Field Marshal Viscount Kitchener of Great Britain was invited by Prime Minister Deakin in 1909 to visit Australia and advise on the best way to provide Australia with a land defence. Kitchener’s report echoed the bill, introduced to Parliament in 1909 and supported by the Opposition Labor Party at its 1908 conference, to introduce compulsory military training in peace time (referred to as universal training). On 1 January 1911, the Commonwealth Defence Act 1911 (Cth) was passed as law and all males aged 12 to 26 were required to receive military training. Men were divided according to age, with junior cadets comprising boys 12-14 years of age, senior cadets comprising boys 14-18, and young men aged 18-26 assigned to the home militia defence. The support of schools was vital to the success of the scheme, since the system of cadet training began in the primary schools, with physical training prescribed by military authorities. Junior cadet training was entirely in the hands of school teachers, who had first been trained by military officers. This early training was less military in nature than focused on physical drill and sport. It also acted to inculcate boys with the notions of loyalty to country and empire. At this age, uniforms were not worn, although there were schools with pre-existing uniformed cadet units, who continued to do so. Senior Cadets were organised by Training Areas, administered by Area Officers. If a school had at least 60 senior cadets, they could form their own units. Unlike their junior counterparts, Senior Cadets were issued uniforms, a rifle, and learned the foundations necessary for service in any arm of the defence forces. Boys and men could be exempted from compulsory training if they lived more than five miles from the nearest training site, or were passed medically unfit. Those who failed to register for training were punished with fines or jail sentences, and the severity of this punishment generated some of the strongest opposition to the scheme. While institutions such as the political parties and most churches generally supported universal training, some in the broader labour movement were less enthusiastic, as evidenced in the Daily Herald newspaper’s editorials and letters. Universal military training persisted after the conclusion of World War 1, with the Junior Cadet scheme the first to go, in 1922. Senior cadets and service with the militia was suspended in November 1929. (http://guides.slsa.sa.gov.au/content.php?pid=575383&sid=4788359, accessed 29/10/2015) According to Neil Leckie, Manager of the Ballarat Ranger Military Museum: * Originally 12 – 14 year olds went to Junior Cadets attached to their school. * From age 14 – 17 they were Senior Cadets attached to the local militia unit. * After 1 July of the year a Cadet turned 18, the Cadet left the Senior Cadets and became a member of the Citizen Military Force. * In October 1918 the AIF, Militia and Cadets were renamed to give some connection to the AIF battalion raised in the area. Ballarat saw: 8th Australian Infantry Regiment comprising: * 8th Battalion AIF renamed 1st Battalion 8th Australian Infantry Regiment * 70th Infantry Militia renamed 2nd Battalion 8th Australian Infantry Regiment * 70th Infantry Cadets renamed 3rd B, 8th Australian Infantry. 39th Australian Infantry Regiment comprising: * 39th Battalion AIF renamed 1st Battalion 39th Australian Regiment * 71st Infantry Militia renamed 2nd Bn, 39th Australian Infantry Regiment * 71st Infantry Cadets renamed 3rd Bn, 39th Australian Infantry Regiment Prior to the reorganisation in 1918 the 18th Brigade was the 70th, 71st and 73rd Infantry. It is thought that the 18th Brigade Cadet units in 1920 were those that came from the old: * 69th Infantry (Geelong/Queenscliff) * 70th Infantry (Ballarat/Colac) * 71st Infantry (Ballarat West) * 72nd Infantry Warrnambool) * 73rd Infantry (NW Vic) The next name change came in 1921!Mounted sepia photograph of 21 young males. They are the Ballarat School of Mines Cadets on a training camp at Lake Learmonth. Back row left to right: Harold Wakeling; ? ; T. Wasley; H. Witter; H.V. Maddison (staff); Lieutenant S.J. Proctor, Joe ? ; ? ; B.C. Burrows. Centre left to right: Howard Beanland; ? ; F.N. Gibbs; H. Siemering; P. Riley; ? : E. Adamthwaite. Front row left to right: Albert E. Williams; Francis Davis (RAAF Dec.); A. Miller; W. Shattock; T. Rees From the Ballarat School of Mines Magazine, 1916 "Our Competition Team, 1916 At a parade, held on the 25th August competition teams were called from from the three colleges - Ballarat College, St Patrick's College, and the School of Mines. In each case, a large muster was obtained, twenty-nine volunteering fro the School of Mines. On account of the number in a team being limited to 21, some had to be weeded out. The team decided to have a camp at Learmonth in the vacation for the benefit of training for the coming competitions. The tents, within our baggage, were brought to the Junior Technical School at 10 a.m. on Monday, 11 September. Everything was carted to the station on a lorry, which was very kindly lent by Mr C. Burrow. ... Arriving at our camp, which was in the Park, we first raised the tents. This was done in record time. Three large tents, A.B.C., were pitched one behind the other. We also pitched a smaller one to act as a provisions tent. The provisions supplied by each cadet were placed in this tent. Dinner was ready by 3.30, and was prepared by the three senior non-coms., who also acted as orderlies. Things went alright Monday night, the two senior non-coms. acting as sentries for the first two hours. On Tuesday morning Reville sounded at 7. There was no need for it, however, as nearly all the cadets were up before daylight, owing to their beds being too hard. After physical exercises were gone through we had breakfast. We then had rifle exercises until Messrs A.W. Steane and F.N. King arrived. The former put the team through the table of physical exercises set down for competition work, many valuable points being obtained. The visitors remained for dinner, afterwards returning to Ballarat. Wednesday was uneventful, until the soldiers arrived at about 11 a.m., stopping at the park for lunch. As we handed over the coppers, etc., to them, our lunch was delayed. Two more visitors arrived after lunch, and after taking a few photos returned home. That night we had a "Sing-a-long" in C Tent until "Lights out" sounded at 9.30. After physical exercises ad breakfast on Thursday, we went for a six mile route march round the lake, doing skirmishing on the way. In the afternoon we practised rifle exercises and the march past. A concert was arranged for that night, the chief singers being cadets H. Siemering and W. Shattock. Supper was served at the end of the entertainment. On Friday, Reveille sounded at 6.30 instead of 7, and, as usual, we had physical exercises before breakfast, after which the team went through skirmishing at the reserve. In the afternoon, section drill and the march past were practised. Friday night, being our last night in camp, leave was granted until 10 p.m., "lights out" sounding at 11. Reveille sounded on Saturday at 4.30, the reason being that all kits, tents, etc., had to be packed away ready to catch the 8.15 train to Balalrat. At 7.30 we were all ready to leave for the station. We had a very enjoyable time in the train, each cadet having a chip in at the patriotic songs. On arriving at Ballarat, we found the lorry awaiting us. The luggage was carted to the Junior Technical School, the team following. The team were here dismissed, everyone feeling that he had had a very good time. F.G. Davis"Written in ink on front 'cadet camp at Lake Learmonth about 1916. Training for South Street Competitions. ballarat school of mines, cadets, ballarat school of mines cadets, lake learmonth, world war one, boomerang, camp, cadet camp, h.g. wakeling, harold wakeling, f.g. davis, albert w. steane, f.n. king, h. siermering, w. shattock, francis davis, harold wakeling, t. wasley, h. witter, h.v. maddison, s.j. proctor, b.c. burrows, howard beanland, f.n. gibbs, h. siemering, p. riley, e. adamthwaite, albert e. williams; francis davis, a. miller, w. shattock, t. rees, photography, foto, boxing gloves

The Irish National Land League (Irish: Conradh na Talún) was an Irish political organisation of the late 19th century which sought to help poor tenant farmers. Its primary aim was to abolish landlordism in Ireland and enable tenant farmers to own the land they worked on. The period of the Land League's agitation is known as the Land War. Within decades of the league's foundation, through the efforts of William O'Brien and George Wyndham (a descendant of Lord Edward FitzGerald), the 1902 Land Conference produced the Land (Purchase) Act 1903 which allowed Irish tenant farmers buy out their freeholds with UK government loans over 68 years through the Land Commission (an arrangement that has never been possible in Britain itself). For agricultural labourers, D.D. Sheehan and the Irish Land and Labour Association secured their demands from the Liberal government elected in 1905 to pass the Labourers (Ireland) Act 1906, and the Labourers (Ireland) Act 1911, which paid County Councils to build over 40,000 new rural cottages, each on an acre of land. By 1914, 75% of occupiers were buying out their landlords, mostly under the two Acts. In all, under the pre-UK Land Acts over 316,000 tenants purchased their holdings amounting to 15 million acres (61,000 km2) out of a total of 20 million acres (81,000 km2) in the country. Sometimes the holdings were described as "uneconomic", but the overall sense of social justice was undeniable. (http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Irish_National_Land_League, accessed 21 January 2014) The Irish National Land League was founded at the Imperial Hotel in Castlebar, the County town of Mayo, on 21 October 1879. At that meeting Charles Stewart Parnell was elected president of the league. Andrew Kettle, Michael Davitt, and Thomas Brennan were appointed as honorary secretaries. This united practically all the different strands of land agitation and tenant rights movements under a single organisation. The two aims of the Land League, as stated in the resolutions adopted in the meeting, were: ...first, to bring out a reduction of rack-rents; second, to facilitate the obtaining of the ownership of the soil by the occupiers. That the object of the League can be best attained by promoting organisation among the tenant-farmers; by defending those who may be threatened with eviction for refusing to pay unjust rents; by facilitating the working of the Bright clauses of the Irish Land Act during the winter; and by obtaining such reforms in the laws relating to land as will enable every tenant to become owner of his holding by paying a fair rent for a limited number of years. Charles Stewart Parnell, John Dillon, Michael Davitt, and others including Cal Lynn then went to America to raise funds for the League with spectacular results. Branches were also set up in Scotland, where the Crofters Party imitated the League and secured a reforming Act in 1886. The government had introduced the first ineffective Land Act in 1870, then the equally inadequate Acts of 1880 and 1881 followed. These established a Land Commission that started to reduce some rents. Parnell together with all of his party lieutenants, including Father Eugene Sheehy known as "the Land League priest", went into a bitter verbal offensive and were imprisoned in October 1881 under the Irish Coercion Act in Kilmainham Jail for "sabotaging the Land Act", from where the No-Rent Manifesto was issued, calling for a national tenant farmer rent strike which was partially followed. Although the League discouraged violence, agrarian crimes increased widely. Typically a rent strike would be followed by evictions by the police, or those tenants paying rent would be subject to a local boycott by League members. Where cases went to court, witnesses would change their stories, resulting in an unworkable legal system. This in turn led on to stronger criminal laws being passed that were described by the League as "Coercion Acts". The bitterness that developed helped Parnell later in his Home Rule campaign. Davitt's views were much more extreme, seeking to nationalise all land, as seen in his famous slogan: "The land of Ireland for the people of Ireland". Parnell aimed to harness the emotive element, but he and his party preferred for tenant farmers to become freeholders on the land they rented, instead of land being vested in "the people".(http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Irish_National_Land_League, accessed 21 January 2014)Image of a number of men sitting around a table. They are members of the Land League Committee during a meeting in Dublin.ballarat irish, land league, land league committee, dublin

Daniel O’Connell was born near Cahirciveen, Co. Kerry, on 6 August 1775. His wealthy childless uncle adopted him at an early age and brought him up at Derrynane. He spoke Irish and was interested in the traditional culture of song and story still strong in Kerry at the time. He also understood how the rural mind worked which served him well in later years. In 1791 he was sent to school at St. Omer and Douai and what he saw there of the French Revolution left him with a life-long hatred of violence. He read law at Lincoln’s Inn (1794 -96) and continued his studies in Dublin where he was called to bar in 1798. He had soon built up an enormous practice. The 1798 rising and the terrible butchery that followed it confirmed his horror of violence. While he approved of the principles of the United Irishmen, their call for reform and for Catholic Emancipation, he disagreed with their methods. In 1815 O’Connell criticised harshly the Dublin corporation. O’Connell was challenged to a duel by one member D’Esterre. In the exchange of shots D’Esterre was killed and O’Connell vowed never to fight again. O’Connell was soon drawn into political action. Hopes of Catholic emancipation had been raised by promises given while the act of union was being passed. In 1823, O’Connell founded the Catholic Association. The aim of the organisation was to use all the legal means available to secure emancipation. It turned into a mass crusade with the support of the Catholic clergy. All members of the association paid a membership of a penny a month (the Catholic rent). This helped to raise a large fund. The Clare election in 1828 was a turning point. O’Connell, with the support of the forty-shilling freeholders, managed a huge victory against the government candidate. He was well supported by the clergy whose influence on the poor uneducated peasant class was enormous. The polling took place in Ennis at the old courthouse where the O’Connell monument now stands. At the final count, O’Connell was elected by a majority of about eleven hundred votes. The ascendancy party had suffered its first big knock since 1798. The whole country was aflame. The British Government feared a rising and granted Catholic emancipation in April 1829. The franchise was, however, raised to 10 pounds which excluded the forty-shilling freeholders. O’Connell was now the undisputed leader in Ireland and he gave up his practice at the bar to devote his time entirely to politics. At the King’s insistence, O’Connell was not allowed to take his seat until he had been re-elected for Clare. In February 1830, O’Connell became the first Catholic in modern history to sit in the House of Commons. For the rest of his life, he was supported by “The O’Connell Tribute”, a public collection out of which O’Connell paid all his expenses. O’Connell now decided to concentrate on winning repeal of the act of union and getting an Irish parliament for the Irish people. British political leaders feared repeal as they did not fear emancipation. They saw repeal of the Act of Union as the first step in the break-up of the act of union, as the spirit of the repeal movement was revived when the young Ireland writers wrote about it in the Nation. In 1841, O’Connell was elected Lord Mayor of Dublin and in 1843 the subscriptions to his Repeal Association, the Repeal “Rent” came to 48,400 pounds. He now began to organise monster meetings throughout the country. It is thought that three-quarters of a million people gathered on the hill of Tara to hear the man they called the “Liberator”. The government became alarmed at the strength of the Repeal Movement and a meeting which O’Connell had planned for 8 October 1843 in Clontarf, Dublin was banned. Huge crowds were already on their way when O’Connell called off the meeting to avoid the risk of violence and bloodshed. He was charged with conspiracy, arrested and sentenced to a year in jail and a fine of 2,000 pounds. The sentence was set aside after O’Connell had been three months in prison. When he was released he continued with his campaign for repeal. However, a turning point had been reached. The tactics that had won emancipation had failed. O’Connell was now almost seventy, his health failing and he had no clear plan for future action. There was discontent within the Repeal Association and the Young Irelanders withdrew. There was also some failure in the potato crop in the 1840’s, a sign of things to come in the Great Famine of 1845-1847. Aware of the fact that he had failed with his great goal, (the Repeal Movement), O’Connell left Ireland for the last time in January 1847. He made a touching speech in the House of Commons in which he appealed for aid for his country. In March, acting on the advice of his doctor, he set out to Italy. Following his death in Genoa on 15 May 1847, his body was returned to Ireland and buried in Glasnevin Cemetery. [http://www.clarelibrary.ie/eolas/coclare/people/daniel.htm, accessed 13/12/2013]Portrait of a man known as Daniel O'Connell.ballarat irish, daniel o'connell, o'connell

Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerPhotograph of a street art poster taken on the streets of Hong Kong during the protests against legislation to allow Hong Kong suspects to be extradited to mainland Chinese carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, poster art, posters

Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerMore than a thousand protestors surround Hong Kong's main police headquarters on Arsenal Street in Wan Chai on June 26th following a peaceful rally at Edinburgh Place in Central. Doors to the complex were barricaded by protestors, who left after a six hour siege in protest at police violence at a prtest held earlier on 12 June 2019. Protesters ended a six-hour siege of Hong Kong’s police headquarters – their second in a week over the now-suspended extradition bill – early on Thursday morning. More than 1,000 were involved at the height of the protest, which began after 10pm on Wednesday. Around 100 were left at the end and dispersed without a fight when officers with riot shields emerged from the building in Wan Chai at 4am on Thursday. After a peaceful rally attended by thousands earlier at Edinburgh Place in the Central business district, hundreds descended on Arsenal Street, blocking the junction with Lockhart Road to all traffic and sealing the entrances to the police base. (https://www.scmp.com/news/hong-kong/politics/article/3016238/hong-kong-police-under-siege-again-protesters-surround )carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, protest, protestors

Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerSeven police officers stand guard in front of Hong Kong's main police headquarters on Arsenal Street in Wan Chai as an estimated one thousand protestors surround on 26 June 2019. Protestors take turns to step up and hurl abuse at the officers, in a protest lasting 6 hours before peacefully dispersing. The protesters chanted 'Release the martyrs' and 'Stop police violence' in reference to violent clashes with police in the days previous. ( https://www.scmp.com/news/hong-kong/politics/article/3016238/hong-kong-police-under-siege-again-protesters-surround)carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, protest, protestors, police, wan chai

Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerPhotograph crowds gathering on June 16 on the streets of Causeway Bay before an estimated 2 million people take part in march protesting the government's push for extradition laws to China and demanding an apology from the chief executrive Carrie Lam. Nearly 2 million’ people take to streets, forcing public apology from Hong Kong leader Carrie Lam as suspension of controversial extradition bill fails to appease protesters. (https://www.scmp.com/news/hong-kong/politics/article/3014737/nearly-2-million-people-take-streets-forcing-public-apology )carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, protest, protestors

Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerPhotograph of a crowd or protestors against proposed extradition laws gathering on the streets of Causeway Bay, Hong Kong, leading down to the gathering area. carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, protest, protestors

Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerPhotograph of a crowd on the streets of Hong Kong to protest against proposed extradition laws, heading towards Admiralty. carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, protest, protestors, admiralty

Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerCrowds mass on Queens Way in Hong Kong as an estimated 2 million people march in protest at the government's refusal to withdraw a controverisal law allowing people to be extradited to mainland China. Chants demanded the chief executive apologise and the legislation be withdrawn, while many held signs protesting police violence. Nearly 2 million protesters flooded the streets of Hong Kong on Sunday, organisers claimed, delivering a stunning repudiation of Chief Executive Carrie Lam Cheng Yuet-ngor’s governance and forcing a public apology out of the city’s leader over her campaign to bulldoze a controversial extradition bill through the legislature. A day after Lam suspended her push for the bill, expecting it to defuse a crisis that has seen violent clashes between mostly young protesters and police, the centre of Hong Kong was brought to a complete standstill as the masses marched to chastise her for refusing to withdraw the bill or apologise when first asked to, and declaring that nothing short of her resignation would satisfy them now. (https://www.scmp.com/news/hong-kong/politics/article/3014737/nearly-2-million-people-take-streets-forcing-public-apology ) carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, protest, protestors, admiralty

Castlemaine State Festival, Castlemaine. 2 November 1990. Programme. From the Chairmen - Mr Bereck Segan. Melbourne Committee: B R Segan, O.B.E. (Chairman), M Besen, A.O. (Deputy Chairman), Mrs H Dore (Hon. Sec.), C Anzarut, N Bourke, Ms M Coillet, Prof. C Duckworth, G Fairfax, A.M., K MacKenzie-Forbes, A.M., Mrs B Margetts, Dr F R Moulds, I.S.O., R Nordlinger, J Parker, M.B.E., A Porter, Ms M Prendergast, C Pyett, Ms D Reilly, Mrs, Ms L Schiftan, P M Schiftan, D Segan, B J Stewart, Ms S Walker, Dr R Wlikie. Melbourne Committee: I O'Halloran, (Chairman), Mrs M Rilen (Hon.Sec.), Miss R Wood (Treas), Mrs L Bennet, Mrs M Bock, S Cox, Cr T Daniell, Mrs H Griffiths, B Heydon, N Jennings, Mrs C McKellar, Miss M Oliver, L O'Toole, F Ransome-Smith, J Shortal, Dr D Silver, Mrs V Victor-Gordon, Mes E Warren, Miss L Waters. Welcome to the 1990 Castlemaine State Festival. As one festival closes, planning for the next commences immediately.. . Mr Ian O'Halloran, Chairman, Castlemaine. Castlemaine State Festival Administration, Festival Manager: Phee Broadway, Manager's Assistant: Mary Harris, Technical Manager: Lis Pain, Drawing Prize Co-ordinator: Bev Singleton, Farnham Concert Co-Ordinator: Noel Jennings with Victorian Rock Foundation. Event Listings: Opening by Hon. Jim Kennan M.P., Deputy Premier and Minister for the Arts Castlemaine Stadium. Melbourne Symphony Orchestra, Conductor - Hiroyuki Iwaki, Soloist - Dong -Suk Kang. Royal Variety Club Grand Final Theatre Royal, Town Crier Mr Neville Stonehouse. Kilmna Wildflower Walk. 'Melbourne: Architecture Today and the year 2000' Professor Peter McIntyre, A.O. Wine tasting. Selected Antique Fair. Organ Recital, organist Michael Bottomly. Mickleford Tour. A Closer Look at Castlemaine, Castlemaine Historical Society. 'Local Brew' Love Letters by A R Gurney, Starring Julia Blake and Terry Norris Directed by George Fairfax A.M. The Noel Watson Show. John Pringle and Miriam Gormley sing Operatic Gems with the Rantos Collegium and conductor Nicholas Braithwaite. The Incredible Shrinking Mortgage Show', Pat Wilson and Adrian Barnes. Festival Nightcap, Mr P P an acrobatic delight. Breakfast with Potts in the Park. A Stroll Around Town, Historical Society guide. Gardens Open. Selected Antique Fair. Festive Family Fun, musician Natasha Moszenin, Fratellini Brothers, Tim Hurley, Wally Fair Ground Organ, Foundry Band, Megan Jones, Mr P P. A guided Tour, Mrs Marjorie Rilen. Goetz Richter - Violin, Jeanett Carrigan - Piano. 'King Lear', Berenice Kavanagh and Suzanne Kersten. The Chagell Ensemble, Rita Reichman, Piano, Semmy Stalhammer, Violin. Trevor Jones, Viola. David Pereira, Cello. Steven Reeves, Double Bass. 'The Incredible Shrinking Mortagage Show' Pat Wilson and Adrian Barnes. Festival Hymns. 'Recital' Hellen Noonan, Douglas Horton, David Chesworth, Jacqui Everett, Jude Gunson. Music for Flute and Piano, Dereck Jones - Flute, Jeanell Carrigan - Piano. 'Brass With Class' William Evans - trumpet, David Farrend - trumpet, Russell Davis - french horn, Ken McClimont - trombone, Eric Klay - bass trombone. Piano Recital - Richard Mapp. Chris Ludwick's Society Synocopators - Cup Eve Cabaret, Chris Ludowyk - trombone, Peter Gaudion- Trumpet, Richard Miller - reeds, Pip Avent - tuba, Cal Duffy's - drums. 'Cup Eve Comedy' Rachel Berger and Richard Stubbs. Festival Nightcap Mr P P. Botanical Gardens Tour Kevin Walsh. Alice's Adventures in Wonderland Glenn Elston. By arrangement with Feipp and Park Projects and Elston, Hocking and Woods Pty Ltd. Family Concert, Piano for 4 hands Jocelyn Abbott and Richard Mapp, actor Justin Shortal. Cup Day Sports Carnival. Fashion Parade, luncheon available at Georgians in George Clark Place. The Melba Trio, Carolyn Hayes - Oboe, Jane Stacvy - cor anglais, Seng Tong - Oboe. 'Images' Prudence Davis - flute, Jeffrey Crellin - oboe, Peter Lynch - guitar. 'Sounds in Time' Andree Cozens - soprano, Berenice Kavanagh - words, Dudley - Simons - piano, John Snowden - Guitar, Peter Taylor - Set design & lighting. 'Music for Celestial Voices' Laurence - Jenkins - organ, Mary Anderson - harp, Margot Anderson - harp, Margot Cory - soprano. 'Proms for Preps' Nehama Patkin. Organ Recital Keeith Bottomley. Kaweka Walk, Kaweka Reserve Committee. 'Camille Claudel'. The Tudor Choristers Musical Director - John O'Donnell. 'Something for Everyone' Nehama Patkin - piano, guitar and voice, Peter Clinch - saxaphone and clarinet, major Australian Orchastras. 'The Dock Brief' & 'What Shall We Tell Caroline' Neville Stonehouse, Kay Barker, David Bickart, Angela Walter. 'Bluebeard' The Rag & Bone Theatre Company. Poedijono and the Javanese Gamelan, Poedijono (Teacher), musician, dancer and puppeteer. Botanical Gardens Tour, Kevin Walsh, horticulturist and garden writer. 'Music through the Ages' 'Pizzicato' - classical guitar ensemble, Castlemaine Courthouse, Bruce Millar, Meryl Wilkinson, Greg Wilkinson, Greg James, Joan Maher, Danny Silver. Bach and Vivaldi - Elysium Ensemble Greg Dikmans - Art Director, flute & recorder, Julie Hewison - violin, Lucinda Moon - violin, Janet Ferandez - viola, Miriam Morris - cello, Rosemanry Westbrook - double bass, John O'Donnell - harpsichord. 'Handle by Candle' Laurence Jenkins. Sarah Grunstein at the Piano, Sarah Grunstein. 'Let the Children Sing' Castlemaine Children's Choir, director Michael Bottomley, soloist Peter Bottomley. 'Made in Australia' Phillip Day, Bruce Waston, & 'Twankydillo'. The Dancers Company of the Australian Ballet, Les Sylphides, Dame Peggy van Praagh, Sir John Betjeman, Robert Ray. 'The Wooden Child' Handspan Theatre, Douglass Horton, Ken Evans, Andre Greenwell, Peter J Wilson, Philip Lethean. Botanic Gardens Tour Kevin Walsh. Divine Accidents and Heavenly Venues' William (Bill) Akers, A.M., Director of Productions, Australian Ballet. Jazz at the Jail. Another Stroll round Castlemaine, Historical Society. Muckleford Tour, Naturalists Club. 'Sketches' The Argus Guitar Quartet, Jochen Sxhubert, Tania Ravbar, Samantha Tout, Chi Ly.Scores for Instruments and Voices, Phylis Bachelor. Fred Shade, flute; Mara Miller, Violin; Len Vorster, piano; Loris Synan, soprano; and the students of the Faculty of Music, Melbourne University. Music for Four Hands at One Keyboard, Jocelyn Abbot and Richard Mapp. Paul Grabowsky and the Groovematics, Paul Graboesky, piano. Andrew Gander, Drums. Doug de Vries, guitar. Bob Venier, Trumpet, Flugelhorn. Ian Chaplin, saxophone. Garry Costello, double bass. Shelley Scown, vocals. 'My Most Loved Songs' David Bickart - Basso. Chapliapin, McEachern, Pinza, Robeson, Dawson. A Stroll Around Town, Historical Society. Breakfast at Buda. Garden Open. Festival Eucharist, choir and orchestra Directed by Kevin Bottomley. Music, Madness, Magic. Itchy Feet Pep Band, 'Sound Steppers', 'Legs on the Wall', Andrew Elliot, Antebodies. A Guided Tour of Angligan Parish Church. John Farnham in Concert, The Chain Reaction Tour. John Farnham. Exhibitions: Aspects of France: The Australian Artist's View. Artsits include John Russell, Lloyd Rees, David Davies, John Dent, Eric Wilson, E Phillips Fox, Ethal Carrick, Rupert Bunny, Max Meldrum, Will Ashton, George Bell and others. Annemieke Mein: Embroidery and Applique. Castlemaine Artists Incorporated 6th Biennial Exhibition. Dominique Segan Castlemaine State Festival Drawing Prize 1990. 'Provocative Pieces'. 'Feathered Friends' Barbara Muir. Through the Looking Glass. Handmade - For Pleasure, Julie Cook - dolls and puppets; Traude Beilharz - hats; Gwen Cook - embroidery; Erika Beilharz - woven pieces. 'High Art' students of Castlemaine. 'Works in Wood' Laurie Vella. Old Telegraph Station, Pioneers and Old Residents Association, Jubilee booklet on sale. Studio Exhibition, Juliana Hilton: Prints, paintings decorated screens and furniture. Val Restarick: Pottery and outdoor planters. 2nd Biennial Ernest Leviny Commemorative Silver Exhibition, leading contemporary silversmiths; Hendrick Foster, Tony Kean, Mike Wilson, Flynn Bros, Andrew Last, Mark Edgoose, Peter Gerter, Beatrice Schlabowsly, Marian Hoskings, Karyn Kirby, Chris Sherwin, Peter McBride, Fran Allison. Ray Stanyer - Ceramic Paintings. Norman Anderson - Water Colour Studies. 'Australian & Baroque' David Terry. 'Mediterranean Images' Val Restarick. Framing Shop, Brian Harding. Exhibition of Women Artists, Liz Caffin, Mary Quinlton, Debra Watkins, Lorraine Le Plastrier. Maine Images, Jacki Bickart, Valarie Blake, Sue Breeney, Kate Burtchell, Janet Chapman, Diana Davidson, Betty Hall, Deidre Hull, Molly Maddox, Norma McKenzie, Beth Oag, Rhyll Plant, Michell Phillipson, Diane Thompson. Ceramics, Ian Drumond. 'The Esplanade of Palms' (Brickworks Exhibition), John Wilkins. Han Built Pottery, George Butcher. Hollis Gallery, Richard Hollis, Kathy Hollis. 'End of an Era', Castlemaine Technical College Student Exhibition. 'Building A Country', Commissioned by the Latrobe Library, the Australian State Library of Victoria. The Festival Exhibition. 'Colour - Three Way's, Alice Clague, Geoffrey Clague, Howard Tozer. Tonal Oil Painters and Tapestry Exhibition by a group of local artists, Albert Pollard, Shirley Anderson, Valerie Blake, Ivy Brown, Marjorie Byrne, Janet Chapman, Frances Cree, Colleen Hall, Loretta Harris, Phyllis McClure, Lorraine McDowell, Norma McLean, Margaret Maher, Winsome Morrat, Jean Perry, Martha Phillips, Alison Ross, Norma Sneddon, Val Story, Irene Szabo, Jean Wells, and Alan Winzor. Roma Dodson.'BarleyTwist Cottage', Bill Davies, Linda Long, Fred Kuhnl. Photography Exhibition: Faces and Souls. Children's Books and Illustrations, Meet the authors and illustrators. Burnett Gallery and Garden, Drew Lawson, photographer of Eaglehawk. Decorated Cakes & Sugar Craft Exhibition, Barbara Porter. Sponsored by Marong Hotel. The Central Victorian Unique Design & Restoration Centre, historical photographs, sketches, etc. Badger's Keep Nursery & Mr Badger's Shop, Margaret Lees, Bill Jackson. Carriage Builders & Restorers. 'Harmonious Inspirations X Four' Kristina Browning, Catherine Tait, Rod Pitt, Lindy McAboy, Castle Mice by Sonia. Historic Cottage, 'Orvil Dean Stud', John and Anne Murdock, Judy Dean. The Heritage of Maldon, Geoffery Stocks. Stanyer's Pottery, Dragon Magic, Annett Annand, Ellan Hansa. 2(two) copies of this program.event, entertainment, castemaine state festival, castlemaine state festival, castlemaine 1990. programme. chairmen - mr bereck segan. committee:b r segan, o.b.e. (chairman), m besen, a.o. (deputy chairman), mrs h dore (hon. sec.), c anzarut, n bourke, ms m coillet, prof. c duckworth, g fairfax, a.m., k mackenzie-forbes, a.m., mrs b margetts, dr f r moulds, i.s.o., r nordlinger, j parker, m.b.e., a porter, ms m prendergast, c pyett, ms d reilly, mrs, ms l schiftan, p m schiftan, d segan, b j stewart, ms s walker, dr r wlikie. melbourne committee: i o'halloran, (chairman), mrs m rilen (hon.sec.), miss r wood (treas), mrs l bennet, mrs m bock, s cox, cr t daniell, mrs h griffiths, b heydon, n jennings, mrs c mckellar, miss m oliver, l o'toole, f ransome-smith, j shortal, dr d silver, mrs v victor-gordon, mes e warren, miss l waters. mr ian o'halloran, chairman, castlemaine. castlemaine state festival administration, festival manager: phee broadway, manager's assistant: mary harris, technical manager: lis pain, drawing prize co-ordinator: bev singleton, farnham concert co-ordinator: noel jennings with victorian rock foundation. event listings: opening by hon. jim kennan m.p., deputy premier and minister for the arts castlemaine stadium. melbourne symphony orchestra, condustor - hiroyuki iwaki, soloist - dong -suk kang. royal variety club grand final theatre royal, town crier mr neville stonehouse. kilmna 'melbourne: professor peter mcintyre, a.o. organist michael bottomly. mickleford tour. castlemaine historical society. love letters by a r gurney, starring julia blake terry norris directed by george fairfax a.m. the noel watson show.john pringle and miriam gormley operatic rantos collegium and conductor nicholas braithwaite. the incredible shrinking mortgage show', pat wilson and adrian barnes., mr p p an acrobatic delight. potts in the park. a stroll around town, historical society guide. selected antique fair. festive family fun, musician natasha moszenin, fratellini brothers, tim hurley, wally fair ground organ, foundry band, megan jones, . a guided tour, mrs marjorie rilen. goetz richter - violin, jeanell carrigan - piano. 'king lear', berenice kavanagh and suzanne kersten. the chagell ensemble, rita reichman, piano, semmy stalhammer, violin. trevor jones, viola. david pereira, cello.steven reeves, double bass. pat wilson and adrian barnes. festival hymns. 'recital' hellen noonan, douglas horton, david chesworth, jacqui everett, jude gunson. music for flute and piano, dereck jones - flute, jeanell carrigan - piano. 'brass with class' william evans - trumpet, david farrend - trumpet, russell davis - french horn, ken mcclimont - trombone, eric klay - bass trombone. piano recital - richard mapp. chris ludwick's society synocopators - cabaret, chris ludowyk - trombone, peter gaudion- trumpet, richard miller - reeds, pip avent - tuba, cal duffy's - drums. 'cup eve comedy' rachel berger and richard stubbs. festival nightcap mr p p. botanicla gardens tour kevin walsh. alice's adventures in wonderland glenn elston. by arrangemnent with feipp and park projects and elston, hocking and woods pty ltd. family concert, piano for 4 hands jocelyn abbott richard mapp, actor justin shortal. cup day sports carnival. fashion parade, lucheon available ar georgians in george clark place. the melba trio, carolyn hayes - oboe, jane stacvy - cor anglais, seng tong - oboe. 'images' prudence davis - flute, jeffrey crellin - oboe, peter lynch - guitar. 'sounds in time' andree cozens - soprano, berenice kavanagh - words, dudley - simons - piano, john snowden - guitar, peter taylor - set design & lighting. 'music for celestial voices' laurence - jenkins - organ, mary anderson - harp, margot anderson - harp, margot cory - soprano. 'proms for preps' nehama patkin. organ recital keeith bottomley. kaweka walk, kaweka reserve committee. 'camille claudel'. the tudor choristers musical director - john o'donnell. 'something for everyone' nehama patkin - piano, guitar and voice, peter clinch - saxophone and clarinet, major australian orchastras.'the dock brief' & 'what shall we tell caroline' neville stonehouse, kay barker, david bickart, angela walter. 'bluebeard' the rag & bone theatre company. poedijono and the javanese gamelan, poedijono (teacher), musician, dancer and puppeteer. botanical gardens tour, kevin walsh, horticulturist and garden writer. 'music through the ages' 'pizzicato' - classical guitar ensemble, courthouse, bruce millar, meryl wilkinson, greg wilkinson, greg james, joan maher, danny silver. bach and vivaldi - elysium ensemble greg dikmans - art director, flute & recorder, julie hewison - violin, lucinda moon - violin, janet ferandez - viola, miriam morris - cello, rosemanry westbrook - double bass, john o'donnell - harpsichord. 'handle by candle' laurence jenkins. sarah grunstein at the piano, sarah grunstein. 'let the children sing' castlemaine children's choir, director michael bottomley, soloist peter bottomley. 'made in australia' phillip day, bruce waston, & 'twankydillo'. the dancers company of the australian ballet, les sylphides, dame peggy van praagh, sir john betjeman, robert ray. 'the wooden child' handspan theatre, douglass horton, ken evans, andre greenwell, peter j wilson, philip lethlean. botanic gardens tour kevin walsh. divine accidents and heavenly venues' william (bill) akers, a.m., director of productions, australian ballet. jazz at the jail. stroll round castlemaine, historical society. muckleford tour, naturalists club. 'sketches' the argus guitar quartet, jochen sxhubert, tania ravbar, samantha tout, chi ly.scores for instruments and voices, phylis bachelor. fred shade, flute; mara miller, violin; len vorster, piano; loris synan, soprano; students of the faculty of music, melbourne university. music for four hands at one keyboard, jocelyn abbot and richard mapp. paul grabowsky and the groovematics, paul graboesky, piano. andrew gander, drums. doug de vries, guitar. bob venier, trumpet, flugelhorn. ian chaplin, saxophone. garry costello, double bass. shelley scown, vocals. 'my most loved songs' david bickart - basso. chapliapin, mceachern, pinza, robeson, dawson. stroll around town, historical society. breakfast at buda. garden open. festival eucharist, choir and orchestra directed by kevin bottomley. music, madness, magic. itchy feet pep band, 'sound steppers', 'legs on the wall', andrew elliot, antebodies. a guided tour of angligan parish church. john farnham in concert. exhibitions: aspects of france: the australian artist's view. artsits include john russell, lloyd rees, david davies, john dent, eric wilson, e phillips fox, ethal carrick, rupert bunny, max meldrum, will ashton, george bell and others. annemieke mein: embroidery and applique. castlemaine artists incorportated 6th biennieal exibition. dominique segan castlemaine state festival drawing prize 1990. 'provocative pieces'.'feathered friends' barbara muir. through the looking glass. handmade - for pleasure, julie cook - dolls and puppets; traude beilharz - hats; gwen cook - embroidery; erika beilharz - woven pieces. 'high art' students of castlemaine. 'works in wood' laurie vella. old telegraph station, pioneers and old residents association, jubilee booklet on sale. studio exhibition, juliana hilton: prints, paintings decorated screens and furniture. val restarick: pottery and outdoor planters. 2nd biennial ernest leviny commemorative silver exhibition, leading contemporary silversmiths; hendrick foster, tony kean, mike wilson, flynn bros, andrew last, mark edgoose, peter gerter, beatrice schlabowsly, marian hoskings, karyn kirby, chris sherwin, peter mcbride, fran allison. ray stanyer - ceramic paintings. norman anderson - water colour studies. 'australian & baroque' david terry. 'mediterranean images' val restarick. framing shop, brian harding. exhibition of women artists, liz caffin, mary quinlton, debra watkins, lorraine le plastrier. maine images, jacki bickart, valarie blake, sue breeney, kate burtchell, janet chapman, diana davidson, betty hall, deidre hull, molly maddox, norma mckenzie, beth oag, rhyll plant, michell phillipson, diane thompson. ceramics, ian drumond. 'the esplanade of palms' (brickworks exhibition), john wilkins.han built pottery, george butcher. hollis gallery, richard hollis, kathy hollis. 'end of an era', castlemaine technical college student exhibition. 'building a country', commissioned by the latrobe library, the australian state library of victoria. the festival exhibition. 'colour - three way's, alice clague, geoffery clague, howard tozer. tonal oil painters and taperstry exhibition by a group of local artists, albert pollard, shirley anderson, valerie blake, ivy brown, marjorie byrne, janet chapman, frances cree, colleen hall, loretta harris, phyllis mcclure, lorraine mcdowell, norma mclean, margaret maher, winsome morrat, jean perry, martha phillips, alison ross, norma sneddon, val story, irene szabo, jean wells, and alan winzor. roma dodson.'barleytwist cottage', bill davies, linda long, fred kuhnl. photogralhy exhibition: faces and souls. children's books and illustrations, meet the authors and illustrators. burnett gallery and garden, drew lawson, photographer of eaglehawk. decorated cakes & sugar craft exhibition, barbara porter. sponsored by marong hotel. the central victorian unique design & restoration centre, historical photographs, sketches, etc. badger's keep nursery & mr badger's shop, margaret lees, bill jackson. carriage builders & restorers. 'harmonious inspirations x four' kristina browning, catherine tait, rod pitt, lindy mcaboy, castle mice by sonia. historic cottage, 'orvil dean stud', john and anne murdock, judy dean. the heritage of maldon, geoffery stocks. stanyer's pottery, dragon magic, annett annand, ellan hansa.

This work was reproduced from the original artefact, and remains as true to the original work as possible.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. Hardback with brown fabric which is torn and stained. Embossed border and small flower design in black ink. Title embossed in gold. Fraying around the edges and spine. 168 pages.fictionreligion, moral tale, social order

The Old Melbourne Gaol was built in 1841 and is presently under the care of the National Trust of Victoria. This book describes the history of the gaol and penal life in the 19th century.20 page book. Black and white illustrations. Cover includes a photograph of the interior of the Old Melbourne Gaol.old melbourne gaol, melbourne, gaols, jails, national trust of victoria

Blue foolscap typed page relating to mining under the Ballarat Gaol by Order in Council - Goldfields Act. The mining authorised under the gaol took place at Government House, Melbourne on 19 August 1861 in the presence of Major general Pratt, Heales, Aspinall, Verdon, Brooke, Grant, J.B. Hummfray, Houston, Macadamballarat gaol, ballarat jail, j.h. kay, gaol reserve, goldfields act, order in council, pratt, heales, aspinall, verdon, brooke, grant, j.b. humffray, houston, macadam, john basson humffray, commissioner of mines for victoria

p.250.non-fictionThe authors escape from Changi jail and their subsequent recaapture and ill treatment. world war 1939 – 1945 - prisons and prisoners – japanese, changi jail

Index, notes, p.339.non-fictionIn December 2005 Condoleezza Rice, the US Secretary of State, assured the world that the flights of CIA private jets that have criss-crossed Europe since 9/11 had no role in sending prisoners to be tortured. 'The United States has not transported anyone, and will not transport anyone, to a country when we believe he will be tortured,' she said. Tony Blair assured Parliament: 'I have absolutely no evidence to suggest that anything illlegal has been happening here at all.' But as Stephen Grey reveals in this book, Rice's claims were false - and the British governemnt has also turned a blind eye to a CIA operation that systematically out-sources the hasrh interrogation of its captives. Grey reveals how the Agency's programme, known by the euphemism 'extraordinary rendition', has transported hundreds of prisoners to foreign jails and its own secret facilities in the full knowledge they will face harsh torture.prisoners of war - abuse of - united states, central intelligence agency

The Vietnam War was the longest and most divisive war in our history. Almost 60,000 Australians served and more that 500 were killed. Back home, thousands protested against the war and conscription, and hundreds were sent to jail.vietnam war, 1961-1975 - participation, australian, veterans - mental health - australia, battle of long tan

Australia 1913 - 1986 Linocut s.31