits available, and all with a lot of hype. This launch failed dismally for the following reasons- - The designer did a wonderful job presenting an excellent fashion range on perfect skinny models. The AOC however wanted a uniform which had an obvious Australian appearance when fitted to elite, and frequently muscular, athletes. - The fabrics chosen did not reflect the performance required by travelling athletes, there was no recognition of the need for ‘easy care.’ - There was no recognition given to the problem of measuring, manufacturing and distribution of a range of articles when the selected athlete could be domiciled anywhere in Australia. - There was no appreciation of such historical facts as Fletcher Jones, who had been unofficial suppliers dating back to the 1954 Olympics in Melbourne, and the Fletcher Jones board member, who was also an AWC board member, and was not in favour of the change. The project passed from Product Marketing to Public Relations, a big spending off-shoot of the AWC Chairman David Asimus, and due to the day to day operations of the project was passed to me and PR took care of the financial matters. The first task was to meet with the AOC and find out exactly their requirements. This lead to the production of a design and manufacturing brief, cointaining exact time lines for each event required to ensure an appropriate uniform on every athlete chosen to represent his/her country on the date given for the Opening Ceremony in Los Angeles. Working backwards the timeline becomes- 1. Noted the exact date of the Opening Ceremony. 2. Estimated the date for distributing completed garments to each athlete. 3. Estimated the time span available for measuring each athlete and commence making each component of the ensemble to the individual measurements of each athlete. 4. Decided the date for making the final choice of uniform design concept. 5. Decided the date for distribution of the design brief to selected designers. These five steps were spread out over a two year period. The Commonwealth Games occur midway between each Olympic Games, work on the Olympic uniform commences the week after the Commonwealth Games closing ceremony and MUST be ready by the prescribed day two years hence. The project also had to remain cognisant of trade politics existing within the span of the task, as well as the temperament of designers in general. It is no overstatement to say that in the past every designer in Australia believed they could, and should, be chosen to design the Australian Uniform. The final choice of designer almost always faced criticism from the fashion press and any designer who had been overlooked. However, with the contenders receiving an exacting brief the numbers of serious contenders greatly reduced. The Los Angeles Olympic Uniforms. A further reason for the AWC bid failure to design the LA uniform was that the AOC had already chosen Prue Acton to design it. This was based on her proven performance during previous games as she had a talent for creating good taste Australiana. Her design concepts also considered the effect when they were viewed on a single athlete as well as the impact when viewed on a 400 strong team coming on to the arena. A blazer trouser/skirt uniform in bright gold was chosen for the formal uniform. It was my task to select a pure wool faille fabric from Foster Valley weaving mill and have sufficient woven and ready within the prescribed timeline. The trouser/skirt fabric selected was a 60/40 wool polyester plain weave fabric from Macquarie Worsted. This fabric had a small effect thread of linen that was most attractive when dyed to match some eucalyptus bark Prue had brought back from central Australia. For the Opening Ceremony uniform, Prue designed a series of native fauna, a kookaburra for the men’s shirt and a pleated skirt with a rural scene of kangaroos, hills and plants. This presented an insurmountable printing challenge to the local printing industry as it had an unacceptably large repeat size and the number required (50) was also commercially unacceptable. The solution was a DIY mock up at RMIT and the employment of four student designers. The fabric selected for this garment was a light weight 19 micron, pure wool with a very high twist yarn in alternating S and Z twist, warp and weft. This fabric proved to be the solution to a very difficult problem, finding a wool product which is universally acceptable when worn next to the sin by young athletes competing in the heat of a Los Angeles summer. Modifications to this fabric were developed to exploit its success when facing the same problem in future games. Garment Making- The most exacting garment in the ensemble is the tailored blazer, plus the related trouser/skirt. Unfortunately tailoring athletes that come in various shapes and sizes such as; - Weight lifters develop an enormous chest, arms and neck size. A shirt made to a neck size of 52 would produce a shirt with cuffs extending well beyond the wearer’s hands. - Basketball players are up to 7 feet tall and garments relying ona chest measurement grading would produce a shirt with cuffs extending only to elbow length. - Swimmers develop enormous shoulders and slim hips, cyclists by contrast develop thighs I liken to tree trunks and a uniform featuring tight trousers must be avoided at all cost. Suffice to say many ensembles require specialist ‘one off’ treatment for many athletes. Meanwhile there is a comfortable in between group who can accept regular sizes so you can cater for these by having back up stock with plenty of built in contingencies. Athletes may be domiciled anywhere in Australia, this creates a fundamental problem of taking their measurements. The Fletcher Jones organisation was key to answering this problem due to their presence in every capital city, as well as many provincial towns around Australia. Each athlete on being selected for the Olympic Team was simultaneously requested to visit their nearest Fletcher Jones shop. The standardised measurement data collected was shared with the other manufacturers, e.g. Pelaco Shirts, Holeproof Socks and Knitwear, Maddison Belts, and even Hush Puppy Shoes. As the time for the Games approached the AOC made arrangements for combining meeting of all. Selected available athletes at the Australian Institute of Sport, Canberra, where, among other things, they were fitted and supplied with their uniform. The method evolved as follows.Men’s cream coloured button up, collared shirt. Images of a kookaburra have been printed onto the shirt, a single kookaburra on the left breast and a pair of kookaburras on the reverse of the shirt. The kookaburras are printed in a brown tone to complement the cream colour of the fabric.On tag - FMaustralian wool corporation, 1984 los angeles olympics, olympic uniforms, men's uniforms, sport, athletes

Murray's Bridge over the Diamond Creek on the Diamond Creek Trail just prior to demolition and replacement with a new steel bridge. Heritage advice obtained by Nillumbik Shire Council, following a suggestion by the Eltham District Historical Society (EDHS), is that the original bridge appears to have been a simplified version of the Country Roads Board’s (CRB) standard timber bridge design of the early-to-mid 1920s. In c1990 Murray’s bridge was renovated with three recycled steel girders as part of a bike/pedestrian path in the reserve. During these alterations many parts of the bridge were removed, and some were replaced. Heritage advice indicates the condition of Murray’s bridge is poor. The remaining original parts are all in poor condition, with severe weathering, splitting and rot, especially to the stringers retained on the bridge. Heritage advice is that Murray’s Bridge does not have sufficient significance in the cultural history of the Nillumbik area to warrant inclusion in the Nillumbik Shire Heritage Overlay and also does not have sufficient significance as a rare survivor to warrant inclusion in the Nillumbik Shire Heritage Overlay. There are no indications in the historical record that this site was individually important to the cultural history of this area. EDHS is comfortable with the heritage advice provided to Council and has worked closely on this project with Council. EDHS has suggested some of the removed timbers be used in the vicinity of the bridge for landscaping and possibly seating, so as to retain these remnants close to the site of the original bridge, which is the last old timber bridge along the lower reaches of the Diamond Creek. Mary (Sweeney) Murray and John Wright Murray selected 80 acres, Lot C Section 16 and Lot 5 Section 17 Parish of Nillumbik, under an occupation license in 1866. John died in 1867 and freehold was granted to his son John in 1873. The farm was known as ‘Laurel Hill’. John Junior was an Eltham Shire councillor and sometime president from 1887 up until 1897. He added Lot A Section 16 to the farm in ca1888. John and his younger brother James arranged to rent/purchase Lot B Section 17, across Diamond Creek to the west, in ca1900. It appears that John and James farmed separately for a few years, with a new homestead built for James ad family on the high point of Lot B Section 17 in ca1910. John sold off Lot 5 Section 17 in 1912. When John died in 1912 James took over the land on both sides of the Diamond Creek. The old homestead on the west side of the Creek disappeared. A farm bridge over Diamond Creek from this period may have been located close to the northern boundary of the farm. John Langlands, owner of the farm known as ‘Ihurst’ on the west side of Diamond Creek to the south of the Murray’s land, died in 1907. In 1909 his land was then subdivided into 100 lots to become the ‘Glen Park Estate’. Other similar subdivisions of nineteenth century farms around Eltham in this period included the ‘Franktonia (or Beard’s) Estate’ to the northeast and ‘Bonsack’s Estate’ between Eltham and Greensborough. Soon after the opening of the railway extension line from Eltham to Hurstbridge in 1912, Glen Park and nearby residents including James Murray agitated for a railway station or siding to be located half-way between Eltham and Hurstbridge, so that the Glen Park residents who used the railway daily did not have to walk into the Eltham or Hurstbridge stations. Some believed Coleman’s Corner (opposite Edendale Farm) was an appropriate spot for the platform. James Murray was among those who thought the railway should be located on his land, closer to half-way between Eltham and Hurstbridge stations. The Railways Commissioners warned that the locals would have to fund these works themselves. The Glen Park Estate residents initially had difficulty accessing Eltham by road, with only an old low-level bridge over Diamond Creek at the south end of their estate. A new timber trestle bridge across the creek, now on Wattletree Road, was opened in 1915. Road access to the north was gained in 1927 when the new Murray’s Road, which crossed the Murray’s land, was built. Residents continued to agitate for a Glen Park station. By 1926 the Railways Commissioners’ preferred site was on the Murray’s land. They arranged an estimate of cost of a full-length platform. The estimate was too much for the locals, who in 1928 argued unsuccessfully for a shorter and hence cheaper platform. By 1929 Murray had agreed to donate the land, but the locals would still have to fund the works. Murray decided, unilaterally it would appear, to commence work on a timber trestle road bridge over Diamond Creek to link the new Murray Road to the proposed station. Late in 1929 he stopped work on the bridge, for reasons unknown, but started work again and completed the bridge in 1931. There is no further newspaper evidence of the campaign for the Glen Park station until 1939, when Murray and another local, Mr Maxwell, met the Railways Commissioner. The Glen Park locale now included 45 homes on the west side of the creek and 20 on the Eltham side. Most of the residents used the train every day. The Commissioner remained adamant that only a full-length platform could be built for safety reasons. It appears the campaign dissolved at this point. The increasing move to cars may have had an impact. There is no evidence of Murray’s bridge ever being connected to Murray’s Road, or of it having wide use for any purpose by locals. James Murray died in 1947 and the farm was taken over by his son James (Jim). Jim started to sell off parts of the farm in the 1980s, retaining a few acres around the ca1910 homestead and building a new house there. Recreation reserves were established along the creek. In ca1990 Murray’s bridge was renovated with steel girders as part of a bike/pedestrian path in the reserve. The old farmhouse was demolished in ca2014. * * * A theory posted on local community Facebook groups was that the bridge was built in the 1860s and was built to be more robust than was necessary for the movement of cows from one side of the creek to the other. It was suggested the robustness was necessary to support the weight of gold ore being transferred from a mine on Murray’s land to a railway siding near Murrays Bridge (presumably for transfer and processing at Diamond Creek). Perhaps this may have been one of the motivators for Murray, who really knows? Knowing when mining operations ceased on his land and how that fits the overall timeline would be useful but at the time the bridge was built, local gold production was minimal at best. The known facts are: • The railway line came to Eltham in 1902. • The extension of the railway from Eltham to Hurstbridge was constructed in 1912 so no railway line even existed through Murray's property until 1912 and the Victorian Railways maps at the time show no such siding on Murray’s property. • In 1923 a new company was formed in anticipation of the old Diamond Creek Gold Mine being re-opened. The mine had been previously closed and flooded. It was noted in the press at the time that the mine was within a mile of the railway. Nothing really came of this. • Construction of Murrays Bridge was commenced by James Murray in early 1929 in anticipation of a proposed flag station being nominated on his land, but work ceased shortly afterwards. The proposed flag station was commonly referred to as Glen Park as the residents of the Glen Park Estate wanted Option 1, located near them with the platform adjacent to Colemans corner. This was probably never going to fly as it was virtually in eyesight of Eltham station. Allandale Road was the third option, but the Commissioners' preferred option was No. 2 - on Murray's property. • The Railway Commissioners were not going to finance any such station and the works had to be funded by private landowners and residents, hence Murray investing in this himself. • Murray recommenced work two years later and finished his bridge in 1931 but unfortunately for him, the proposed flag station never eventuated. The bluestone siding you reference may well have been built by Murray as part of the proposed station platform. • Up until then, apart from the Main Road bridge, which was washed away in 1924, virtually all local crossings over the Diamond Creek were low lying bridges – Kaylocks Bridge at Brougham Street, Diamond Street bridge, Glen Park Road bridge. It is expected that Murray also had a low-lying bridge to connect his land either side of the creek. These were all washed away or severely damaged multiple times in the 1920s. Lessons were learnt, and Murrays Bridge appears to have been built in accordance with Country Road Board standards of the time. Flood damage was ongoing, and even more recently constructed raised bridges kept getting washed away, e.g., the new Wattle Tree Road bridge in 1958 just months after completion. Murray’s bridge was reinforced with steel some 30 years ago presumably to provide additional floodwater resistance, given the history of bridges disappearing in floodwaters. • In March 1932 it was reported in the Advertiser that there were still some prospectors operating around Eltham North who apart from further scarring the face of the earth over the previous two years had gained significant experience but little gold - hardly a driving factor for constructing a dedicated railway siding and bridge to transfer gold ore. It is far more probable that James Murray was hoping to have the railway station located on his property and invested his money by building the bridge to lead to it as well as a station platform. Had the station eventuated, it may well have driven up the value of his land for subdivision and new housing estates like the Glen Park Estate. That did not eventuate. Whilst the bridge was indeed old (90 years), the core structure being completed in 1931, it had been modified substantially from original and hence had no significant historic value – i.e., it was not a representative example of its type, construction, and age. Given that the bridge was not worthy of saving, the Eltham District Historical Society with Council’s support, and the Eltham Woodworkers group endeavoured to see what suitable sized timbers were salvageable to fabricate a commemorative seat. Unfortunately, the experts at the Woodworkers group were unable to salvage any suitable length/width timbers to fabricate the seat due to the presence of rot. Last remaining wooden trestle bridge on the Diamond Creek Trail just prior to demolition and replacementBorn digital image (27)diamond creek (creek), diamond creek trail, murrays bridge, ‘laurel hill’, john wright murray, mary (sweeney) murra, john murray jnr, james murray, john langlands, ‘ihurst’, ‘glen park estate’, beard's estate, franktonia, bonsack's estate, glen park estate, glen park railway station

1. Musical and linguistic perspectives on Aboriginal song Allan Marett and Linda Barwick Song brings language and music together. Great singers are at once musicians and wordsmiths, who toss rhythm, melody and word against one another in complex cross-play. In this paper we outline some initial findings that are emerging from our interdisciplinary study of the musical traditions of the Cobourg region of western Arnhem Land, a coastal area situated in the far north of the Australian continent 350 kilometres northeast of Darwin. We focus on a set of songs called Jurtbirrk, sung in Iwaidja, a highly endangered language, whose core speaker base is now located in the community of Minjilang on Croker Island. We bring to bear analytical methodologies from both musicology and linguistics to illuminate this hitherto undocumented genre of love songs. 2. Iwaidja Jurtbirrk songs: Bringing language and music together Linda Barwick (University of Sydney), Bruce Birch and Nicholas Evans (University of Melbourne) Song brings language and music together. Great singers are at once musicians and wordsmiths, who toss rhythm, melody and word against one another in complex cross-play. In this paper we outline some initial findings that are emerging from our interdisciplinary study of the musical traditions of the Cobourg region of western Arnhem Land, a coastal area situated in the far north of the Australian continent 350 kilometres northeast of Darwin. We focus on a set of songs called Jurtbirrk, sung in Iwaidja, a highly endangered language, whose core speaker base is now located in the community of Minjilang on Croker Island. We bring to bear analytical methodologies from both musicology and linguistics to illuminate this hitherto undocumented genre of love songs. 3. Morrdjdjanjno ngan-marnbom story nakka, ?songs that turn me into a story teller?: The morrdjdjanjno of western Arnhem Land Murray Garde (University of Melbourne) Morrdjdjanjno is the name of a song genre from the Arnhem Land plateau in the Top End of the Northern Territory and this paper is a first description of this previously undocumented song tradition. Morrdjdjanjno are songs owned neither by individuals or clans, but are handed down as ?open domain? songs with some singers having knowledge of certain songs unknown to others. Many morrdjdjanjno were once performed as part of animal increase rituals and each song is associated with a particular animal species, especially macropods. Sung only by men, they can be accompanied by clap sticks alone or both clap sticks and didjeridu. First investigations reveal that the song texts are not in everyday speech but include, among other things, totemic referential terms for animals which are exclusive to morrdjdjanjno. Translations from song language into ordinary register speech can often be ?worked up? when the song texts are discussed in their cultural and performance context. The transmission of these songs is severely endangered at present as there are only two known singers remaining both of whom are elderly. 4. Sung and spoken: An analysis of two different versions of a Kun-barlang love song Isabel O?Keeffe (nee Bickerdike) (University of Melbourne) In examining a sung version and a spoken version of a Kun-barlang love song text recorded by Alice Moyle in 1962, I outline the context and overall structure of the song, then provide a detailed comparative analysis of the two versions. I draw some preliminary conclusions about the nature of Kun-barlang song language, particularly in relation to the rhythmic setting of words in song texts and the use of vocables as structural markers. 5. Simplifying musical practice in order to enhance local identity: Rhythmic modes in the Walakandha wangga (Wadeye, Northern Territory) Allan Marett (University of Sydney) Around 1982, senior performers of the Walakandha wangga, a repertory of song and dance from the northern Australian community of Wadeye (Port Keats), made a conscious decision to simplify their complex musical and dance practice in order to strengthen the articulation of a group identity in ceremonial performance. Recordings from the period 1972?82 attest to a rich diversity of rhythmic modes, each of which was associated with a different style of dance. By the mid-1980s, however, this complexity had been significantly reduced. I trace the origin of the original complexity, explore the reasons why this was subsequently reduced, and trace the resultant changes in musical practice. 6. ?Too long, that wangga?: Analysing wangga texts over time Lysbeth Ford (University of Sydney) For the past forty or so years, Daly region song-men have joined with musicologists and linguists to document their wangga songs. This work has revealed a corpus of more than one hundred wangga songs composed in five language varieties Within this corpus are a few wangga texts recorded with their prose versions. I compare sung and spoken texts in an attempt to show not only what makes wangga texts consistently different from prose texts, but also how the most recent wangga texts differ from those composed some forty years ago. 7. Flesh with country: Juxtaposition and minimal contrast in the construction and melodic treatment of jadmi song texts Sally Treloyn (University of Sydney) For some time researchers of Centralian-style songs have found that compositional and performance practices that guide the construction and musical treatment of song texts have a broader social function. Most recently, Barwick has identified an ?aesthetics of parataxis or juxtaposition? in the design of Warumungu song texts and musical organisation (as well as visual arts and dances), that mirrors social values (such as the skin system) and forms 'inductive space' in which relationships between distinct classes of being, places, and groups of persons are established. Here I set out how juxtaposition and minimal contrast in the construction and melodic treatment of jadmi-type junba texts from the north and north-central Kimberley region similarly create 'inductive space' within which living performers, ancestral beings, and the country to which they are attached, are drawn into dynamic, contiguous relationships. 8. The poetics of central Australian Aboriginal song Myfany Turpin (University of Sydney) An often cited feature of traditional songs from Central Australia (CA songs) is the obfuscation of meaning. This arises partly from the difficulties of translation and partly from the difficulties in identifying words in song. The latter is the subject of this paper, where I argue it is a by-product of adhering to the requirements of a highly structured art form. Drawing upon a set of songs from the Arandic language group, I describe the CA song as having three independent obligatory components (text, rhythm and melody) and specify how text is set to rhythm within a rhythmic and a phonological constraint. I show how syllable counting, for the purposes of text setting, reflects a feature of the Arandic sound system. The resultant rhythmic text is then set to melody while adhering to a pattern of text alliteration. 9. Budutthun ratja wiyinymirri: Formal flexibility in the Yol?u manikay tradition and the challenge of recording a complete repertoire Aaron Corn (University of Sydney) with Neparr? a Gumbula (University of Sydney) Among the Yol?u (people) of north-eastern Arnhem Land, manikay (song) series serve as records of sacred relationships between humans, country and ancestors. Their formal structures constitute the overarching order of all ceremonial actions, and their lyrics comprise sacred esoteric lexicons held nowhere else in the Yol?u languages. A consummate knowledge of manikay and its interpenetrability with ancestors, country, and parallel canons of sacred y�ku (names), bu?gul (dances) and miny'tji (designs) is an essential prerequisite to traditional leadership in Yol?u society. Drawing on our recordings of the Baripuy manikay series from 2004 and 2005, we explore the aesthetics and functions of formal flexibility in the manikay tradition. We examine the individuation of lyrical realisations among singers, and the role of rhythmic modes in articulating between luku (root) and bu?gul'mirri (ceremonial) components of repertoire. Our findings will contribute significantly to intercultural understandings of manikay theory and aesthetics, and the centrality of manikay to Yol?u intellectual traditions. 10. Australian Aboriginal song language: So many questions, so little to work with Michael Walsh Review of the questions related to the analysis of Aboriginal song language; requirements for morpheme glossing, component package, interpretations, prose and song text comparison, separation of Indigenous and ethnographic explanations, candour about collection methods, limitations and interpretative origins.maps, colour photographs, tablesyolgnu, wadeye, music and culture

Darkness and a little light: ?Race? and sport in Australia Colin Tatz (AIATSIS & Australian National University) and Daryl Adair (University of Technology Sydney) Despite ?the wonderful and chaotic universe of clashing colors, temperaments and emotions, of brave deeds against odds seemingly insuperable?, sport is mixed with ?mean and shameful acts of pure skullduggery?, villainy, cowardice, depravity, rapaciousness and malice. Thus wrote celebrated American novelist Paul Gallico on the eve of the Second World War (Gallico 1938 [1988]:9-10). An acute enough observation about society in general, his farewell to sports writing also captures the ?clashing colors? in Australian sport. In this ?land of the fair go?, we look at the malice of racism in the arenas where, as custom might have it, one would least want or expect to find it. The history of the connection between sport, race and society - the long past, the recent past and the social present - is commonly dark and ugly but some light and decency are just becoming visible. Coming to terms: ?Race?, ethnicity, identity and Aboriginality in sport Colin Tatz (AIATSIS & Australian National University) Notions of genetic superiority have led to some of the world?s greatest human calamities. Just as social scientists thought that racial anthropology and biology had ended with the cataclysm of the Second World War, so some influential researchers and sports commentators have rekindled the pre-war debate about the muscular merits of ?races? in a new discipline that Nyborg (1994) calls the ?science of physicology?. The more recent realm of racial ?athletic genes?, especially within socially constructed black athletic communities, may intend no malice but this search for the keys to their success may well revive the old, discredited discourses. This critical commentary shows what can happen when some population geneticists and sports writers ignore history and when medical, biological and sporting doctrines deriving from ?race? are dislocated from any historical, geographic, cultural and social contexts. Understanding discourses about race, racism, ethnicity, otherness, identity and Aboriginality are essential if sense, or nonsense, is to be made of genetic/racial ?explanations? of sporting excellence. Between the two major wars boxing was, disproportionately, a Jewish sport; Kenyans and Ethiopians now ?own? middle- and long-distance running and Jamaicans the shorter events; South Koreans dominate women?s professional golf. This essay explores the various explanations put forward for such ?statistical domination?: genes, biochemistry, biomechanics, history, culture, social dynamics, the search for identity, alienation, need, chance, circumstances, and personal bent or aptitude. Traditional games of a timeless land: Play cultures in Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander communities Ken Edwards (University of Southern Queensland) Sports history in Australia has focused almost entirely on modern, Eurocentric sports and has therefore largely ignored the multitude of unique pre- European games that are, or once were, played. The area of traditional games, especially those of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples, is an important aspect of the cultural, social and historical experiences of Indigenous communities. These activities include customs of play that are normally not associated with European notions of competitive sport. Overall, this paper surveys research undertaken into traditional games among Indigenous Australians, as well as proposals for much needed further study in this area. Culture, ?race? and discrimination in the 1868 Aboriginal cricket tour of England David Sampson As a consequence of John Mulvaney?s important historical research, the Aboriginal cricket and performance tour of Britain in 1868 has in recent decades become established as perhaps the most famous of all public events in contact history involving Aborigines, white settlers and the British metropolis. Although recognition of its importance is welcome and significant, public commemorations of the tour have enveloped the tour in mythologies of cricket and nation. Such mythologies have obscured fundamental aspects of the tour that were inescapable racial and colonial realities of the Victorian era. This reappraisal of the tour explores the centrality of racial ideology, racial science and racial power imbalances that enabled, created and shaped the tour. By exploring beyond cricketing mythology, it restores the central importance of the spectacular performances of Aboriginal skills without which the tour would have been impossible. Such a reappraisal seeks to fully recognise the often trivialised non-cricketing expertise of all of the Aboriginal performers in 1868 for their achievement of pioneering their unique culture, skills and technologies to a mass international audience. Football, ?race? and resistance: The Darwin Football League, 1926?29 Matthew Stephen (Northern Territory Archive Service) Darwin was a diverse but deeply divided society in the early twentieth century. The Commonwealth Government introduced the Aboriginals Ordinance 1911 in the Northern Territory, instituting state surveillance, control and a racially segregated hierarchy of whites foremost, then Asians, ?Coloureds? (Aborigines and others of mixed descent) and, lastly, the so-called ?full-blood? Aborigines. Sport was important in scaffolding this stratification. Whites believed that sport was their private domain and strictly controlled non-white participation. Australian Rules football, established in Darwin from 1916, was the first sport in which ?Coloured? sportsmen challenged this domination. Football became a battleground for recognition, rights and identity for all groups. The ?Coloured? community embraced its team, Vesteys, which dominated the Northern Territory Football League (NTFL) in the 1920s. In 1926, amidst growing racial tension, the white-administered NTFL changed its constitution to exclude non-white players. In reaction, ?Coloured? and Chinese footballers formed their own competition - the Darwin Football League (DFL). The saga of that colour bar is an important chapter in Australia?s football history, yet it has faded from Darwin?s social memory and is almost unknown among historians. That picture - Nicky Winmar and the history of an image Matthew Klugman (Victoria University) and Gary Osmond (The University of Queensland) In April 1993 Australian Rules footballer Nicky Winmar responded to on-field racist abuse by lifting his jersey and pointing to his chest. The photographic image of that event is now famous as a response to racial abuse and has come to be seen as starting a movement against racism in football. The racial connotations in the image might seem a foregone conclusion: the power, appeal and dominant meaning of the photograph might appear to be self-evident. But neither the fame of the image nor its racial connotation was automatic. Through interviews with the photographers and analysis of the use of the image in the media, we explore how that picture came to be of such symbolic importance, and how it has remained something to be re-shown and emulated. Rather than analyse the image as a photograph or work of art, we uncover some of its early history and explore the debates that continue to swirl around its purpose and meaning. We also draw attention to the way the careful study of photographs might enhance the study of sport, race and racism. ?She?s not one of us?: Cathy Freeman and the place of Aboriginal people in Australian national culture Toni Bruce (University of Waikato) and Emma Wensing (Independent scholar) The Sydney 2000 Olympic Games generated a national media celebration of Aboriginal 400 metre runner Cathy Freeman. The construction of Freeman as the symbol of national reconciliation was evident in print and on television, the Internet and radio. In contrast to this celebration of Freeman, the letters to the editor sections of 11 major newspapers became sites for competing claims over what constitutes Australian identity and the place of Aboriginal people in national culture. We analyse this under-explored medium of opinion and discuss how the deep feelings evident in these letters, and the often vitriolic responses to them, illustrate some of the enduring racial tensions in Australian society. Sport, physical activity and urban Indigenous young people Alison Nelson (The University of Queensland) This paper challenges some of the commonly held assumptions and ?knowledges? about Indigenous young people and their engagement in physical activity. These include their ?natural? ability, and the use of sport as a panacea for health, education and behavioural issues. Data is presented from qualitative research undertaken with a group of 14 urban Indigenous young people with a view to ?speaking back? to these commentaries. This research draws on Critical Race Theory in order to make visible the taken-for-granted assumptions about Indigenous Australians made by the dominant white, Western culture. Multiple, shifting and complex identities were expressed in the young people?s articulation of the place and meaning of sport and physical activity in their lives. They both engaged in, and resisted, dominant Western discourses regarding representations of Indigenous people in sport. The paper gives voice to these young people in an attempt to disrupt and subvert hegemonic discourses. An unwanted corroboree: The politics of the New South Wales Aboriginal Rugby League Knockout Heidi Norman (University of Technology Sydney) The annual New South Wales Aboriginal Rugby League Knockout is so much more than a sporting event. Involving a high level of organisation, it is both a social and cultural coming together of diverse communities for a social and cultural experience considered ?bigger than Christmas?. As if the planning and logistics were not difficult enough, the rotating-venue Knockout has been beset, especially since the late 1980s and 1990s, by layers of opposition and open hostility based on ?race?: from country town newspapers, local town and shire councils, local business houses and, inevitably, the local police. A few towns have welcomed the event, seeing economic advantage and community good will for all. Commonly, the Aboriginal ?influx? of visitors and players - people perceived as ?strangers?, ?outsiders?, ?non-taxpayers? - provoked public fear about crime waves, violence and physical safety, requiring heavy policing. Without exception, these racist expectations were shown to be totally unfounded. Research report: Recent advances in digital audio recorder technology provide considerable advantages in terms of cost and portability for language workers.b&w photographs, colour photographs, tablessport and race, racism, cathy freeman, nicky winmar, rugby league, afl, athletics, cricket, digital audio recorders

Isabel Wells was born in Beechworth in 1914. Her father, Mr. Newey, was a butcher; his shop was in Ford street and he took over from his grandfather. The family business, along with the local residents, was supplying the main government institutions in the region, like Mayday Hills Hospital and The Ovens and Murray Home, making a large percentage of his profit. Mr. Newey was also a captain of the fire brigade and Isabel mentioned that there were more fires happening in those days. The menace of a huge fire was impending in Beechworth for many years, due to the lack of adequate water supply and the absence of trained firefighters. The first fire brigade in the town was voluntary and was formed in 1858 under Superintendent Luke Reilly. A few other schemes deployed the following years, with all failing to sufficiently control the fires that occurred, until the creation of the first reliable fire brigade in the 1870s. The worst fire in the town's history happened on 23rd March 1867; it swept through many shops and the post office, leaving behind a damage cost estimated at £12,000. Isabel's mother was in a wheelchair, suffering from osteoarthritis; thus, Isabel had taken over the responsibility for looking after her mother and assisting her with daily living needs and personal care activities. She used to play golf and tennis and she was a member of the town tennis club. In terms of social life, Boxing Day was a big occasion for the town, with horse-races and games taking place. According to her narration, the use of cars was a turning point in the town's social activities, since people were able to visit nearby places and take day trips, such as having a picnic at Lake Kerferd or Buffalo. This oral history recording was part of a project conducted by Jennifer Williams in the year 2000 to capture the everyday life and struggles in Beechworth during the twentieth century. This project involved recording seventy oral histories on cassette tapes of local Beechworth residents which were then published in a book titled: Listen to what they say: voices of twentieth century Beechworth. These cassette tapes were digitised in July 2021 with funds made available by the Friends of the Burke. Isabel's account of her life in Beechworth and the local area during the 20th century is historically and socially significant as it offers valuable information about the business activity in the region and provides a deeper insight into the operation of butcher shops and meat supply during the first half of the previous century. Additionally, it offers invaluable information about the everyday life of people living in Beechworth, and highlights aspects of the overall social life and activities.This is a digital copy of a recording that was originally captured on a cassette tape. The cassette tape is black with a horizontal white strip and is currently stored in a clear flat plastic rectangular container. It holds up 40 minutes of recordings on each side.Mrs Isabel Wells/ isabel wells, beechworth, mr. newey, ford street, butcher, mayday hills hospital, the ovens and murray home, fire brigade, 23rd march 1867, fire, osteoarthritis, boxing day, horseraces, lake kerferd, buffalo, picnic, cars, firefighters, luke reilly, wheelchair

Taken during World War I from the forecastle of a navy ship, the photograph depicts an eruption of water and smoke as a result of an underwater submarine being bombed from above.The naval war of World War I was a conflict unlike any previous one with the exception of the brief Russo-Japanese War (1904-1905), with naval warfare in World War I being mainly between the German forces and the Great Britain forces. The naval war of World War I proved largely a disappointment to officials on both sides as it did not produce the decisive fleet actions envisioned in the pre-war years. Nevertheless, the war at sea was a crucial part of World War I overall. The German use of the submarine against commerce not only threatened the Allied war effort, but also drew the United States into the conflict. In addition, the British economic blockade of Germany afforded by the Royal Navy’s command of the sea inflicted great damage on the war effort of Germany. Finally, the naval war held great ramifications for the future since many practices employed in the First World War were those pursued in the Second World War.Black and white rectangular reproduced photograph on matte photographic paperReverse: 6527/ (Crown copyright notice from the Imperial War Museum)/ Naval 23/ 23/ A99/ burke museum, world war 1, world war i, ww1, wwi, submarine, submarine warfare, navy, naval vessels

The Government Gazette of January 18, 1888 advertised the acceptance of a contract of 149 pounds for a "Table for central library, New Law Courts, Melbourne". The table was purchased four years after the Court had moved to the William Street address.The table is not of state significance in its own right, but it is a high quality piece of Australian furniture. Its significance rests on its importance on the overall decorative scheme of the library and the fact that it was designed for this specific space.Blackwood, decagonal (10 sided) table, with 10 carved scroll and griffin supports, moulding and blue leather inserts.

WARRNAMBOOL PUBLIC LIBRARY The Warrnambool Mechanics’ Institute (WMI) was formed by a voluntary community group in 1863, within six years of Warrnambool’s beginnings, and its Reading Room opened in 1854. The WMI operated until 1963, at which time it was one of the oldest Mechanics’ Institutes in Victoria. Mechanics’ Institutes offered important services to the public including libraries, reading rooms and places to display and store collections of all sorts such as curiosities and local historical relics. In 1886 a Museum and Fine Arts Gallery were added to the WMI and by the beginning of the 20th century, there was also a billiards room and a School of Art. By this time all Mechanics’ Institutes in country Victoria had museums attached. Over the years the Warrnambool Mechanics’ Institute Library was also known as the Warrnambool Public Library the Warrnambool Library and the Free Library. Early funding from the government was for the “Free Library”. The inscription in a book “Science of Man” was for the “Warrnambool Public Library”, donated by Joseph Archibald in 1899. Another inscription in the book “Catalogue of Plants Under Cultivation in the Melbourne Botanic Gardens 1 & 2, 1883” was presented to the “Warrnambool Library” and signed by the author W.R. Guilfoyle. In 1903 the Warrnambool Public Library decided to add a Juvenile Department to library and stock it with hundreds of books suitable for youth. In 1905 the Public Library committee decided to update the collection of books and added 100 new novels plus arrangements for the latest novels to be included as soon as they were available in Victoria. In July 1911 the Warrnambool Council took over the management of the Public Library, Art Gallery, Museum and Mechanics’ Institute and planned to double the size of the then-current building. In 1953, when Mr R. Pattison was Public Librarian, the Warrnambool Public Library’s senior section 10,000 of the 13,000 books were fiction. The children’s section offered an additional 3,400 books. The library had the equivalent of one book per head of population and served around 33 per cent of the reading population. The collection of books was made up of around 60 per cent reference and 40 per cent fiction. The library was lending 400 books per day. In 1963 the Warrnambool City Council allocated the site of the Mechanics’ Institute building, which included the Public Library, Museum and Art Gallery, for the new Municipal Offices and the Collections were dispersed until 1971. The Warrnambool Library took over the Mechanics’ Institute Library’s holdings on behalf of the Warrnambool City Council. Since the closure of the Warrnambool Mechanics’ Institute the exact location and composition of the original WMI books and items have become unclear. Other materials have been added to the collection, including items from Terang MI, Warrnambool Court House and Customs House. Many of the books have been identified as the Pattison Collection, named after the Librarian who catalogued and numbered the books during his time as Warrnambool Public Librarian in the time before the Mechanics’ Institute closed. It seems that when Warrnambool became part of the Corangamite Regional Library some of the books and materials went to its head office in Colac and then back to Warrnambool where they were stored at the Art Gallery for quite some time. Some then went to the Warrnambool Historical Society, some stayed at the Art Gallery and some were moved to Flagstaff Hill Maritime Village. The various stamps and labels on the books held at Flagstaff Hill show the variety of the collection’s distribution and origin. The books in the collection at Flagstaff Hill Maritime Village date from the 1850s to the late 1950s and include rare and valuable volumes. Many of the books are part of the “Pattison Collection” after the Warrnambool’s Public Librarian, Mr R. Pattison. Warrnambool Public Library The Warrnambool Mechanics' Institute Collection is primarily significant in its totality, rather than for the individual objects it contains. Its contents are highly representative of the development of Mechanics' Institute libraries across Australia, particularly Victoria. A diversity of publications and themes has been amassed, and these provide clues to our understanding of the nature of and changes in the reading habits of Victorians from the 1850s to the middle of the 20th century. The collection also highlights the Warrnambool community’s commitment to the Mechanics’ Institute, and to reading, literacy and learning in the regions, and proves that access to knowledge was not impeded by distance. These items help to provide a more complete picture of our community’s ideals and aspirations. As with many Mechanics' Institutes in Australia, the one which operated in Warrnambool was established and overseen for many years by key individuals associated with the development of the city itself. The WMI publication collection is historically significant because of its association with local people, places and the key historical themes in the development of Warrnambool of rural development, industry, farming, education, and community. The collection documents and illustrates the changing interests, focus and tastes of Victorians, especially those in regional cities. Generally, the individual items in the collection are not particularly rare, as examples of all probably exist in other public collections in Victoria. It is primarily because there are so very few surviving Mechanics' Institute collections in Victoria, which lends this overall collection its significance. Many items in the WMI Collection have the potential to support further research, both as individual objects and through the collection in its entirety. This material is significant for its ability to assist in the interpretation of the history of the area and adds to the general understanding of the development of the township. Many components of the WMI publication collection complement and reinforce the Flagstaff Hill Maritime Museum Collection, the Warrnambool Art Gallery Collection, and that in the Warrnambool Historical Society, and also contribute to a clearer understanding of the original Warrnambool Mechanics' Institute collections. This will greatly enhance the appreciation of the few surviving Mechanics' Institute collections across Victoria, and also in New South Wales. The similarities and differences between the small number of collections that have survived can provide further insights into how the people of Victoria in general, and Warrnambool in particular, constructed a civic culture of adult learning to foster an informed citizenry. The Warrnambool Mechanics' Institute publication collection is of both local and state significance. Explorers of the Dawn Author: Mazo de la Roche Publisher: Cassell & Co First published: 1922 The label on the spine with typed text R.H. 823 ROC Front loose endpaper has a stamp from Warrnambool Public Librarybook, explorers of the dawn, mazo de la roche, shipwrecked-coast, flagstaff-hill, flagstaff-hill-maritime-museum, warrnambool, maritime-museum, shipwreck-coast, flagstaff-hill-maritime-village, shipwrecked-artefact, pattison collection, warrnambool library, warrnambool mechanics’ institute, ralph eric pattison, corangamite regional library service, warrnambool city librarian, mechanics’ institute library, victorian library board, warrnambool books and records, warrnambool children’s library, great ocean road