The Megalithic Passage Tombs of Newgrange, Knowth, Dowth, Fourknocks, Loughcrew and Tara are located in the present day County Meath in Ireland's Ancient East. The Boyne Valley Mounds at Newgrange, Knowth and Dowth were built around 3200BC making them older than Stonehenge in England and the Pyramids of Giza in Egypt. Built by Neolithic farming communities about 5000 years ago, the passage tombs have clear astronomical alignments such as the Winter Solstice Sunrise at Newgrange and the Equinox Sunrise at Loughcrew. Judging from the splendour and magnificence of Newgrange and Knowth it is likely that these temples of the ancestors were places of astrological, spiritual, religious and ceremonial importance, much as present day cathedrals are places of worship where dignitaries may be laid to rest. There is a lively debate about whether these wonderful megalithic structures were built primarily as burial tombs, sacred temples or astronomical observatories. While passage tomb is the traditional description for Newgrange and similar structures, chambered cairn or passage mound are the descriptions favoured by those who consider the passage tomb description too narrow. The large stones surrounding and inside the Passage Tombs are decorated with Megalithic Art such as spirals, concentric circles, triangles, zigzags and images which have been interpreted as the sun, moon and the human face. Irish passage tombs tend to occur in clusters traditionally described as a Necropolis or cemetery. The Boyne cluster includes Newgrange, Knowth, Dowth and Townleyhall. The other great clusters in County Meath are on the hills around Loughcrew. The ancient Boyne Valley passage tomb mounds at Newgrange, Knowth and Dowth have been designated World Heritage Site status by UNESCO and attract 200,000 visitors per year. The sites and Visitor Centre are managed by the OPW (Office of Public Works). Newgrange is best known for the illumination of its passage and chamber by the winter solstice sun. The site is open to the public with controlled access to the passage and chamber. Tours of Newgrange start at the Brú na Bóinne Visitor Centre located near the village of Donore, Co. Meath. Knowth has two passages and is surrounded by seventeen satellite cairns. The site is open to the public; however there is no public access to the interior passages and chambers. Tours of Knowth also start at the Brú na Bóinne Visitor Centre. Dowth is the only one of the three large Brú na Bóinne Passage Tombs which is not accessible from the Visitor Centre situated on the south bank of the river. Visitors to Dowth must drive directly to the site on the north bank, a couple of miles from the Slane / Drogheda road. Fourknocks with its short passage leading into a wide pear shaped chamber is in similar style to Tombs in Portugal. Just inside the main chamber to the left of the entrance is one of the few representations of a human face from the Neolithic Period in ancient Ireland. Entrance to Fourknocks Megalithic Passage Tomb. Megalithic Art - Loughcrew, Co. Meath Loughcrew Cairns form the largest complex of Megalithic structures in Ireland. The Cairns contain symbolic engravings similar in style to Newgrange. Like other Passage Tombs in ancient Ireland, they have clear astrological alignments.Tara was the seat of the High Kings of Ireland in the first millennium A.D. however Tara is also the site of a Passage Tomb known as the Mound of the Hostages that was built about 2,500 B.C. knowth, newgrange, megalith, ireland, world heritage, neolithic

The Megalithic Passage Tombs of Newgrange, Knowth, Dowth, Fourknocks, Loughcrew and Tara are located in the present day County Meath in Ireland's Ancient East. The Boyne Valley Mounds at Newgrange, Knowth and Dowth were built around 3200BC making them older than Stonehenge in England and the Pyramids of Giza in Egypt. Built by Neolithic farming communities about 5000 years ago, the passage tombs have clear astronomical alignments such as the Winter Solstice Sunrise at Newgrange and the Equinox Sunrise at Loughcrew. Judging from the splendour and magnificence of Newgrange and Knowth it is likely that these temples of the ancestors were places of astrological, spiritual, religious and ceremonial importance, much as present day cathedrals are places of worship where dignitaries may be laid to rest. There is a lively debate about whether these wonderful megalithic structures were built primarily as burial tombs, sacred temples or astronomical observatories. While passage tomb is the traditional description for Newgrange and similar structures, chambered cairn or passage mound are the descriptions favoured by those who consider the passage tomb description too narrow. The large stones surrounding and inside the Passage Tombs are decorated with Megalithic Art such as spirals, concentric circles, triangles, zigzags and images which have been interpreted as the sun, moon and the human face. Irish passage tombs tend to occur in clusters traditionally described as a Necropolis or cemetery. The Boyne cluster includes Newgrange, Knowth, Dowth and Townleyhall. The other great clusters in County Meath are on the hills around Loughcrew. The ancient Boyne Valley passage tomb mounds at Newgrange, Knowth and Dowth have been designated World Heritage Site status by UNESCO and attract 200,000 visitors per year. The sites and Visitor Centre are managed by the OPW (Office of Public Works). Newgrange is best known for the illumination of its passage and chamber by the winter solstice sun. The site is open to the public with controlled access to the passage and chamber. Tours of Newgrange start at the Brú na Bóinne Visitor Centre located near the village of Donore, Co. Meath. Knowth has two passages and is surrounded by seventeen satellite cairns. The site is open to the public; however there is no public access to the interior passages and chambers. Tours of Knowth also start at the Brú na Bóinne Visitor Centre. Dowth is the only one of the three large Brú na Bóinne Passage Tombs which is not accessible from the Visitor Centre situated on the south bank of the river. Visitors to Dowth must drive directly to the site on the north bank, a couple of miles from the Slane / Drogheda road. Fourknocks with its short passage leading into a wide pear shaped chamber is in similar style to Tombs in Portugal. Just inside the main chamber to the left of the entrance is one of the few representations of a human face from the Neolithic Period in ancient Ireland. Entrance to Fourknocks Megalithic Passage Tomb. Megalithic Art - Loughcrew, Co. Meath Loughcrew Cairns form the largest complex of Megalithic structures in Ireland. The Cairns contain symbolic engravings similar in style to Newgrange. Like other Passage Tombs in ancient Ireland, they have clear astrological alignments.Tara was the seat of the High Kings of Ireland in the first millennium A.D. however Tara is also the site of a Passage Tomb known as the Mound of the Hostages that was built about 2,500 B.C. knowth, newgrange, megalith, ireland, world heritage, neolithic

The Megalithic Passage Tombs of Newgrange, Knowth, Dowth, Fourknocks, Loughcrew and Tara are located in the present day County Meath in Ireland's Ancient East. The Boyne Valley Mounds at Newgrange, Knowth and Dowth were built around 3200BC making them older than Stonehenge in England and the Pyramids of Giza in Egypt. Built by Neolithic farming communities about 5000 years ago, the passage tombs have clear astronomical alignments such as the Winter Solstice Sunrise at Newgrange and the Equinox Sunrise at Loughcrew. Judging from the splendour and magnificence of Newgrange and Knowth it is likely that these temples of the ancestors were places of astrological, spiritual, religious and ceremonial importance, much as present day cathedrals are places of worship where dignitaries may be laid to rest. There is a lively debate about whether these wonderful megalithic structures were built primarily as burial tombs, sacred temples or astronomical observatories. While passage tomb is the traditional description for Newgrange and similar structures, chambered cairn or passage mound are the descriptions favoured by those who consider the passage tomb description too narrow. The large stones surrounding and inside the Passage Tombs are decorated with Megalithic Art such as spirals, concentric circles, triangles, zigzags and images which have been interpreted as the sun, moon and the human face. Irish passage tombs tend to occur in clusters traditionally described as a Necropolis or cemetery. The Boyne cluster includes Newgrange, Knowth, Dowth and Townleyhall. The other great clusters in County Meath are on the hills around Loughcrew. The ancient Boyne Valley passage tomb mounds at Newgrange, Knowth and Dowth have been designated World Heritage Site status by UNESCO and attract 200,000 visitors per year. The sites and Visitor Centre are managed by the OPW (Office of Public Works). Newgrange is best known for the illumination of its passage and chamber by the winter solstice sun. The site is open to the public with controlled access to the passage and chamber. Tours of Newgrange start at the Brú na Bóinne Visitor Centre located near the village of Donore, Co. Meath. Knowth has two passages and is surrounded by seventeen satellite cairns. The site is open to the public; however there is no public access to the interior passages and chambers. Tours of Knowth also start at the Brú na Bóinne Visitor Centre. Dowth is the only one of the three large Brú na Bóinne Passage Tombs which is not accessible from the Visitor Centre situated on the south bank of the river. Visitors to Dowth must drive directly to the site on the north bank, a couple of miles from the Slane / Drogheda road. Fourknocks with its short passage leading into a wide pear shaped chamber is in similar style to Tombs in Portugal. Just inside the main chamber to the left of the entrance is one of the few representations of a human face from the Neolithic Period in ancient Ireland. Entrance to Fourknocks Megalithic Passage Tomb. Megalithic Art - Loughcrew, Co. Meath Loughcrew Cairns form the largest complex of Megalithic structures in Ireland. The Cairns contain symbolic engravings similar in style to Newgrange. Like other Passage Tombs in ancient Ireland, they have clear astrological alignments.Tara was the seat of the High Kings of Ireland in the first millennium A.D. however Tara is also the site of a Passage Tomb known as the Mound of the Hostages that was built about 2,500 B.C. knowth, newgrange, megalith, ireland, world heritage, neolithic

The Megalithic Passage Tombs of Newgrange, Knowth, Dowth, Fourknocks, Loughcrew and Tara are located in the present day County Meath in Ireland's Ancient East. The Boyne Valley Mounds at Newgrange, Knowth and Dowth were built around 3200BC making them older than Stonehenge in England and the Pyramids of Giza in Egypt. Built by Neolithic farming communities about 5000 years ago, the passage tombs have clear astronomical alignments such as the Winter Solstice Sunrise at Newgrange and the Equinox Sunrise at Loughcrew. Judging from the splendour and magnificence of Newgrange and Knowth it is likely that these temples of the ancestors were places of astrological, spiritual, religious and ceremonial importance, much as present day cathedrals are places of worship where dignitaries may be laid to rest. There is a lively debate about whether these wonderful megalithic structures were built primarily as burial tombs, sacred temples or astronomical observatories. While passage tomb is the traditional description for Newgrange and similar structures, chambered cairn or passage mound are the descriptions favoured by those who consider the passage tomb description too narrow. The large stones surrounding and inside the Passage Tombs are decorated with Megalithic Art such as spirals, concentric circles, triangles, zigzags and images which have been interpreted as the sun, moon and the human face. Irish passage tombs tend to occur in clusters traditionally described as a Necropolis or cemetery. The Boyne cluster includes Newgrange, Knowth, Dowth and Townleyhall. The other great clusters in County Meath are on the hills around Loughcrew. The ancient Boyne Valley passage tomb mounds at Newgrange, Knowth and Dowth have been designated World Heritage Site status by UNESCO and attract 200,000 visitors per year. The sites and Visitor Centre are managed by the OPW (Office of Public Works). Newgrange is best known for the illumination of its passage and chamber by the winter solstice sun. The site is open to the public with controlled access to the passage and chamber. Tours of Newgrange start at the Brú na Bóinne Visitor Centre located near the village of Donore, Co. Meath. Knowth has two passages and is surrounded by seventeen satellite cairns. The site is open to the public; however there is no public access to the interior passages and chambers. Tours of Knowth also start at the Brú na Bóinne Visitor Centre. Dowth is the only one of the three large Brú na Bóinne Passage Tombs which is not accessible from the Visitor Centre situated on the south bank of the river. Visitors to Dowth must drive directly to the site on the north bank, a couple of miles from the Slane / Drogheda road. Fourknocks with its short passage leading into a wide pear shaped chamber is in similar style to Tombs in Portugal. Just inside the main chamber to the left of the entrance is one of the few representations of a human face from the Neolithic Period in ancient Ireland. Entrance to Fourknocks Megalithic Passage Tomb. Megalithic Art - Loughcrew, Co. Meath Loughcrew Cairns form the largest complex of Megalithic structures in Ireland. The Cairns contain symbolic engravings similar in style to Newgrange. Like other Passage Tombs in ancient Ireland, they have clear astrological alignments.Tara was the seat of the High Kings of Ireland in the first millennium A.D. however Tara is also the site of a Passage Tomb known as the Mound of the Hostages that was built about 2,500 B.C. knowth, newgrange, megalith, ireland, world heritage, neolithic

The Megalithic Passage Tombs of Newgrange, Knowth, Dowth, Fourknocks, Loughcrew and Tara are located in the present day County Meath in Ireland's Ancient East. The Boyne Valley Mounds at Newgrange, Knowth and Dowth were built around 3200BC making them older than Stonehenge in England and the Pyramids of Giza in Egypt. Built by Neolithic farming communities about 5000 years ago, the passage tombs have clear astronomical alignments such as the Winter Solstice Sunrise at Newgrange and the Equinox Sunrise at Loughcrew. Judging from the splendour and magnificence of Newgrange and Knowth it is likely that these temples of the ancestors were places of astrological, spiritual, religious and ceremonial importance, much as present day cathedrals are places of worship where dignitaries may be laid to rest. There is a lively debate about whether these wonderful megalithic structures were built primarily as burial tombs, sacred temples or astronomical observatories. While passage tomb is the traditional description for Newgrange and similar structures, chambered cairn or passage mound are the descriptions favoured by those who consider the passage tomb description too narrow. The large stones surrounding and inside the Passage Tombs are decorated with Megalithic Art such as spirals, concentric circles, triangles, zigzags and images which have been interpreted as the sun, moon and the human face. Irish passage tombs tend to occur in clusters traditionally described as a Necropolis or cemetery. The Boyne cluster includes Newgrange, Knowth, Dowth and Townleyhall. The other great clusters in County Meath are on the hills around Loughcrew. The ancient Boyne Valley passage tomb mounds at Newgrange, Knowth and Dowth have been designated World Heritage Site status by UNESCO and attract 200,000 visitors per year. The sites and Visitor Centre are managed by the OPW (Office of Public Works). Newgrange is best known for the illumination of its passage and chamber by the winter solstice sun. The site is open to the public with controlled access to the passage and chamber. Tours of Newgrange start at the Brú na Bóinne Visitor Centre located near the village of Donore, Co. Meath. Knowth has two passages and is surrounded by seventeen satellite cairns. The site is open to the public; however there is no public access to the interior passages and chambers. Tours of Knowth also start at the Brú na Bóinne Visitor Centre. Dowth is the only one of the three large Brú na Bóinne Passage Tombs which is not accessible from the Visitor Centre situated on the south bank of the river. Visitors to Dowth must drive directly to the site on the north bank, a couple of miles from the Slane / Drogheda road. Fourknocks with its short passage leading into a wide pear shaped chamber is in similar style to Tombs in Portugal. Just inside the main chamber to the left of the entrance is one of the few representations of a human face from the Neolithic Period in ancient Ireland. Entrance to Fourknocks Megalithic Passage Tomb. Megalithic Art - Loughcrew, Co. Meath Loughcrew Cairns form the largest complex of Megalithic structures in Ireland. The Cairns contain symbolic engravings similar in style to Newgrange. Like other Passage Tombs in ancient Ireland, they have clear astrological alignments.Tara was the seat of the High Kings of Ireland in the first millennium A.D. however Tara is also the site of a Passage Tomb known as the Mound of the Hostages that was built about 2,500 B.C. knowth, newgrange, megalith, ireland, world heritage, neolithic

The Megalithic Passage Tombs of Newgrange, Knowth, Dowth, Fourknocks, Loughcrew and Tara are located in the present day County Meath in Ireland's Ancient East. The Boyne Valley Mounds at Newgrange, Knowth and Dowth were built around 3200BC making them older than Stonehenge in England and the Pyramids of Giza in Egypt. Built by Neolithic farming communities about 5000 years ago, the passage tombs have clear astronomical alignments such as the Winter Solstice Sunrise at Newgrange and the Equinox Sunrise at Loughcrew. Judging from the splendour and magnificence of Newgrange and Knowth it is likely that these temples of the ancestors were places of astrological, spiritual, religious and ceremonial importance, much as present day cathedrals are places of worship where dignitaries may be laid to rest. There is a lively debate about whether these wonderful megalithic structures were built primarily as burial tombs, sacred temples or astronomical observatories. While passage tomb is the traditional description for Newgrange and similar structures, chambered cairn or passage mound are the descriptions favoured by those who consider the passage tomb description too narrow. The large stones surrounding and inside the Passage Tombs are decorated with Megalithic Art such as spirals, concentric circles, triangles, zigzags and images which have been interpreted as the sun, moon and the human face. Irish passage tombs tend to occur in clusters traditionally described as a Necropolis or cemetery. The Boyne cluster includes Newgrange, Knowth, Dowth and Townleyhall. The other great clusters in County Meath are on the hills around Loughcrew. The ancient Boyne Valley passage tomb mounds at Newgrange, Knowth and Dowth have been designated World Heritage Site status by UNESCO and attract 200,000 visitors per year. The sites and Visitor Centre are managed by the OPW (Office of Public Works). Newgrange is best known for the illumination of its passage and chamber by the winter solstice sun. The site is open to the public with controlled access to the passage and chamber. Tours of Newgrange start at the Brú na Bóinne Visitor Centre located near the village of Donore, Co. Meath. Knowth has two passages and is surrounded by seventeen satellite cairns. The site is open to the public; however there is no public access to the interior passages and chambers. Tours of Knowth also start at the Brú na Bóinne Visitor Centre. Dowth is the only one of the three large Brú na Bóinne Passage Tombs which is not accessible from the Visitor Centre situated on the south bank of the river. Visitors to Dowth must drive directly to the site on the north bank, a couple of miles from the Slane / Drogheda road. Fourknocks with its short passage leading into a wide pear shaped chamber is in similar style to Tombs in Portugal. Just inside the main chamber to the left of the entrance is one of the few representations of a human face from the Neolithic Period in ancient Ireland. Entrance to Fourknocks Megalithic Passage Tomb. Megalithic Art - Loughcrew, Co. Meath Loughcrew Cairns form the largest complex of Megalithic structures in Ireland. The Cairns contain symbolic engravings similar in style to Newgrange. Like other Passage Tombs in ancient Ireland, they have clear astrological alignments.Tara was the seat of the High Kings of Ireland in the first millennium A.D. however Tara is also the site of a Passage Tomb known as the Mound of the Hostages that was built about 2,500 B.C. knowth, newgrange, megalith, ireland, world heritage, neolithic

The Trustees of the Australian Ex-Prisoners of War Memorial have defined a Prisoner of War to be a person who was captured by a common enemy and/or interned in a neutral or non-combatant country. To be defined an Australian Prisoner of War, the person needs to be either an Australian Born person serving in the Uniform of an Australian Service; or in the Uniform of a friendly country, or Born Elsewhere and serving in the Uniform of an Australian Service. A Prisoner is a person who has lost personal privileges, suffers deprivation of liberty or is unable to return home or dies in captivity.Colour photograph of a War Memorial designed by Peter Blizzard. The granite wall of the Australian Ex-Prisoners of War Memorial features a listing the names of Australian Prisoners and was opened on the 6th February 2004 by General Peter Cosgrove AM MC to recognise and remember over 36,000 Australians who became Prisoners of War during the Wars of the 20th Century. In 2008 the Memorial became the First Military Memorial of National Significance outside Canberra. The Memorial which was designed by Peter Blizzard OAM, symbolises that all Australian prisoners embarked on a journey to serve away from their homeland and acknowledges the hardship, deprivation, brutality, starvation and disease endured by Prisoners of War during their capture and the scars that many continued to endure upon their repatriation to Australia. Heritage Victoria describes the memorial in the following way" "A JOURNEY OF HONOUR, REMEMBRANCE AND HEALING - The Australian Ex-Prisoners of War Memorial is a dramatic and highly symbolic tribute to the sacrifice made by more than 35,000 young Australian service men and women in four theatres of war. At the heart of the monument is a stark, 130 metre long, highly polished black granite wall, engraved with the names of all Australian prisoners of war. The names on this 'honour roll' are listed in historical order from the Boer War in 1899, through to the Korean War in 1953. It is a testament to the contribution made by so many. Standing sentinel at the centre of the Memorial are six huge basalt obelisks, etched with the names of all the countries where Australians were held prisoner of war. The obelisks stand in a large reflective pool, set back from the central pathway, symbolising the distance that separated Australia's prisoners of war from their homes and their loved ones. Opposite the pool is a larger obelisk flanked by flagpoles and a ceremonial stone on which to lay wreaths. The central pathway is itself symbolic, with each of the paving stones cut in the shape of a railway sleeper. The pathway defines 'the journey' taken by the prisoners of war and the journey visitors take around the monument. At the end of the granite wall where the pathway ends, visitors face a large stone engraved simply 'Lest We Forget'. Water flows from beneath the stone, along the base of the granite wall and into the reflection pool in which the obelisks stand. This cycle of flowing water, symbolising spirituality, healing, cleansing, birth and rebirth, guides visitors on their journey through the Memorial." ballarat, ballarat botanical gardens, peter blizzard, ballarat north gardens, war memorial, prisoner of war, prisoners of war

DESCRIPTIONColour photograph of a War Memorial designed by Peter Blizzard. The granite wall of the Australian Ex-Prisoners of War Memorial features a listing the names of Australian Prisoners and was opened on the 6th February 2004 by General Peter Cosgrove AM MC to recognise and remember over 36,000 Australians who became Prisoners of War during the Wars of the 20th Century. In 2008 the Memorial became the First Military Memorial of National Significance outside Canberra. The Memorial which was designed by Peter Blizzard OAM, symbolises that all Australian prisoners embarked on a journey to serve away from their homeland and acknowledges the hardship, deprivation, brutality, starvation and disease endured by Prisoners of War during their capture and the scars that many continued to endure upon their repatriation to Australia. Heritage Victoria describes the memorial in the following way" "A JOURNEY OF HONOUR, REMEMBRANCE AND HEALING - The Australian Ex-Prisoners of War Memorial is a dramatic and highly symbolic tribute to the sacrifice made by more than 35,000 young Australian service men and women in four theatres of war. At the heart of the monument is a stark, 130 metre long, highly polished black granite wall, engraved with the names of all Australian prisoners of war. The names on this 'honour roll' are listed in historical order from the Boer War in 1899, through to the Korean War in 1953. It is a testament to the contribution made by so many. Standing sentinel at the centre of the Memorial are six huge basalt obelisks, etched with the names of all the countries where Australians were held prisoner of war. The obelisks stand in a large reflective pool, set back from the central pathway, symbolising the distance that separated Australia's prisoners of war from their homes and their loved ones. Opposite the pool is a larger obelisk flanked by flagpoles and a ceremonial stone on which to lay wreaths. The central pathway is itself symbolic, with each of the paving stones cut in the shape of a railway sleeper. The pathway defines 'the journey' taken by the prisoners of war and the journey visitors take around the monument. At the end of the granite wall where the pathway ends, visitors face a large stone engraved simply 'Lest We Forget'. Water flows from beneath the stone, along the base of the granite wall and into the reflection pool in which the obelisks stand. This cycle of flowing water, symbolising spirituality, healing, cleansing, birth and rebirth, guides visitors on their journey through the Memorial."australian ex-prisoner of war memorial, peter blizzard, prisoner of war, ballarat north gardens

DESCRIPTIONColour photograph of a War Memorial designed by Peter Blizzard. The granite wall of the Australian Ex-Prisoners of War Memorial features a listing the names of Australian Prisoners and was opened on the 6th February 2004 by General Peter Cosgrove AM MC to recognise and remember over 36,000 Australians who became Prisoners of War during the Wars of the 20th Century. In 2008 the Memorial became the First Military Memorial of National Significance outside Canberra. The Memorial which was designed by Peter Blizzard OAM, symbolises that all Australian prisoners embarked on a journey to serve away from their homeland and acknowledges the hardship, deprivation, brutality, starvation and disease endured by Prisoners of War during their capture and the scars that many continued to endure upon their repatriation to Australia. Heritage Victoria describes the memorial in the following way" "A JOURNEY OF HONOUR, REMEMBRANCE AND HEALING - The Australian Ex-Prisoners of War Memorial is a dramatic and highly symbolic tribute to the sacrifice made by more than 35,000 young Australian service men and women in four theatres of war. At the heart of the monument is a stark, 130 metre long, highly polished black granite wall, engraved with the names of all Australian prisoners of war. The names on this 'honour roll' are listed in historical order from the Boer War in 1899, through to the Korean War in 1953. It is a testament to the contribution made by so many. Standing sentinel at the centre of the Memorial are six huge basalt obelisks, etched with the names of all the countries where Australians were held prisoner of war. The obelisks stand in a large reflective pool, set back from the central pathway, symbolising the distance that separated Australia's prisoners of war from their homes and their loved ones. Opposite the pool is a larger obelisk flanked by flagpoles and a ceremonial stone on which to lay wreaths. The central pathway is itself symbolic, with each of the paving stones cut in the shape of a railway sleeper. The pathway defines 'the journey' taken by the prisoners of war and the journey visitors take around the monument. At the end of the granite wall where the pathway ends, visitors face a large stone engraved simply 'Lest We Forget'. Water flows from beneath the stone, along the base of the granite wall and into the reflection pool in which the obelisks stand. This cycle of flowing water, symbolising spirituality, healing, cleansing, birth and rebirth, guides visitors on their journey through the Memorial."australian ex-prisoner of war memorial, prisoner of war, ballarat north gardens, peter blizzard

This particular geological specimen was found in Mount Franklin or Lalgambook in Djadjawurrung, located between Daylesford and Newstead, approximately ninety minutes drive from Melbourne. The mountain is an example of a breached scoria cone (a steep conical hill of loose pyroclastic fragments) which was created by a volcanic eruption about 470,000 years ago, a date which may indicate the age of this geological specimen. The volcanic eruptions of Mount Franklin were most likely witnessed by members of the Dja Dja Wurrung Aboriginal tribe, who referred to this country as the 'smoking grounds'. Mount Franklin and the surrounding area appears to have been a place of considerable religious significance to Aboriginal people, there is evidence which indicates that frequent large ceremonial gatherings took place in the area. Basalt is the most common rock on Earth’s surface, more than 90% of all volcanic rock on Earth is basalt. Basalt is an aphanitic extrusive igneous rock formed from the rapid cooling of low-viscosity lava exposed at or very near the surface of a rocky planet or moon. Specimens are black in colour and weather to dark green or brown. Basalt is rich in iron and magnesium and is mainly composed of olivine, pyroxene, and plagioclase. Olivine is the name of a group of rock-forming silicate minerals with compositions ranging between Mg2SiO4 and Fe2SiO4. Unlike other minerals, Olivine has a very high crystallisation temperature which makes it the first of the minerals to crystallise from magma. As magma cools, the crystals begin to form and settle on the bottom of the lava and form basalts that are abnormally enriched in olivine in the lower part of lava flows. According to H. M. King (on geology.com) "Olivine is thought to be an important mineral in Earth's mantle. Its presence as a mantle mineral has been inferred by a change in the behaviour of seismic waves as they cross the boundary between Earth's crust and mantle". Lava from Mount Franklin and other volcanoes in the area filled valleys and buried the gold bearing streams that became the renowned ‘deep leads’ of the gold mining era. In 1852, as part of the Victorian gold rush, gold was discovered in the immediate area, this gold was created by lava flows during the Newer Volcanic period, which were mined intensively during the nineteenth century. Around 1865 the presence of a deep lead in Mount Franklin was established. Deep lead mining was initially unsuccessful, and it was not until the late 1870s that the Franklinford Gold Mining Company mined at Mount Franklin on a significant scale. A few years later the Mount Franklin Estate Gold Mining Company also struck gold, followed by the Shakespeare and Great Western companies in the mid-1880s. By the late 1880s, however, deep lead mining had ceased in the area. Soon after gold was discovered in 1851, Victoria’s Governor La Trobe wrote to the Colonial Office in London, urging ‘the propriety of selecting and appointing as Mineral Surveyor for this Colony a gentleman possessed of the requisite qualifications and acquaintance with geological science and phenomena’. Alfred Selwyn was appointed geological surveyor in Australia in 1852 which began the Geological Survey of Victoria. In 1853-69 the Geological Survey issued under Selwyn's direction sixty-one geological maps and numerous reports; they were of such high standard that a writer in the Quarterly Journal of the Geological Society of London bracketed the survey with that of the United States of America as the best in the world. During his years spent in Australia, Selwyn collected numerous significant geological specimens, examples of which are held in collections such as the Burke Museum.This geological specimen is an example of basalt and olivine which shows the volcanic lava activity and geographical specific nature of Mt Franklin as a significant volcanic site. According to Agriculture Victoria 'The crater is one of the deepest in the Central Highlands area. It is a major megacryst site with some of the largest known Victorian examples of megacrysts of augite and an orthoclase. The small parasitic mound of Lady Franklin on the western flanks adds to the geological interest of the site'. This specimen also highlights the locality as a significant place for both indigenous activity and Victorian gold rush era mining practices. This specimen is part of a larger collection of geological and mineral specimens collected from around Australia (and some parts of the world) and donated to the Burke Museum between 1868-1880. A large percentage of these specimens were collected in Victoria as part of the Geological Survey of Victoria that begun in 1852 (in response to the Gold Rush) to study and map the geology of Victoria. Collecting geological specimens was an important part of mapping and understanding the scientific makeup of the earth. Many of these specimens were sent to research and collecting organisations across Australia, including the Burke Museum, to educate and encourage further study.An angular, solid hand-sized piece of grey volcanic Basalt with green/brown Olivine phenocrysts along one flat edge.Olivine in basalt / - label is probably / correct. / C. Willman / 15/4/21burke museum, beechworth, indigo shire, beechworth museum, geological, geological specimen, mineralogy, basalt, igneous rock, igneous-volcanic, volcanic geology, volcanic, olivine, olivine specimen, basaltoid

Tatting is a form of knotted lace making using thread and a small shuttle. Twisted threads are tied around or through small, pointed shuttles that can be made of bone, mother of pearl, tortoise shell, steel or plastic. This produces a stable, strong lace using simple knots of two half hitches to make rings and chains embellished with picots.The origins of tatting are not clear but early versions of decorative knotting were used by the Egyptians on their ceremonial dress. Tatting also has elements of fishermen's net making techniques and the decorative knotting that was practiced by aristocratic women from the 15th century.Tatting, as we know it today, emerged in the first half of the 19th century. The new availability of mercerised thread from 1835 encouraged a burgeoning of lace crafts of all sorts. It was known in Italy as "occhi" and in France as "la frivolite". Tatting looks fragile but is both strong and durable. An article in a column named "Wives and Daughters" published in the Star newspaper in May 1910 describes the durability of tatting lace - "there is edging and insertion still in existence that have outworn two sets of pillow slips." In the 19th century and well into the 20th century, tatting was used like crochet and knitted lace for decorative edgings, collars, doylies, tray cloths etc. At first, different tatting patterns were passed along by word of mouth from person to person, however in time, patterns regularly appeared in newspapers and magazines well into the 1950's. A shuttle is a small tool that looks like a small boat "sailing" in and out of the thread. Tatting is called "schiffchenarbeit" in German, which means "the work of a little boat". There are two popular types of shuttles. The first has closed ends and a removable bobbin where the thread is wound around - often made from metal or plastic (as is item 8535.1). The second type has a post in the center where the thread is wound (e.g. item 8535.2). The ends of this bobbin are open but snug. Because it is constructed in two pieces, it can be made from materials like bone, ivory or mother of pearl. Shuttles hold a larger amount of thread (as compared with needles) which means fewer ends to weave in. Fishermen in the past are thought to have used large shuttles to weave cord into certain knots whilst making their fishing nets. Their methods were copied by weavers, who innovated by using threads and smaller shuttles to make lace. One type of tatting shuttle produced by "Aero" from the 1930's to the late 1960's was an anodized grey coated aluminium shuttle with a sharp pick at one end. In the 1970's it was superseded by the grey plastic "Aero" which has a removeable bobbin which you can put on the end of the shuttle to make thread winding easier and an embedded crochet hook for joining picots. The "Aero" company developed in Redditch, England - a town renowned as a centre for manufacturing needles. Firms run by Henry Milward and Abel Morrall were based in Redditch and by the 18th century Redditch was manufacturing one million sewing needles per year. Abel Morrall Ltd launched the "Aero" brand in 1936 and greatly expanded the firm's product line to include tatting shuttles and knitting needles. The classic plastic "Aero" tatting shuttle was manufactured in England from the early 1970's until the 1990's. These items are significant as examples of easily accessible handiwork tools that enabled women in the 1930s -1960s to be able to decorate and personalize their household linen and clothing.Shuttle no. 8535.1 is a beige, boat shaped plastic shuttle with enclosed ends, small round central indentations on both sides and an enclosed black removeable bobbin. The shuttle has a grooved point at one end to hold a bobbin and a small metal crochet hook at the other end. Shuttle no. 8535.2 is a beige, boat shaped metal shuttle with pointed ends that are open but snug, small round central indentations and two smaller circular markings (on both sides) and two internal posts with cream thread wound around.Shuttle no. 8535.1 - "AERO" / "ENGLAND" Shuttle no. 8535.2 - "AERO' / "ENGLAND" "39c" (written in ball point pen)flagstaff hill maritime museum and village, flagstaff hill, warrnambool, shipwreck coast, great ocean road, tatting shuttle, aero company, handwork, handwork tool, craft, handcraft, needlework, tatting

1. Musical and linguistic perspectives on Aboriginal song Allan Marett and Linda Barwick Song brings language and music together. Great singers are at once musicians and wordsmiths, who toss rhythm, melody and word against one another in complex cross-play. In this paper we outline some initial findings that are emerging from our interdisciplinary study of the musical traditions of the Cobourg region of western Arnhem Land, a coastal area situated in the far north of the Australian continent 350 kilometres northeast of Darwin. We focus on a set of songs called Jurtbirrk, sung in Iwaidja, a highly endangered language, whose core speaker base is now located in the community of Minjilang on Croker Island. We bring to bear analytical methodologies from both musicology and linguistics to illuminate this hitherto undocumented genre of love songs. 2. Iwaidja Jurtbirrk songs: Bringing language and music together Linda Barwick (University of Sydney), Bruce Birch and Nicholas Evans (University of Melbourne) Song brings language and music together. Great singers are at once musicians and wordsmiths, who toss rhythm, melody and word against one another in complex cross-play. In this paper we outline some initial findings that are emerging from our interdisciplinary study of the musical traditions of the Cobourg region of western Arnhem Land, a coastal area situated in the far north of the Australian continent 350 kilometres northeast of Darwin. We focus on a set of songs called Jurtbirrk, sung in Iwaidja, a highly endangered language, whose core speaker base is now located in the community of Minjilang on Croker Island. We bring to bear analytical methodologies from both musicology and linguistics to illuminate this hitherto undocumented genre of love songs. 3. Morrdjdjanjno ngan-marnbom story nakka, ?songs that turn me into a story teller?: The morrdjdjanjno of western Arnhem Land Murray Garde (University of Melbourne) Morrdjdjanjno is the name of a song genre from the Arnhem Land plateau in the Top End of the Northern Territory and this paper is a first description of this previously undocumented song tradition. Morrdjdjanjno are songs owned neither by individuals or clans, but are handed down as ?open domain? songs with some singers having knowledge of certain songs unknown to others. Many morrdjdjanjno were once performed as part of animal increase rituals and each song is associated with a particular animal species, especially macropods. Sung only by men, they can be accompanied by clap sticks alone or both clap sticks and didjeridu. First investigations reveal that the song texts are not in everyday speech but include, among other things, totemic referential terms for animals which are exclusive to morrdjdjanjno. Translations from song language into ordinary register speech can often be ?worked up? when the song texts are discussed in their cultural and performance context. The transmission of these songs is severely endangered at present as there are only two known singers remaining both of whom are elderly. 4. Sung and spoken: An analysis of two different versions of a Kun-barlang love song Isabel O?Keeffe (nee Bickerdike) (University of Melbourne) In examining a sung version and a spoken version of a Kun-barlang love song text recorded by Alice Moyle in 1962, I outline the context and overall structure of the song, then provide a detailed comparative analysis of the two versions. I draw some preliminary conclusions about the nature of Kun-barlang song language, particularly in relation to the rhythmic setting of words in song texts and the use of vocables as structural markers. 5. Simplifying musical practice in order to enhance local identity: Rhythmic modes in the Walakandha wangga (Wadeye, Northern Territory) Allan Marett (University of Sydney) Around 1982, senior performers of the Walakandha wangga, a repertory of song and dance from the northern Australian community of Wadeye (Port Keats), made a conscious decision to simplify their complex musical and dance practice in order to strengthen the articulation of a group identity in ceremonial performance. Recordings from the period 1972?82 attest to a rich diversity of rhythmic modes, each of which was associated with a different style of dance. By the mid-1980s, however, this complexity had been significantly reduced. I trace the origin of the original complexity, explore the reasons why this was subsequently reduced, and trace the resultant changes in musical practice. 6. ?Too long, that wangga?: Analysing wangga texts over time Lysbeth Ford (University of Sydney) For the past forty or so years, Daly region song-men have joined with musicologists and linguists to document their wangga songs. This work has revealed a corpus of more than one hundred wangga songs composed in five language varieties Within this corpus are a few wangga texts recorded with their prose versions. I compare sung and spoken texts in an attempt to show not only what makes wangga texts consistently different from prose texts, but also how the most recent wangga texts differ from those composed some forty years ago. 7. Flesh with country: Juxtaposition and minimal contrast in the construction and melodic treatment of jadmi song texts Sally Treloyn (University of Sydney) For some time researchers of Centralian-style songs have found that compositional and performance practices that guide the construction and musical treatment of song texts have a broader social function. Most recently, Barwick has identified an ?aesthetics of parataxis or juxtaposition? in the design of Warumungu song texts and musical organisation (as well as visual arts and dances), that mirrors social values (such as the skin system) and forms 'inductive space' in which relationships between distinct classes of being, places, and groups of persons are established. Here I set out how juxtaposition and minimal contrast in the construction and melodic treatment of jadmi-type junba texts from the north and north-central Kimberley region similarly create 'inductive space' within which living performers, ancestral beings, and the country to which they are attached, are drawn into dynamic, contiguous relationships. 8. The poetics of central Australian Aboriginal song Myfany Turpin (University of Sydney) An often cited feature of traditional songs from Central Australia (CA songs) is the obfuscation of meaning. This arises partly from the difficulties of translation and partly from the difficulties in identifying words in song. The latter is the subject of this paper, where I argue it is a by-product of adhering to the requirements of a highly structured art form. Drawing upon a set of songs from the Arandic language group, I describe the CA song as having three independent obligatory components (text, rhythm and melody) and specify how text is set to rhythm within a rhythmic and a phonological constraint. I show how syllable counting, for the purposes of text setting, reflects a feature of the Arandic sound system. The resultant rhythmic text is then set to melody while adhering to a pattern of text alliteration. 9. Budutthun ratja wiyinymirri: Formal flexibility in the Yol?u manikay tradition and the challenge of recording a complete repertoire Aaron Corn (University of Sydney) with Neparr? a Gumbula (University of Sydney) Among the Yol?u (people) of north-eastern Arnhem Land, manikay (song) series serve as records of sacred relationships between humans, country and ancestors. Their formal structures constitute the overarching order of all ceremonial actions, and their lyrics comprise sacred esoteric lexicons held nowhere else in the Yol?u languages. A consummate knowledge of manikay and its interpenetrability with ancestors, country, and parallel canons of sacred y�ku (names), bu?gul (dances) and miny'tji (designs) is an essential prerequisite to traditional leadership in Yol?u society. Drawing on our recordings of the Baripuy manikay series from 2004 and 2005, we explore the aesthetics and functions of formal flexibility in the manikay tradition. We examine the individuation of lyrical realisations among singers, and the role of rhythmic modes in articulating between luku (root) and bu?gul'mirri (ceremonial) components of repertoire. Our findings will contribute significantly to intercultural understandings of manikay theory and aesthetics, and the centrality of manikay to Yol?u intellectual traditions. 10. Australian Aboriginal song language: So many questions, so little to work with Michael Walsh Review of the questions related to the analysis of Aboriginal song language; requirements for morpheme glossing, component package, interpretations, prose and song text comparison, separation of Indigenous and ethnographic explanations, candour about collection methods, limitations and interpretative origins.maps, colour photographs, tablesyolgnu, wadeye, music and culture

Contents: p.1-3; Origins, arrival in Australia; p.4-9; How they lived - camp sites, dating (including carbon dating); p.10-27; Physical appearance, skin colour, hair, clothing, body ornaments, cicatrization; exchange system, distribution of food, marriage &? sexual relations; the tribe - structure, relationship to land, territory, gives map showing locations of tribes, New South Wales, Victoria &? eastern South Australia, leadership, government, division of labour, status of women, estimated population at white settlement, density of population (Victoria); p.28-31; Language - names &? naming, reproduces Wembawemba vocabulary, notes use of secret languages, gives 12 rules for pronounciation; p.32-53; Religion, spirit beliefs, totemism, moieties, phratries, marriage rules; mythology, gives eaglehawk &? crow myth from Lake Victoria &? other myths illustrating origins of fire &? natural rock formations, mythical beasts (Bunyip, Mindie), stellar beliefs; magic, medicine men, powers, native remedies for sickness, describes ceremony held in Melbourne, 1847 to avert evil, sorcery, pointing bone, love magic, rain makers; messengers, appearance, etiquette, message sticks; p.54-71; Rock art, motifs, colours, decorative art, engraving of utensils, rock engravings, manufacture &? use of pigments, engraving techniques; trade system, objects bartered, meeting places for trade (Victoria), map shows possible routes (south east Australia); corroborees, purpose, body ornaments &? decorations, musical instruments; p.72-93; Ceremonial life, marriage, punishment for infidelity, birth, childhood, games &? amusements, initiation, etiquette of visiting tribes, details of ceremony, womens role, earth figures &? ground designs, bull roarers, female puberty ceremonies; p.94-133; Shelters, fire making, cooking, construction of canoes, wooden implements, use of reeds, animal skins &? sinews, shells; stone tools, cylindro conical stones, scrapers, knives &? microliths; hunting weapons, spear, other methods pits, nets; fishing methods &? spears, traps; food sharing, womens responsibilities for collecting, digging stick, cooking methods, insect foods, plant foods, water resources; manufacture &? use of spears, spear throwers, shields, clubs, boomerangs; inter- &? intratribal fighting; p.134-147; Death, disposal of body - eating of the dead, burial, cremation, platform exposure, dendroglyphs (N.S.W.), Aboriginal burial grounds (Darling &? Murray Rivers), mourning, widowhood, kopi caps (N.S.W.), causes of death, inquest ceremonies, revenge expedition, after death beliefs; p.148-157; The end of the tribes white settlement &? its impact on Aboriginal life, friction between natives &? settlers, establishment of Protectorates; copiously illustrated throughout.maps, b&w illustrations, b&w photographswemba wemba, murray river, darling river, lake victoria

Tatting is a form of knotted lace making using thread and a small shuttle. Twisted threads are tied around or through small, pointed shuttles that can be made of bone, mother of pearl, tortoise shell, steel or plastic. This produces a stable, strong lace using simple knots of two half hitches to make rings and chains embellished with picots. The origins of tatting are not clear but early versions of decorative knotting were used by the Egyptians on their ceremonial dress. Tatting also has elements of fishermen's net making techniques and the decorative knotting that was practiced by aristocratic women from the 15th century. Tatting, as we know it today, emerged in the first half of the 19th century. The new availability of mercerised thread from 1835 encouraged a burgeoning of lace crafts of all sorts. It was known in Italy as "occhi" and in France as "la frivolite". Tatting looks fragile but is both strong and durable. An article in a column named "Wives and Daughters" published in the Star newspaper in May 1910 describes the durability of tatting lace - "there is edging and insertion still in existence that have outworn two sets of pillow slips." In the 19th century and well into the 20th century, tatting was used like crochet and knitted lace for decorative edgings, collars, doilies, tray cloths etc. At first, different tatting patterns were passed along by word of mouth from person to person, however in time, patterns regularly appeared in newspapers and magazines well into the 1950's. This book has photographs and detailed instructions for a wide range of tatted edgings and insertions suitable for household linens such as towels, doilies and tablecloths as well as patterns for whole mats. Stanley E. Mullen (a businessman) developed Semco Pty Ltd which began as a Melbourne based importation company in 1907. The first three letters of Semco's name were his initials. In 1915 it began manufacturing women's apparel, whitework and transfer patterns. In 1924 the company moved to Black Rock, Victoria and continued to produce an extensive range of needlework patterns and handcraft instruction booklets, threads etc. up until the late 1970's. Semco had a staff that included many young women. It was noted by E.J. Trait (editor of the local newspaper "Standard News") that the firm provided them with good working conditions and the correct rate of pay for women in a time of war - the starting rate for 15 year olds, mainly girls at Semco was 25 shillings per week. During World War 2, Manpower Regulations could be used to coerce workers to move into jobs that supported the war effort, but Trait argued that being employed at Semco could make this unlikely as the firm made some goods essential for the war effort. He even suggested that women be encouraged to produce needlework items (and play a part in the war effort) by sending them as presents, to the troops up north. He also heaped praise on the Semco workplace - noting that no Saturday work was the norm, allowing employees to shop and have "hair-do's" before enjoying a relaxing weekend! Semco also had a female cricket side in the women's Saturday association. After the war the firm stayed in production until the early 1990's when it was taken over by Coates-Paton Pty Ltd. Norma Benporath (1900 - 1998) was an expert in tatting techniques and taught and published extensively on the subject. She was born in New Zealand with impaired sight but cataract surgery restored 50% vision to one eye. She was inspired to learn tatting whilst watching her aunt tat and being told that tatting did not require as much sharp vision as embroidery. She quickly learnt to design her own patterns and published over 1000 tatted lace patterns between 1929 and 1952. She became a regular contributor to magazines (such as Home Beautiful) and newspapers across Australia. Her designs were also published in New Zealand, South Africa as well as the U.K. and U.S.A. When Semco, a thread manufacturer, noticed a rise in the sale of fine crochet threads, they realized they had an untapped market to explore. Norma designed a collection of tatting patterns for Semco that were used to help promote their threads. Norma also worked with Semco to produce a line of threads and shuttles specifically suited to tatting. In 1997, Norma was inducted into the "Order of Australia" for "Service to the craft of tatting as a designer and through the international publication of her patterns".This item is an excellent example of the needle work being enjoyed by women in the 1940's in Australia and the skills of the Australian designer, Norma Benporath. It is also an example of the trend that emerged for craft companies such as Semco to publish pattern books in order to advertise their own materials.A 32 page soft cover instruction book with green front and back covers showing two tatted doily designs. The book includes black and white photographs and written patterns by Norma Benporath.Front cover - "TATTING" "For / EXPERTS/ and / BEGINNERS" "By/Semco" "SEMCO INSTRUCTION BOOK" "No. 16" "WITH ILLUSTRATIONS AND INSTRUCTIONS" "9" Back cover - "FOR INSTRUCTIONS FOR WORKING SEE PAGE 22" "Published by Semco Pty. Ltd." "BLACK ROCK, 29, VIC"flagstaff hill maritime museum and village, warrnambool, great ocean road, tatting, tatting instruction book, tatting patterns, tatting shuttle, semco, semco pty ltd, norma benporath, needlework, handcrafts, household linen, craftwork

The Tower of London, officially Her Majesty's Royal Palace and Fortress of the Tower of London, is a historic castle located on the north bank of the River Thames in central London. It lies within the London Borough of Tower Hamlets, separated from the eastern edge of the square mile of the City of London by the open space known as Tower Hill. It was founded towards the end of 1066 as part of the Norman Conquest of England. The White Tower, which gives the entire castle its name, was built by William the Conqueror in 1078, and was a resented symbol of oppression, inflicted upon London by the new ruling elite. The castle was used as a prison from 1100 (Ranulf Flambard) until 1952 (Kray twins),[3] although that was not its primary purpose. A grand palace early in its history, it served as a royal residence. As a whole, the Tower is a complex of several buildings set within two concentric rings of defensive walls and a moat. There were several phases of expansion, mainly under Kings Richard the Lionheart, Henry III, and Edward I in the 12th and 13th centuries. The general layout established by the late 13th century remains despite later activity on the site. The Tower of London has played a prominent role in English history. It was besieged several times, and controlling it has been important to controlling the country. The Tower has served variously as an armoury, a treasury, a menagerie, the home of the Royal Mint, a public record office, and the home of the Crown Jewels of England. From the early 14th century until the reign of Charles II, a procession would be led from the Tower to Westminster Abbey on the coronation of a monarch. In the absence of the monarch, the Constable of the Tower is in charge of the castle. This was a powerful and trusted position in the medieval period. In the late 15th century the castle was the prison of the Princes in the Tower. Under the Tudors, the Tower became used less as a royal residence, and despite attempts to refortify and repair the castle its defences lagged behind developments to deal with artillery. The peak period of the castle's use as a prison was the 16th and 17th centuries, when many figures who had fallen into disgrace, such as Elizabeth I before she became queen, Sir Walter Raleigh, and Elizabeth Throckmorton were held within its walls. This use has led to the phrase "sent to the Tower". Despite its enduring reputation as a place of torture and death, popularised by 16th-century religious propagandists and 19th-century writers, only seven people were executed within the Tower before the World Wars of the 20th century. Executions were more commonly held on the notorious Tower Hill to the north of the castle, with 112 occurring there over a 400-year period. In the latter half of the 19th century, institutions such as the Royal Mint moved out of the castle to other locations, leaving many buildings empty. Anthony Salvin and John Taylor took the opportunity to restore the Tower to what was felt to be its medieval appearance, clearing out many of the vacant post-medieval structures. In the First and Second World Wars, the Tower was again used as a prison, and witnessed the executions of 12 men for espionage. After the Second World War, damage caused during the Blitz was repaired, and the castle reopened to the public. Today the Tower of London is one of the country's most popular tourist attractions. Under the ceremonial charge of the Constable of the Tower, it is cared for by the charity Historic Royal Palaces and is protected as a World Heritage Site.(Wikipedia) A World Heritage Site is a landmark which has been officially recognized by the United Nations, specifically by UNESCO. Sites are selected on the basis of having cultural, historical, scientific or some other form of significance, and they are legally protected by international treaties. UNESCO regards these sites as being important to the collective interests of humanity. More specifically, a World Heritage Site is an already classified landmark on the earth, which by way of being unique in some respect as a geographically and historically identifiable piece is of special cultural or physical significance (such as either due to hosting an ancient ruins or some historical structure, building, city, complex, desert, forest, island, lake, monument, or mountain) and symbolizes a remarkable footprint of extreme human endeavour often coupled with some act of indisputable accomplishment of humanity which then serves as a surviving evidence of its intellectual existence on the planet. And with an ignoble intent of its practical conservation for posterity, but which otherwise could be subject to inherent risk of endangerment from human or animal trespassing, owing to unmonitored/uncontrolled/unrestricted nature of access or threat by natural or accelerated extinction owing to local administrative negligence, hence it would have been listed and demarcated by the United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization (UNESCO) to have been identified or recognised and officially christened and internationally elevated through multilateral declaration by UNESCO as a universally protected zone. [1] The list is maintained by the international World Heritage Programme administered by the UNESCO World Heritage Committee, composed of 21 UNESCO member states which are elected by the General Assembly. (Wikipedia)The Tower of London is a UNESCO world heritage site.tower of london

In April 2012 former Royal Australian College of General Practitioners president Dr Paul Hemming was appointed the University of Ballarat’s new chancellor. Dr Hemming was a deputy chancellor of the university since 2011 and a member of the university council since 2007, and replaces outgoing chancellor Robert Smith. He was a founding director of Beyondblue and has been president of the Royal Australian College of General Practitioners. He was also president of the Australian Medical Association Victoria and has served on numerous federal government medical bodies and tribunals. Chancellors are appointed to chair the university's council (governing body) as the senior office holder of the University. They also confer the academic awards of the university, and represent the university at meetings, functions and ceremonies. At the installation of Dr Hemming as the Fifth Chancellor Of The University Of Ballarat Governor of Victoria Alex Chrnov said: "I join Bonnie Fagan in acknowledging the traditional owners of this land and I pay my respects to their elders past and present. It is my great pleasure, as Governor of Victoria and Visitor to the University of Ballarat, to install Dr Paul Hemming as the fifth Chancellor of this University. I extend to him and his family my warmest congratulations on this appointment and wish him all the best in his new role. I have no doubt that he will be an industrious and wise leader of this University. Although the University of Ballarat is one of Australia’s newest Universities, it is the third oldest Tertiary institution in our country with the School of Mines being established in 1870. It has much to be proud of, and should be recognised for its commitment to being one of our most outstanding regionally focused higher education institutions. It offers on six campuses a diverse, yet suitably targeted, group of learning models that include higher education, TAFE and senior secondary school education, and is one of the few universities in the country that has an associated Technology Park. This University is uniquely placed to provide higher education in Regional Victoria. For example, I understand that by 2020 the population in the Ballarat area will increase by 20% so this University will have the responsibility and opportunity to provide educational opportunities for this growing population. The role of the Governor can be divided into three parts – ceremonial, constitutional and community engagement. It is the third aspect of the role that is most time consuming and, I add, enjoyable. It includes making official visits to Regional areas of Victoria. To date Elizabeth and I have been on 16 such visits and the thing that stands out is that despite the challenges that face Regional communities whether it be through natural disasters, or the economy more broadly – the stoicism, volunteerism and self reliance are always present. Ballarat is an example of such resilience and confidence in its future that can be dated back to this University’s inception. When the School of Mines was established in 1870 on the back of the gold rush era of the 1850s, the local community had vision and faith in its future that is reflected in the building of this institution. It is not dissimilar to Melbourne, where its relatively few citizens established the iconic pillars of our society like the State Library, the University of Melbourne, Parliament Houses and the National Gallery of Victoria. The contribution by the University of Ballarat to Regional Victoria cannot be overstated. Not only does it provide top educational opportunities for students from the Region but its graduates almost invariably end up working in Regional Australia, and often in their own local communities. More specifically, almost three out of every four of the graduates from this University end up finding employment in Regional areas. Such figures highlight the University’s significant contribution to the Regional economy. But its impact is not limited to our Regional areas – it extends to other parts of Australia and overseas. But like so many other higher education institutions in Australia, the University of Ballarat is facing challenges brought about by events such as global uncertainties and the high Australian dollar that impact on the inflow of international students, and dealing with students, more and more of whom come from the lower socio economic sector. It is in those circumstances that the Chancellor must show leadership that involves, amongst others, objectively guiding the Council and supporting the Vice-Chancellor, albeit without becoming involved in the day to day micro management of the University. A strong, trusting and respectful working relationship between the Chancellor and the Vice-Chancellor is, I believe, critical to the sound progress of a University. Before I turn more specifically to Dr Hemming, I would like to reflect briefly on his immediate predecessor, Emeritus Professor Robert Smith. I am sure that Dr Hemming has already found in Professor Smith an invaluable source of assistance. He was a skilled and effective leader not only here, but also in the broader higher education sector. I mention by way of example his instigation and leadership two years ago of the much acclaimed Chancellors’ Conference that was held in Melbourne. There was great diffidence amongst the Chancellors in having it at all. It was a little like herding cats. But Bob Smith spearheaded the organisation of it, with great attention to detail. And it was his hard work and leadership that resulted in the Conference being such a success and of assistance to all Chancellors who attended. It was an illustration of Bob Smith’s skills as a leader in the sector and of this University. And the sector, just as this University remains indebted to him. And I have no doubt that Dr Hemming will similarly lead this University through the challenging, yet exciting, times that lie ahead. He is eminently qualified to do so, in terms of his personal attributes, academic achievements and experience in governance. With his extensive medical career as a General Practitioner, service on a number of Federal Government medical boards and tribunals, and having been a Founding Director of ‘Beyondblue’, President of the Royal Australian College of General Practitioners and President of the Australian Medical Association (Victoria), his list of personal and professional achievements, as well as his strong sense of public and community duty, is impressive. Importantly, Dr Hemming has a long standing connection with the Ballarat community, having moved here with his family from the United Kingdom in 1977. He is now even accepted as a “local” I am told. Given his range of experience to which I have referred and the time he has already spent on the Council and Standing Committees of this University, he is obviously well placed to take part in leading this University. So it is a great pleasure for me to install Dr Hemming as the fifth Chancellor of the University of Ballarat." (http://www.governor.vic.gov.au/victorias-governor/publications/speeches/speech/speech/104) Colour photographS of three men in academic regalia sitting inside the Ballarat Uniting Church, Lydiard Street South. Chancellor Dr Paul Hemming sit in the centre, with Vice-Chancellor Professor david Battersby on the left. Also audience images, academics and a dinner at Craig's Hotel.university of ballarat, federation university, regalia, chancellor, vice chancellor, paul hemming, david battersby, alex chrnov, todd walker, andy smith, craig's hotel, academics

Looks at the Aboriginal community from the time of white contact, across many parts of Victoria. Chap.1; Melbourne - early missions, camp of Native Police, corroboree trees, canoe trees, grave &? headstone of Derrimut; quarries at Keilor, excavation sites at Green Gully &? Keilor; quarry at Mt. William, notes on inheritance of quarries Coranderrk settlement - Barraks grave, notes on his life; Chap.2; Geelong - Yawangi group of the Wothowurong tribe, camping grounds in area quarries; Notes on William Buckley, Gellibrand (a notable Aboriginal), graves in the Western Cemetery; Chap.3; Colac - war between Colac &? Geelong tribes; Mission at Birregurra, reason for failure of Buntingdale Mission; brass plate to Coc-coc-coine; reserve at Elliminyt, native ovens, camp sites, initiation site &? ritual; quarry sites, axegrinding factory, rock pecking &? engraving; dried hand &? 3 Aboriginal skulls found; Chap.4; The south-west coast - middens, camp sites notes on Framlingham Stn., fish traps at Tyrendarra; Chap.5; The far west - massacres of Aborigines near Casterton; camp sites, oven mounds; the first cricket team formed; Aboriginal cemetery; Chap.6; Hamilton - camps; Mount Rouse Station, axegrinding grooves at Nareeb Nareeb, shelters described, fish traps, massacre at Lake Condah; mission; canoes; Chap.7; Camperdown - legend about Lake Bullen Merri; obelisk erected in memory of Aborigines of district especially chief Wombeetch Puyuun; Jarcoort tribe; fish weirs, camps, intertribal fights between Booluc-burrers, Jarcoorts &? Ellengermote groups; bartering place at Mount Noorat; articles traded, legend of Flat-Top Hill; Chap.8; Ballarat - camp at Lake Wendouree; White Stone Lagoon; legends concerning Mt. Buninyong &? waterfalls at Lal-lal; camp sites; pygmy-type implements near Meredith, quarry at Glue Pot Rocks near Durdidwarrah; brass plate of King Billy; Chap.9; Ararat - Tjapwurong territory; camp sites, quarries, shield &? canoe trees; Bunyip belief at Lake Buninjon of Muk-jarawaint &? Pirtkopen-noot tribes, gives legend; stone implements; mill stones; fish weirs; stone arrangement near Lake Wongan; ground drawing of a bunyip, paintings in rock shelter near Mt. Langi Ghiran; Chap.10; Maryborough - camps, oven mounds, rock wells, stone arrangement at Carisbrook; camp sites at Mt. Franklin; Chap.11; Charlton - belief in Mindye (snake); canoe trees, ovens, camp sites, water holes, rock wells, stone implements; method of rainmaking; Chap.12; Horsham-Stawell, The Wimmera - Wotjobaluk land; camps, fish traps at Toolondo; Black Range cave paintings, Flat Rock shelters (detailed account of these paintings); Bunjils Cave; Chap.13; Horsham-Stawell, The Mallee - camp sites, implements; Ebenezer Mission, Willie Wimmera taken to England by Rev. Chase to become a missionary, died in England; Chap.14; The Murray River, Mildura Swan Hill - Battle of the Rufus; ceremonial ground, Lake Gol Gol, canoe &? shield trees; stone implements; camp sites, fire place arrangements; fish traps; oven mounds; Chap.15; The Murray River, Swan Hill-Echuca - legend about Lake Boga; camps, oven mounds, the Cohuna skull, Kow Swamp, method of burial; Chap.16; Shepparton ovens; brass plates of King Paddy of Kotupna &? King Tattambo of Mulka Stn., native well, camps; Chap.17; Wangaratta -camps, quarry, rock holes, the Faithful massacre; grinding rocks at Earlston; Chap.18; The High Plains - Ya-itma-thang; camps, Bogong moth feasts, native paths for trade &? intertribal fights, articles traded; painted shelters; Koetong Ck. Valley, near Mt. Pilot &? near Barwidgee Ck.; Chap.19; Dandenong - water holes, list of 8 holes in Beaumaris - Black Rock area; camps, middens, stone implements (microliths), legend of Angels Cave, stone axes, Native Police Force, Narre Narre Warren Station, legend about rocks on Bald Hill, kangaroo totemic site; Chap.20; Wonthaggi- Yarram - natives visit Phillip Is., murder of William Cook and Yankee by five Tasmanians (listed as Bon Small Boy, Jack Napoleon Timninaparewa, Fanny Waterpoordeyer, Matilda Nattopolenimma and Truganini) near Cape Patterson, men; camp sites, middens, legend of White Rock; Chap.21; Sale - Bairnsdale, The Lakes Country middens, camps; legend at Wulrunjeri; story of a white woman supposedly living with with the Tutangolung tribe, efforts made to prove story; canoe trees; Chap.22; Sale-Bairnsdale, The Inland Braiakolung tribe, camps, implements, canoe &? shield trees; Ramahyuck Mission, grinding rocks, fights with Omeo tribe; native tracks, death through enemy magic - procedure, belief in ghosts; Chap.23; Lakes Entrance and the Country to the east - Kroatungolung people, legend of Kalimna Valley; camps, stones of Nargun, bunyip, devils at Lake Tyers, excavation at Buchan, carbon dates; middens, ochre at Cape Conrad, stone fish-hook file at Thurra River; note on Bidwel tribe; Each chapter gives historical details, early contacts, relationships with settlers; Aboriginal place names and detailed description of sites and geographical features.b&w photographs, b&w illustrations, colour illustrationsgeelong, colac, hamilton, camperdown, ballarat, ararat, maryborough, charlton, horsham, stawell, murray river, shepparton, wangaratta, dandenong, wonthaggi, yarram, sale, bairnsdale, lakes entrance

Melton South "The establishment of a settlement of Melton South was induced by the opening of the railway in 1884. This subsequently prompted a number of industries, initially sawmills, and in the early twentieth century, chaff mills. This development coincided with the Exford ‘Closer Settlement’ estate at the beginning of the new century, boosting local population and produce, and the development of the chaff industry which employed many people in the Melton area. (Around 1912 the government had brought out English migrants to settle the Exford estate.) By c.1912 the small Melton Railway Station settlement had a boarding house (probably for chaff or sawmill employees), store, a small church and a hall. The Melton Valley Golf Club originated near the railway station in 1927 (in 1931 it moved to the present Melton links). In 1910 the community had built the large timber ‘Victoria Hall’, which became the focus of community life for several generations. In August of that same year AR Robertson MP and D McDonald applied for the establishment of a school on land set aside for that purpose by the Closer Settlement Board, near the Melton Railway Station settlement. District Inspector McRae recommended that a school for classes up to Grade 3 be established as an adjunct to the Melton State School. And so SS3717, ‘Melton Railway School’, was established in the leased Victoria Hall on 1st December 1911. Thomas Lang, head master at Melton since 1896, was in charge of both schools. As a ‘prep’ school only, it was necessary that the older Melton Railway Station settlement students travel to Melton SS430 at Unitt Street. Since 1912 local residents had been petitioning for the establishment of a separate school at Melton Railway Station on the grounds that it would be better if all children from the one home could attend the same school, and that the Victoria Hall was unsuitable as a school building. As a result an area of 2 acres - Allotment 8, Parish of Djerriwarrh, Exford Estate - was reserved for a State School on 4th March 1914. However the Department wrote that a school would not be established there in the near future, as ‘there is no likelihood in sight that the Railway Station settlement will increase in importance’. Parents persisted with their petitions to the Education Department, claiming that the Victoria Hall was too large, had no fireplace, that teachers were unable to use the wall for teaching aids, and that, being less than 20 metres away from a chaff mill employing 30 men, was too noisy. The turning point came when in 1920 the Hall Committee decided to increase its rent for the hall. In 1920 Head Teacher Lang advised the Education Department to discontinue SS3717 as an adjunct. The District Inspector supported this recommendation, and the schools separated in 1923. In April of that year 41 children, comprising Grades 1-8, moved into an almost completed brick building on the present site. On the 6th July 1923 the official opening of the school took place; after a ceremonial journey from the Hall to the school, speeches were given by the Hon AR Robertson and the Chief Inspector of Education. Everyone then journeyed back to Victoria Hall for a ‘bountiful repast’. (These dates are at odds with the date of 5th March 1925 given in Blake as the date the children occupied the new SS3717 brick school building. ) A teacher’s residence had been purchased for ₤500 in 1923, and the school’s name was changed to ‘Melton South’ in the same year. Even though the older Melton South pupils would no longer have to travel to the Unitt Street school, an additional brick room was still required at the Melton SS430 in that same year. In 1961 a new room was added to the school. In 1972, at the beginning of Melton’s boom as a satellite town, the number of enrolments was 224. The school has since shared in the exponential growth of the town of Melton, and at the time of its jubilee celebration (1983), 524 pupils were enrolled. Victoria Hall, neglected and vandalised, was demolished in 1992. It had been handed back to the Council on condition that it be replaced by a new hall, with the same name, and was commemorated by a plaque. Apart from the 1923 brick school building, and the railway station, none of the principal early Melton South public sites survive. Few early residential sites remain. (Further research will establish whether the house on the corner of Station Street and the railway line was the original teacher’s residence.)" Melton State School "On 17th May 1858 a State subsidised, combined Denominational School was opened by HT Stokes, with an attendance of about 30 children. This school was conducted in the wooden Melton Combined Protestant Church, situated on ‘a creek flat’ thought to be on the north side of Sherwin Street between Pyke and Byran Streets. It is likely that the Church had been established by 1855 and that the first minister was the Rev. Hampshire, who lived in Cambridge House on the Exford Estate. Ministers of the Protestant denominations were invited to hold services there. As there was only one resident Minister in the town (Presbyterian Mr J Lambie), laymen of the various denominations often spoke on Sundays. In 1863 this building was declared a Common School with the number 430. One of its first and most prominent headmasters was John Corr, who served from 1860 to 1864. Most of Mr Corr’s children also became teachers, including Joseph Corr, at the Rockbank school, and J Reford Corr and WS Corr, headmasters and teachers at numerous prestigious private secondary schools around Australia. John Corr purchased land alongside the school and elsewhere in and near Melton, became secretary and treasurer of the new Cemetery Trust, and by July 1861 was deputy registrar of births, deaths and marriages. He walked three miles every Sunday to teach at the Weslyan Sunday School he had established. Despite good reports from the Education Department Inspector, and burgeoning enrolments, the local school committee recommended the dismissal of, firstly, his wife (from the work mistress position), and then him from the headmaster position. Corr saw his dismissal as an attempt to redirect state aid for education from the Combined Protestant school to the support of the Free Presbyterian Minister Rev James Lambie (by one account the owner of the land on which the Common School was erected), whose son-in-law James Scott subsequently assumed responsibility for the school. Rev Lambie failed in his efforts to keep the existing school, which the Education Department Inspector and the majority of Melton citizens regarded as badly situated and badly built. Following a conditional promise of state aid, local contributors in 1868-69 raised ₤72.10.6 towards the cost of an iron-roofed bluestone rubble building 43 ft x 12 ft. This was erected on a new site of 1.5 acres (the present site). The State contributed ₤120 to the new school, which opened in 1870. A very early (c.1874) photograph of the school shows its headmaster and work mistress / assistant teacher (probably James Scott and his wife Jessie) and its (very young) scholars. Similar photos show pupils in front of the school in c.1903, and 1933. In 1877 a second bluestone room costing ₤297 was added and further land acquired from the Agricultural Society (who only needed it two days a year) to enlarge the schoolground to 3 acres. In the early 1880s an underground tank augmented the school water supply and in 1919 a five-roomed wooden residence was added. During this period the school correspondents often compained that the walls of the bluestone buildings were damp, affecting the plaster. In 1923 a brick room 26 ft 6 in by 24 ft with a fireplace and four rooms facing south, was added, and a corridor built to link the three buildings. This served adequately for the next 40 years. The school bell probably dates to 1883. The school also has a memorial gate (1951) to World War One ex-students, and an honour board to the 64 ex-students who served in the First World War. The school roll fell to 42 in the early post war-years, but was boosted by an influx of migrants, mainly from the UK, from the late 1960s. This presaged the boom in Melton’s development, and the corresponding growth of the school, with timber and temporary classrooms added to the previous masonry ones. An endowment pine plantation established in 1930 augmented the school’s fundraising activities when it was harvested in 1968. Part of the site was planted with eucalyptus trees in 1959. Famous ex-students of the early twentieth century included Hector Fraser (internationally successful shooter) and cyclist Sir Hubert Opperman". The Express Telegraph articles about the history of Melton South and Melton State Schoolseducation

Mawul Rom Project: Openness, obligation and reconciliation Morgan Brigg (Universtiy of Queensland) and Anke Tonnaer (University of Aarhus, Denmark) Aboriginal Australian initiatives to restore balanced relationships with White Australians have recently become part of reconciliation efforts. This paper provides a contextualised report on one such initiative, the Mawul Rom crosscultural mediation project. Viewing Mawul Rom as a diplomatic venture in the lineage of adjustment and earlier Rom rituals raises questions about receptiveness, individual responsibility and the role of Indigenous ceremony in reconciliation efforts. Yolngu ceremonial leaders successfully draw participants into relationship and personally commit them to the tasks of cross-cultural advocacy and reconciliation. But Mawul Rom must also negotiate a paradox because emphasis on the cultural difference of ceremony risks increasing the very social distance that the ritual attempts to confront. Managing this tension will be a key challenge if Mawul Rom is to become an effective diplomatic mechanism for cross-cultural conflict resolution and reconciliation. Living in two camps: the strategies Goldfields Aboriginal people use to manage in the customary economy and the mainstream economy at the same time Howard Sercombe (Strathclyde University, Glasgow) The economic sustainability of Aboriginal households has been a matter of public concern across a range of contexts. This research, conducted in the Eastern Goldfields of Western Australia, shows how economically successful Aboriginal persons manage ?dual economic engagement?, or involvement in the customary economy and the mainstream economy at the same time. The two economies sometimes reinforce each other but are more often in conflict, and management of conflicting obligations requires high degrees of skill and innovation. As well as creating financially sustainable households, the participants contributed significantly to the health of their extended families and communities. The research also shows that many Aboriginal people, no matter what their material and personal resources, are conscious of how fragile and unpredictable their economic lives can be, and that involvement in the customary economy is a kind of mutual insurance to guarantee survival if times get tough. Indigenous population data for evaluation and performance measurement: A cautionary note Gaminiratne Wijesekere (Dept. of Families, Housing, Community Services and Indigenous Affairs, Canberra) I outline the status of population census counts for Indigenous peoples, identifying information on Indigenous births and deaths, and internal migration estimates. I comment on the ?experimental? Indigenous population projections and question the rationale for having two sets of projections. Program managers and evaluators need to be mindful of limitations of the data when using these projections for monitoring, evaluating and measuring Indigenous programs. Reaching out to a younger generation using a 3D computer game for storytelling: Vincent Serico?s legacy Theodor G Wyeld (Flinders University, Adeliade) and Brett Leavy (CyberDreaming Australia) Sadly, Vincent Serico (1949?2008), artist, activist and humanist, recently passed away. Born in southern Queensland in Wakka Wakka/Kabi Kabi Country (Carnarvon Gorge region) in 1949, Vincent was a member of the Stolen Generations. He was separated from his family by White administration at four years of age. He grew up on the Cherbourg Aboriginal Reserve in the 1950s, when the policies of segregation and assimilation were at their peak. Only returning to his Country in his early forties, Vincent started painting his stories and the stories that had been passed on to him about the region. These paintings manifest Vincent?s sanctity for tradition, storytelling, language, spirit and beliefs. A team of researchers was honoured and fortunate to have worked closely with Vincent to develop a 3D simulation of his Country using a 3D computer game toolkit. Embedded in this simulation of his Country, in the locations that their stories speak to, are some of Vincent?s important contemporary art works. They are accompanied by a narration of Vincent?s oral history about the places, people and events depicted. Vincent was deeply concerned about members of the younger generation around him ?losing their way? in modern times. In a similar vein, Brett Leavy (Kooma) sees the 3D game engine as an opportunity to engage the younger generation in its own cultural heritage in an activity that capitalises on a common pastime. Vincent was an enthusiastic advocate of this approach. Working in consultation with Vincent and the research team, CyberDreaming developed a simulation of Vincent?s Country for young Aboriginal and non-Aboriginal persons from the Carnarvon Gorge region to explore Vincent?s life stories of the region. The use of Vincent?s contemporary paintings as storyboards provides a traditional medium for the local people to interactively re-engage with traditional values. Called Serico?s World, it represents a legacy to his life?s works, joys and regrets. Here we discuss the background to this project and Vincent?s contribution. A singular beeswax representation of Namarrkon, the Lightning Man, from western Arnhem Land RG Gunn (La Trobe University) and RL Whear (Jawoyn Association) Samples from a beeswax representation of Namarrkon, the Lightning Man, from western Arnhem Land were analysed for radiocarbon and dated to be about 150 years old. An underlying beeswax figure was found to be approximately 1100 years old. The Dreaming Being Namarrkon is well known throughout Arnhem Land, although his sphere of activity is concentrated around the northern half of the Arnhem Land plateau. Namarrkon is well represented in rock-paintings in this area and continues to be well represented in contemporary canvas-paintings by artists from the broader plateau region. We conclude that representations of Namarrkon in both painted and beeswax forms appear to be parallel manifestations of the late Holocene regionalisation of Arnhem Land. ?Missing the point? or ?what to believe ? the theory or the data?: Rationales for the production of Kimberley points Kim Akerman (Moonah) In a recent article, Rodney Harrison presented an interesting view on the role glass Kimberley points played in the lives of the Aborigines who made and used them. Harrison employed ethnographic and historical data to argue that glass Kimberley points were not part of the normal suite of post-contact artefacts used primarily for hunting and fighting or Indigenous exchange purposes, but primarily were created to service a non-Indigenous market for aesthetically pleasing artefacts. Harrison asserted that this market determined the form that these points took. A critical analysis of the data does not substantiate either of these claims. Here I do not deal with Harrison?s theoretical material or arguments; I focus on the ethnographic and historical material that he has either omitted or failed to appreciate in developing his thesis and which, in turn, renders it invalid. The intensity of raw material utilisation as an indication of occupational history in surface stone artefact assemblages from the Strathbogie Ranges, central Victoria Justin Ian Shiner (La Trobe University, Bundoora) Stone artefact assemblages are a major source of information on past human?landscape relationships throughout much of Australia. These relationships are not well understood in the Strathbogie Ranges of central Victoria, where few detailed analyses of stone artefact assemblages have been undertaken. The purpose of this paper is to redress this situation through the analysis of two surface stone artefact assemblages recorded in early 2000 during a wider investigation of the region?s potential for postgraduate archaeological fieldwork. Analysis of raw material utilisation is used to assess the characteristics of the occupational histories of two locations with similar landscape settings. The analysis indicates variability in the intensity of raw material use between the assemblages, which suggests subtle differences in the occupational history of each location. The results of this work provide a direction for future stone artefact studies within this poorly understood region.document reproductions, maps, b&w photographs, colour photographskimberley, mawul rom project, 3d computer game, storytelling, vincent serico, beeswax, namarrkon, artefact assemblages, strathbogie ranges, groote eylandt, budd billy ii

1. Rock-art of the Western Desert and Pilbara: Pigment dates provide new perspectives on the role of art in the Australian arid zone Jo McDonald (Australian National University) and Peter Veth (Australian National University) Systematic analysis of engraved and painted art from the Western Desert and Pilbara has allowed us to develop a spatial model for discernable style provinces. Clear chains of stylistic connection can be demonstrated from the Pilbara coast to the desert interior with distinct and stylistically unique rock-art bodies. Graphic systems appear to link people over short, as well as vast, distances, and some of these style networks appear to have operated for very long periods of time. What are the social dynamics that could produce unique style provinces, as well as shared graphic vocabularies, over 1000 kilometres? Here we consider language boundaries within and between style provinces, and report on the first dates for pigment rock-art from the Australian arid zone and reflect on how these dates from the recent past help address questions of stylistic variability through space and time. 2. Painting and repainting in the west Kimberley Sue O?Connor, Anthony Barham (Australian National University) and Donny Woolagoodja (Mowanjum Community, Derby) We take a fresh look at the practice of repainting, or retouching, rockart, with particular reference to the Kimberley region of Western Australia. We discuss the practice of repainting in the context of the debate arising from the 1987 Ngarinyin Cultural Continuity Project, which involved the repainting of rock-shelters in the Gibb River region of the western Kimberley. The ?repainting debate? is reviewed here in the context of contemporary art production in west Kimberley Indigenous communities, such as Mowanjum. At Mowanjum the past two decades have witnessed an artistic explosion in the form of paintings on canvas and board that incorporate Wandjina and other images inspired by those traditionally depicted on panels in rock-shelters. Wandjina also represents the key motif around which community desires to return to Country are articulated, around which Country is curated and maintained, and through which the younger generations now engage with their traditional lands and reach out to wider international communities. We suggest that painting in the new media represents a continuation or transference of traditional practice. Stories about the travels, battles and engagements of Wandjina and other Dreaming events are now retold and experienced in the communities with reference to the paintings, an activity that is central to maintaining and reinvigorating connection between identity and place. The transposition of painting activity from sites within Country to the new ?out-of-Country? settlements represents a social counterbalance to the social dislocation that arose from separation from traditional places and forced geographic moves out-of-Country to government and mission settlements in the twentieth century. 3. Port Keats painting: Revolution and continuity Graeme K Ward (AIATSIS) and Mark Crocombe (Thamarrurr Regional Council) The role of the poet and collector of ?mythologies?, Roland Robinson, in prompting the production of commercial bark-painting at Port Keats (Wadeye), appears to have been accepted uncritically - though not usually acknowledged - by collectors and curators. Here we attempt to trace the history of painting in the Daly?Fitzmaurice region to contextualise Robinson?s contribution, and to evaluate it from both the perspective of available literature and of accounts of contemporary painters and Traditional Owners in the Port Keats area. It is possible that the intervention that Robinson might have considered revolutionary was more likely a continuation of previously well established cultural practice, the commercial development of which was both an Indigenous ?adjustment? to changing socio-cultural circumstances, and a quiet statement of maintenance of identity by strong individuals adapting and attempting to continue their cultural traditions. 4. Negotiating form in Kuninjku bark-paintings Luke Taylor (AIATSIS) Here I examine social processes involved in the manipulation of painted forms of bark-paintings among Kuninjku artists living near Maningrida in Arnhem Land. Young artists are taught to paint through apprenticeships that involve exchange of skills in producing form within extended family groups. Through apprenticeship processes we can also see how personal innovations are shared among family and become more regionally located. Lately there have been moves by senior artists to establish separate out-stations and to train their wives and daughters to paint. At a stylistic level the art now creates a greater sense of family autonomy and yet the subjects link the artists back in to much broader social networks. 5. Making art and making culture in far western New South Wales Lorraine Gibson This contribution is based on my ethnographic fieldwork. It concerns the intertwining aspects of the two concepts of art and culture and shows how Aboriginal people in Wilcannia in far western New South Wales draw on these concepts to assert and create a distinctive cultural identity for themselves. Focusing largely on the work of one particular artist, I demonstrate the ways in which culture (as this is considered) is affectively experienced and articulated as something that one ?comes into contact with? through the practice of art-making. I discuss the social and cultural role that art-making, and art talk play in considering, mediating and resolving issues to do with cultural subjectivity, authority and identity. I propose that in thinking about the content of the art and in making the art, past and present matters of interest, of difficulty and of pleasure are remembered, considered, resolved and mediated. Culture (as this is considered by Wilcannia Aboriginal people) is also made anew; it comes about through the practice of artmaking and in displaying and talking about the art work. Culture as an objectified, tangible entity is moreover writ large and made visible through art in ways that are valued by artists and other community members. The intersections between Aboriginal peoples, anthropologists, museum collections and published literature, and the network of relations between, are also shown to have interesting synergies that play themselves out in the production of art and culture. 6. Black on White: Or varying shades of grey? Indigenous Australian photo-media artists and the ?making of? Aboriginality Marianne Riphagen (Radboud University, The Netherlands) In 2005 the Centre for Contemporary Photography in Melbourne presented the Indigenous photo-media exhibition Black on White. Promising to explore Indigenous perspectives on non-Aboriginality, its catalogue set forth two questions: how do Aboriginal artists see the people and culture that surrounds them? Do they see non-Aboriginal Australians as other? However, art works produced for this exhibition rejected curatorial constructions of Black and White, instead presenting viewers with more complex and ambivalent notions of Aboriginality and non-Aboriginality. This paper revisits the Black on White exhibition as an intercultural event and argues that Indigenous art practitioners, because of their participation in a process to signify what it means to be Aboriginal, have developed new forms of Aboriginality. 7. Culture production Rembarrnga way: Innovation and tradition in Lena Yarinkura?s and Bob Burruwal?s metal sculptures Christiane Keller (University of Westerna Australia) Contemporary Indigenous artists are challenged to produce art for sale and at the same time to protect their cultural heritage. Here I investigate how Rembarrnga sculptors extend already established sculptural practices and the role innovation plays within these developments, and I analyse how Rembarrnga artists imprint their cultural and social values on sculptures made in an essentially Western medium, that of metal-casting. The metal sculptures made by Lena Yarinkura and her husband Bob Burruwal, two prolific Rembarrnga artists from north-central Arnhem Land, can be seen as an extension of their earlier sculptural work. In the development of metal sculptures, the artists shifted their artistic practice in two ways: they transformed sculptural forms from an earlier ceremonial context and from earlier functional fibre objects. Using Fred Myers?s concept of culture production, I investigate Rembarrnga ways of culture-making. 8. 'How did we do anything without it?': Indigenous art and craft micro-enterprise use and perception of new media technology.maps, colour photographs, b&w photographswest kimberley, rock art, kuninjku, photo media, lena yarinkura, bob burruwal, new media technology

We don?t leave our identities at the city limits: Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander people living in urban localities Bronwyn Fredericks Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander people who live in cities and towns are often thought of as ?less Indigenous? than those who live ?in the bush?, as though they are ?fake? Aboriginal people ? while ?real? Aboriginal people live ?on communities? and ?real? Torres Strait Islander people live ?on islands?. Yet more than 70 percent of Australia?s Indigenous peoples live in urban locations (ABS 2007), and urban living is just as much part of a reality for Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander people as living in remote discrete communities. This paper examines the contradictions and struggles that Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander people experience when living in urban environments. It looks at the symbols of place and space on display in the Australian cities of Melbourne and Brisbane to demonstrate how prevailing social, political and economic values are displayed. Symbols of place and space are never neutral, and this paper argues that they can either marginalise and oppress urban Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander people, or demonstrate that they are included and engaged. Juggling with pronouns: Racist discourse in spoken interaction on the radio Di Roy While the discourse of deficit with regard to Australian Indigenous health and wellbeing has been well documented in print media and through images on film and on television, radio talk concerning this discourse remains underresearched. This paper interrogates the power of an interactive news interview, aired on the Radio National Breakfast program on ABC Radio in 2011, to maintain and reproduce the discourse of deficit, despite the best intentions of the interview participants. Using a conversation-analytical approach, and membership categorisation analysis in particular, this paper interrogates the spoken interaction between a well-known radio interviewer and a respected medical researcher into Indigenous eye health. It demonstrates the recreation of a discourse emanating from longstanding hegemonies between mainstream and Indigenous Australians. Analysis of firstperson pronoun use shows the ongoing negotiation of social category boundaries and construction of moral identities through ascriptions to category members, upon which the intelligibility of the interview for the listening audience depended. The findings from analysis support claims in a considerable body of whiteness studies literature, the main themes of which include the pervasiveness of a racist discourse in Australian media and society, the power of invisible assumptions, and the importance of naming and exposing them. Changes in Pitjantjatjara mourning and burial practices Bill Edwards, University of South Australia This paper is based on observations over a period of more than five decades of changes in Pitjantjatjara burial practices from traditional practices to the introduction of Christian services and cemeteries. Missions have been criticised for enforcing such changes. However, in this instance, the changes were implemented by the Aboriginal people themselves. Following brief outlines of Pitjantjatjara traditional life, including burial practices, and of the establishment of Ernabella Mission in 1937 and its policy of respect for Pitjantjatjara cultural practices and language, the history of these changes which commenced in 1973 are recorded. Previously, deceased bodies were interred according to traditional rites. However, as these practices were increasingly at odds with some of the features of contemporary social, economic and political life, two men who had lost close family members initiated church funeral services and established a cemetery. These practices soon spread to most Pitjantjatjara communities in a manner which illustrates the model of change outlined by Everett Rogers (1962) in Diffusion of Innovations. Reference is made to four more recent funerals to show how these events have been elaborated and have become major social occasions. The world from Malarrak: Depictions of South-east Asian and European subjects in rock art from the Wellington Range, Australia Sally K May, Paul SC Ta�on, Alistair Paterson, Meg Travers This paper investigates contact histories in northern Australia through an analysis of recent rock paintings. Around Australia Aboriginal artists have produced a unique record of their experiences of contact since the earliest encounters with South-east Asian and, later, European visitors and settlers. This rock art archive provides irreplaceable contemporary accounts of Aboriginal attitudes towards, and engagement with, foreigners on their shores. Since 2008 our team has been working to document contact period rock art in north-western and western Arnhem Land. This paper focuses on findings from a site complex known as Malarrak. It includes the most thorough analysis of contact rock art yet undertaken in this area and questions previous interpretations of subject matter and the relationship of particular paintings to historic events. Contact period rock art from Malarrak presents us with an illustrated history of international relationships in this isolated part of the world. It not only reflects the material changes brought about by outside cultural groups but also highlights the active role Aboriginal communities took in responding to these circumstances. Addressing the Arrernte: FJ Gillen?s 1896 Engwura speech Jason Gibson, Australian National University This paper analyses a speech delivered by Francis James Gillen during the opening stages of what is now regarded as one of the most significant ethnographic recording events in Australian history. Gillen?s ?speech? at the 1896 Engwura festival provides a unique insight into the complex personal relationships that early anthropologists had with Aboriginal people. This recently unearthed text, recorded by Walter Baldwin Spencer in his field notebook, demonstrates how Gillen and Spencer sought to establish the parameters of their anthropological enquiry in ways that involved both Arrernte agency and kinship while at the same time invoking the hierarchies of colonial anthropology in Australia. By examining the content of the speech, as it was written down by Spencer, we are also able to reassesses the importance of Gillen to the ethnographic ambitions of the Spencer/Gillen collaboration. The incorporation of fundamental Arrernte concepts and the use of Arrernte words to convey the purpose of their 1896 fieldwork suggest a degree of Arrernte involvement and consent not revealed before. The paper concludes with a discussion of the outcomes of the Engwura festival and the subsequent publication of The Native Tribes of Central Australia within the context of a broader set of relationships that helped to define the emergent field of Australian anthropology at the close of the nineteenth century. One size doesn?t fit all: Experiences of family members of Indigenous gamblers Louise Holdsworth, Helen Breen, Nerilee Hing and Ashley Gordon Centre for Gambling Education and Research, Southern Cross University This study explores help-seeking and help-provision by family members of Indigenous people experiencing gambling problems, a topic that previously has been ignored. Data are analysed from face-to-face interviews with 11 family members of Indigenous Australians who gamble regularly. The results confirm that substantial barriers are faced by Indigenous Australians in accessing formal help services and programs, whether for themselves or a loved one. Informal help from family and friends appears more common. In this study, this informal help includes emotional care, practical support and various forms of ?tough love?. However, these measures are mostly in vain. Participants emphasise that ?one size doesn?t fit all? when it comes to avenues of gambling help for Indigenous peoples. Efforts are needed to identify how Indigenous families and extended families can best provide social and practical support to assist their loved ones to acknowledge and address gambling problems. Western Australia?s Aboriginal heritage regime: Critiques of culture, ethnography, procedure and political economy Nicholas Herriman, La Trobe University Western Australia?s Aboriginal Heritage Act 1972 (WA) and the de facto arrangements that have arisen from it constitute a large part of the Aboriginal ?heritage regime? in that state. Although designed ostensibly to protect Aboriginal heritage, the heritage regime has been subjected to various scholarly critiques. Indeed, there is a widespread perception of a need to reform the Act. But on what basis could this proceed? Here I offer an analysis of these critiques, grouped according to their focus on political economy, procedure, ethnography and culture. I outline problems surrounding the first three criticisms and then discuss two versions of the cultural critique. I argue that an extreme version of this criticism is weak and inconsistent with the other three critiques. I conclude that there is room for optimism by pointing to ways in which the heritage regime could provide more beneficial outcomes for Aboriginal people. Read With Me Everyday: Community engagement and English literacy outcomes at Erambie Mission (research report) Lawrence Bamblett Since 2009 Lawrie Bamblett has been working with his community at Erambie Mission on a literacy project called Read With Me. The programs - three have been carried out over the past four years - encourage parents to actively engage with their children?s learning through reading workshops, social media, and the writing and publication of their own stories. Lawrie attributes much of the project?s extraordinary success to the intrinsic character of the Erambie community, not least of which is their communal approach to living and sense of shared responsibility. The forgotten Yuendumu Men?s Museum murals: Shedding new light on the progenitors of the Western Desert Art Movement (research report) Bethune Carmichael and Apolline Kohen In the history of the Western Desert Art Movement, the Papunya School murals are widely acclaimed as the movement?s progenitors. However, in another community, Yuendumu, some 150 kilometres from Papunya, a seminal museum project took place prior to the completion of the Papunya School murals and the production of the first Papunya boards. The Warlpiri men at Yuendumu undertook a ground-breaking project between 1969 and 1971 to build a men?s museum that would not only house ceremonial and traditional artefacts but would also be adorned with murals depicting the Dreamings of each of the Warlpiri groups that had recently settled at Yuendumu. While the murals at Papunya are lost, those at Yuendumu have, against all odds, survived. Having been all but forgotten, this unprecedented cultural and artistic endeavour is only now being fully appreciated. Through the story of the genesis and construction of the Yuendumu Men?s Museum and its extensive murals, this paper demonstrates that the Yuendumu murals significantly contributed to the early development of the Western Desert Art Movement. It is time to acknowledge the role of Warlpiri artists in the history of the movement.b&w photographs, colour photographsracism, media, radio, pitjantjatjara, malarrak, wellington range, rock art, arrernte, fj gillen, engwura, indigenous gambling, ethnography, literacy, erambie mission, yuendumu mens museum, western desert art movement

Small floral arrangement of orange blossom attached to net tulle. Used as hair piece for wedding. Mounted on circular dark wooden base.hair-piece costume-female ceremonial floral

Ushabti are tiny anthropoid (human-shaped) figures placed in the tombs of wealthy Egyptians. They were intended to do the work of the deceased in the afterlife. This purpose is implied through their name, which may have derived from the Egyptian word “to answer”. The Burke Museum in Beechworth is home to a particular ancient Egyptian Ushabti figure. This artefact was donated to the Museum in 1875. No details about how it left Egypt, arrived in Australia, and where it was located before this donation are known. The Nineteenth Century, when this artefact was donated, was a period when many museums acquired items of ancient Egyptian heritage. Many of these items were procured in less than desirable circumstances, having often been looted from ancient tombs and sold to tourists without documentation as to their original location and/or accompanying grave goods. These artefacts were also divested through partage (the trading of artefacts for funds); however, the latter is unlikely to have been the case for this artefact. Since the Ushabti was donated by an unknown donor, it is likely to have been in a private collection rather than an institution. Ushabti can be dated using iconographic analysis which is non-invasive and provides a comprehensive study of the artefact. The later period of the 18th Dynasty marked the beginning of an increase in both the inclusion of Ushabti as essential funerary items and the creation of Ushabti with tools. From this period, they are no longer depicted without tools. Depictions of tools including gardening hoes are frequently depicted grasped in the Ushabti’s hands whilst items like the seed-bag are depicted hanging on the back rather than in an alternative position. This Ushabti figure grasps a gardening hoe and a mattock and a small seed bag surrounded by a yoke bearing water jars are depicted on the upper back of the Ushabti. These features are essential in helping narrow this dating to the late 18th and before the early 20th Dynasty. The position of this seed bag also provides dating information. In the early 18th Dynasty this bag was consistently drawn on the front of the figurine; however, by the reign of Seti I, this feature moved to the back. Thus, since the seed bag is located on the back of this Ushabti, it cannot date to the early 18th Dynasty. By the 19th Dynasty, Ushabti’s were increasingly made from either faience or terracotta. The availability of these materials in Egypt resulted in the increase of Ushabti production with tombs containing many more figurines than previously seen. The Ushabti held by the Burke collections is made from terracotta. Terracotta was rarely used for Ushabti before and during the early 18th Dynasty with only the odd appearance until the late 18th Dynasty and becoming common through that period until the late Third Intermediate Period. Whilst the face has been damaged, there is no evidence for the Ushabti having been provided with an Osirian false beard. This omission rules out a dating of later than the 25th Dynasty when beards became prominent. The inscriptions also date the Ushabti to the New Kingdom. This is because of the use of sḥḏ (“to illuminate”) with Wsjr (“Osiris”) which only occurs in these periods. Therefore, considering all these elements, the Ushabti can be confidently be dated to between the late 18th to early 19th dynasty.Artefacts like this Ushabti are no longer exclusively representative of their origins in burial assemblages and significance in the mythology of the Egyptian afterlife but are also significant for the accumulated histories they have gained through travel. The movement of this artefact from Egypt to Australia allows insight into the collecting habits of the 19th century, and in particular, the reception of ancient Egyptian artefacts in small rural museums. The procurement of Egyptian artefacts was a social trend around the late 1800s to early 1900s. Egyptian artefacts were considered curiosities and recognised for their ability to attract public attention to museums. They were also utilised in Australian museums, like the Burke Museum, to connect the collection to one of the oldest civilisations known to man and since Australia was considered a “young” country by European settlers, this was vital and derived from an interest in Darwin’s “Origin of the Species” 1859. Furthermore, there was a culture of collecting in the 1800s amongst the affluent in English society which led to the appearance of many Egyptian artefacts in private collections. The acquisition of this Ushabti figure is not certain, but it was likely donated from a private collection rather than an institution. This particular artefact is significant as an example of a high-quality Ushabti representative of those produced during the late 18th or early 19th century. It provides insight into the individualism of an Ushabti and the mythology of ancient Egypt. It also provides an example of the types of items required in the tomb assemblages of this period and reinforces the importance of ensuring the successful afterlife of the deceased through art. This Ushabti belonged to a woman named Taweret-Khaiti, Chantress of Amun, in the late 18th Dynasty or early 19th Dynasty (c.1292 BC) of the Egyptian New Kingdom. It likely comes from an undetermined tomb in the locality of Thebes. This figure is made from Nile silt clay (a polyester terracotta; clay sourced from the banks of the Nile River) which was a popular material for Ushabti construction in the early 19th Dynasty. It is in a fair state of preservation (with the exception of a break through the centre) and originally made to a high quality. The face has been damaged but the eyes and eyebrows are clearly marked with black ink and the sclera painted white. The Ushabti is painted a light brown/yellow colour and features a vertical line of inscription down the lower front. The Ushabti wears a large wig and and a schematic collar. The arms are painted light brown and depicted crossed with bracelets around the wrists. It grasps a hoe and mattock. A yellow seed-basket is depicted on the Ushabti’s back. These features represent the likelihood that this particular Ushabti was intended to complete farm work for the deceased in the next life. There would have been additional Ushabti of similar design within the tomb who worked under the supervision of a foreman Ushabti. The foreman Ushabti would be depicted dressed in the clothing of the living. The inscriptions are painted freehand in black ink and written in a vertical column from the base of the collar to the foot pedestal on the front of the Ushabti. The owner of the Ushabti could elect to have the figures inscribed with their name, the Ushabti spell and any other details they deemed necessary. In the case of this example, the Ushabti is inscribed with the owner’s details and is an abbreviated version of the standard Ushabti formula. This formula ensured that the Ushabti would complete the desired task in the afterlife when called upon by the deceased. Ushabti which were not inscribed would represent their intended purpose through design; however, this Ushabti, like most made in the late 18th Dynasty, conveys its purpose both through both design and inscription. The inscription is as follows: sHD wsir nbt pr Smayt imn tA-wr(t)-xai(ti) mAa xrw which translates to: "The illuminated one, the Osiris (the deceased), the mistress of the household, Chantress of Amun, Taweret-Khaiti, true of voice (justified)"ancient egypt

These Message Sticks acknowledge the return of Dja Dja Wurrung Cultural material held by the Burke Museum. The Burke Museum is the current custodian of a significant collection of First Peoples’ cultural material from across South-Eastern Australia. These objects were sold to the Museum by Reynold Everly Johns in 1868. We recognise the harm caused by dispossession of cultural material, and by any inappropriate display and interpretation of this collection over the past 150 years. The Burke Museum is continuing to build relationships and collaborate with traditional owners, Aboriginal communities and the museum sector to ensure culturally appropriate outcomes for the collection, including repatriation of objects to communities of origin. Message sticks are a form of communication between Aboriginal nations, clans and language groups even within clans. Traditional message sticks were made and crafted from wood and were generally small and easy to carry (between 10 and 20 cm). They were carved, incised and painted with symbols and decorative designs conveying messages and information. Some were prepared hastily, like you might create a note left on a friend’s desk or a quick text message; others were prepared with more time to make the markings neat and ornate. There were always marks that were distinctive to the particular group or nation sending the message and often marks identifying the relationship of the carrier to their group. This way it could be identified and authenticated by neighboring groups and by translators when the message stick was taken long distances. Two solid cylindrical shaped pieces of wood bound together with black, red and yellow string. Each stick has etchings with angular lines and dots. dja dja wurrung, message sticks, burke museum, beechworth, beechworth museum, repatriation, reynold everly johns

The cup was presented to the Ballan Rifle Club by Mr. J. Gascard, a well known and respected resident of Ballan in 1906 and was subsequently won by Mr. S. Lay on the 8th December of that year.Very ornate, silver plated, two handled, stemmed trophy cup with lid. Engraved. The '06' in the inscription means 1906.Presented to Ballan Rifle Club by J. Gascard Esq. Won by S. Lay. 8.12.06trophy, ballan, rifle club, j gascard, s lay

This artifact is a large brass bell. It was retrieved from the Schomberg wreck by local divers in the 1970s. Its location at the wreck site was described as "found on the west side towards the stern" the vessel remains lying on a north-south axis, with the bow pointing towards the shore as a result the bell was assessed from this position to have formed part of the cargo. The view that this was not a ship's bell belonging to the Schomberg is gained from two other 'Schomberg Bells' in the Flagstaff Hill collection, both of which have the vessel's name prominently etched into their outer surface. Additional indications indicate that this bell was not intended for maritime use due to the bell's rounded 'bell-curve' shape suggesting it was melodically tunable. Also the detailed basket-type fittings on the bell dome that would allow the bell to be suspended by ropes rather than just bolted to a yoke. The bell is currently on display at Flagstaff Hill, categorised as a church bell part of the Schomberg's cargo that was intended for use in a church within the Victorian colony. As the Colony of Victoria became more established, and its population expanded with the Gold Rush and other emigration from Britain, the demand for regular religious services and permanent church buildings also grew. We will never know if this bell was a specific order or part of an enterprising bell founder's consignment of general stock to a wholesale supplier in Melbourne. A cargo manifest for the Schomberg has unfortunately never been found. The shipwreck of the Schomberg is regarded as of significance to Victoria and is registered on the states Heritage list (S 612). The Schomberg wreck has great historical significance as a rare example of a mid 19th century large, fast clipper ship intended to transport cargo and passengers between England and Australia. The vessel that carried this bell represents the marine advances made in an attempt to break established sailing records between Europe and Australia. Flagstaff Hill holds a noteworthy collection of artefacts from the Schomberg shipwreck. The collection as a whole is primarily significant because of the relationship the objects have archaeologically, not only to highlight the story of the Schomberg ship and later it's wrecking but have an important potential to interpret the story and progression of maritime shipping in the 19th century. The church bell has a standard bell-curve shape and is dull bronze in colour. A large brass bell, plain and without visible maker marks, but with traditionally intricate basket-type cast fittings for suspension from a yoke by a number of ropes or chains. Approximately 3/8 of the bell’s outer surface bears a thin layer of marine growth and limestone accretion, and there is some minor pitting and spots of light verdigris over the remainder. The bell mouth, or lip, is slightly compressed-in in two places. It was retrieved from the wreck of the Schomberg. None warrnambool, flagstaff-hill, flagstaff-hill-maritime-museum, maritime-museum, shipwreck-coast, flagstaff-hill-maritime-village, schomberg, shipwrecked-artefact, clipper ship, black ball line, 1855 shipwreck, aberdeen clipper ship, captain forbes, peterborough shipwreck, ss queen, brass bell, church bell

A short dress sword thought to be turkish, with pointed etched blade including a crescent and star motif and brass hand guard also with etched crescent and star motif.

Presented to Cr J K McCaskill by J C Taylor & Sons Pty Ltd.|To lay Foundation Stone of the Ringwood Town Hall 27.6.1936.Wooden handled silver trowel with engravings EPNS - Apex. On trowel: Two bands of circular cut-outs on handle. Small knob on end of handle. In a presentation box - lined with pale blue silk. +Additional Keywords: McCaskill, Cr J K / Taylor, J C & SonsPresented to Cr J K McCaskill by J C Taylor & Sons Pty Ltd.; To lay Foundation Stone of the Ringwood Town Hall 27.6.1936.