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The Beechworth Burke Museum
Geological specimen - Kaolin, unknown
Kaolin is also known as china clay. This specimen came from Dunolly, Victoria and was donated to the Museum in 1868 as part of the Geological Survey of Victoria. This survey helped map and study the geology of Victoria. In Victoria, Kaolin is particularly used as a filler and coating material in paper manufacture. It can also be used in paints, ceramics, rubbers and plastics. There are many kaolin deposits in Victoria but many of these have been mined out and there is not much Kaolin left. Rocks that have a high amount of Kaolinite and it can be formed through the decomposition of other materials. There are two types of Kaolin; hard and soft kaolin. Soft kaolin's are coarse but have a soapy texture. It can also break easily. The hard kaolins have an earthly texture and are finer grained. This means that they are harder to break, unlike the soft kaolin. Hard kaolin's are formed by flocculation in salt water, a process that in basic terms, bonds particles together. Kaolin is a common material in Victoria and that is why it is significant. While this specimen was mined in Dunolly, Victoria Kaolin can also be found Pittong, Pakenham, Bulla, Hallam and Ballarat as well as many other places throughout Victoria. This specimen represents the presence of Kaolin deposits in this region of Australia. It is also significant because Kaolin has many uses and is largely beneficial to many manufacturing processes in Victoria. This specimen is part of a larger collection of geological and mineral specimens collected from around Australia (and some parts of the world) and donated to the Burke Museum between 1868-1880. A large percentage of these specimens were collected in Victoria as part of the Geological Survey of Victoria that begun in 1852 (in response to the Gold Rush) to study and map the geology of Victoria. Collecting geological specimens was an important part of mapping and understanding the scientific makeup of the earth. Many of these specimens were sent to research and collecting organisations across Australia, including the Burke Museum, to educate and encourage further study.Two pieces of Kaolinite mineral with shades of white and graygeological specimen, geology, geology collection, burke museum, beechworth, kaolin, china clay, dunolly, geological survey of victoria, kaolinite, victoria, mining, mining deposits, geology of victoria, australia, filler, coating material, paper manufacture, paint, ceramics, rubbers, plastics, decomposition, materials, soft kaolin, hard kaolin, flocculation, particles, salt water -
The Beechworth Burke Museum
Geological specimen - Montmorillonite
Montmorillonite is a type of clay composed of aluminium silicate that forms very small particles that are not well-bonded to one another. This is why it is so soft. When in the presence of water, all types of clay swell. Montmorillonite swells even more than most types of clay, which is why it is often chosen over other types of clay in its practical uses. Montmorillonite has many different practical uses, including in the mining industry, as a soil additive, as a sealant, as a desiccant to draw water out of the air, to clean ponds, to make kitty litter and in cosmetics. Montmorillonite is a common mineral and, despite being named after Montmorillon, France, can be found all over the world, including many deposits in Australia. It is not known where this particular specimen originates from. Montmorillonite is an economically and socially significant material with a wide variety of uses. Having samples of common and important minerals allows collections, like the Burke Museum, to have a more complete view of the land on which they are located, and therefore a more complete view of heritage. This specimen is part of a larger collection of geological and mineral specimens collected from around Australia (and some parts of the world) and donated to the Burke Museum between 1868-1880. A large percentage of these specimens were collected in Victoria as part of the Geological Survey of Victoria that begun in 1852 (in response to the Gold Rush) to study and map the geology of Victoria. Collecting geological specimens was an important part of mapping and understanding the scientific makeup of the earth. Many of these specimens were sent to research and collecting organisations across Australia, including the Burke Museum, to educate and encourage further study.A solid tennis-ball sized chunk of aluminium silicate clay. It is primarily white, accented with orange and brown.burke museum, beechworth, geological, geological specimen, clay, montmorillonite -
The Beechworth Burke Museum
Photograph - Photograph - Reproduction
This photograph depicts mining operations within the Beechworth area, in an unidentified valley where sluicing was utilised as a method for extracting gold from the environment. After gold was discovered in the region in 1851, sluicing became a characteristic of gold mining in the region - "Ovens miners carved intricate networks of races" throughout the region - involved the diversion of water in many channels, or water races, which contained inbuilt 'ripple devices' designed to trap gold for later extraction. By 1871, 900 miles of water races had been cut into the Beechworth Mining District. As suggested by the numerous figures involved in labouring along the water race, sluicing was a source of considerable employment within the region. This image is of important historical significance for its ability to convey information about sluicing and the methods used to find gold in the 1850s, and provides clues as to how sluicing and the widespread construction of water ranges changed the environment of the region. This image is important for current research into the history of the Ovens region in Victoria, which played such a prominent role in the early Australian gold mining industry. Therefore, this image has the capacity to be beneficial for research into society and the motivations of those living and working in this region during this period and therefore, has social significance. The Beechworth Burke Museum has additional images relating to gold sluicing and and the mining activities in the area more generally, which can be analysed and studied alongside images like this one.A black and white rectangular photograph printed on matte photographic paperbeechworth, mining, miners, labour, water race, sluicing -
The Beechworth Burke Museum
Photograph - Photograph - Reproduction
After gold was discovered to be deposited "for miles along Woolshed Valley" in the early 1850s, the Woolshed became a major site of mining activity in the north-east . This region was divided into large claims of 80 yards long, one of which was the one depicted in this photograph, called 'Big Johnson's Claim'. Claims such as this utilised a range of technology, including water wheels, steam engines, sluices and toms, most of which would not arrive until after 1856 when this photograph was taken. The Woolshed initially became prosperous in 1855, and labourers, such as the ones depicted in this photograph, engaged in sinking work for 7 pounds a week, whilst other mining labourers could earn up to nine. The search for gold is ingrained into the history of Victoria and therefore, images like this one which portray an open cut sluicing site can reveal important information for society and technology for the date when the photograph was taken. This image is of important historical significance for its ability to convey information about the operations of mining claims, particularly of the Woolshed Valley area that this photograph documents. This image is important for current research into the history of Woolshed, which was a major site of mining significance and operations. Therefore, this image has the capacity to be beneficial for research into society and the motivations of those living and working in this region during this period and therefore, has social significance. The Beechworth Burke Museum has additional images relating to gold sluicing and the Woolshed area which can be analysed and studied alongside images like this one. A black and white rectangular photograph printed on matte photographic paper.Reverse: 7791 / page 34. / 52% / Big Johnstone / Claim on Woolshed Goldfields / 1856 / Note canvas [illegible] building / Burke Museum /woolshed, mining, claims, mining claims, big johnson, gold -
The Beechworth Burke Museum
Photograph - Photograph - Reproduction
This photograph depicts the Great Southern Mine located in Rutherglen as it was during the 1900. After the initial Gold Rush of 1853-1854, Gold was discovered deeper under the surface of the earth in the 1860 after the discovery of another deep lead system. Due to the discovery of Gold in Rutherglen, Rutherglen developed into a community in its own right, possessing a population of 6600 by December 1860 and developed into a municipality in 1862. The Great Southern Mine depicted in this photograph required the use of a range of modern technologies, including the hydraulic pumps, in order to reach gold. This photo depicts the mining operations as they were undertaken around the turn of the century.The search for gold is ingrained into the history of Victoria and therefore, images like this one which portray a modern mining operation undertaken in the 1860s, can reveal important information for society and technology for the date when the photograph was taken. This image is of important historical significance for its ability to convey information about the methods used to extract gold in 1900. It is significant as most mining operations around the region, particularly earlier on in the period, used different technologies such as water races. This image is important for current research into the history of Rutherglen more generally, a town which developed singlehandedly due to the discovery of minerals and mining, as depicted here in this photograph, thus indicating an element of social significance as well as historic. The Beechworth Burke Museum has additional images relating to mining and Rutherglen which can be analysed and studied alongside images like this one.A black and white rectangular photograph printed on matte photographic paper.Reverse: $ 3.00 19972503 / a02503 / Great Southern Mine Rutherglen 1900rutherglen mine, rutherglen, great southern mine, beechworth, mine, mining, post goldrush, victoria, gold, 1860s, sluicing, hydrolic sluicing -
The Beechworth Burke Museum
Animal specimen - Great Crested Grebe, Trustees of the Australian Museum, 1860-1880
The Great Crested Grebe is the largest bird in the Grebe family. It has a long neck with a black crown and orange/black "fans" on the sides of the face. This bird can be found in all Australian states and territories and typically resides in open bodies of fresh water. This specimen is part of a collection of almost 200 animal specimens that were originally acquired as skins from various institutions across Australia, including the Australian Museum and the National Museum of Victoria, as well as individuals such amateur anthropologist Reynell Eveleigh Johns between 1860-1880. These skins were then mounted by members of the Burke Museum Committee and put-on display in the formal space of the Museum’s original exhibition hall where they continue to be on display. This display of taxidermy mounts initially served to instruct visitors to the Burke Museum of the natural world around them, today it serves as an insight into the collecting habits of the 19th century. This specimen is part of a significant and rare taxidermy mount collection in the Burke Museum. This collection is scientifically and culturally important for reminding us of how science continues to shape our understanding of the modern world. They demonstrate a capacity to hold evidence of how Australia’s fauna history existed in the past and are potentially important for future environmental research. This collection continues to be on display in the Museum and has become a key part to interpreting the collecting habits of the 19th century.A Great Crested Grebe in a tall position standing on a wooden pedestal. It has a long neck and bill with coloured plumage. The crest is black with orange and black cheek "fans" on the sides of the face. The eyes are made of glass and are a red/black colour. On paper tag: "[Austra]lian... [G]rebe... [pa]ge, 42" taxidermy mount, taxidermy, animalia, burke museum, beechworth, australian museum, skin, reynell eveleigh johns, bird, great crested grebe -
Mortlake and District Historical Society
Letter
This letter describes a business transaction of an item essential to conducting a mill in the days of the pioneers. The horse was purchased from Francis Jones at Grasmere some 45 kilometres distant. Francis Jones and descendants were closely associated with the settlement of Grasmere (district) and 'The Union', a well-known pastoral property still in existence today.The conduct of business in the 19th century could be slow and arduous. Horses were an essential component of business and communication. Their labour was pivotal to success and so their physical soundness (or otherwise) was vital. The horse trade was open to manipulation by the unscrupulous, selling unfit animals. Veterinary care and treatment was primitive, so a buyer could not be confident of a positive result, despite (as in this case) Jones' assurances of the triviality of the injury and Knights' capabilities. Handwritten letter on paper folden in half - water stained.Grasmere. April 4th 1864. Messrs. Hamilton & Co. I beg to acknowledge the receipt of yours of the 29th March enclosing a cheque for [pound sign] balance of the price of the bay mare for which I am much obliged to you for your punctuality in sending it. I enclose you a receipt for the the (sic) same. With reference to the swelling on the mares leg it could only have been there a very short time before you purchased her. It can easily be removed if the proper remedies are applied. M. Knights the veterinary surgeon will give you medicine that will remove it for a trifle. Hoping the mare will give you ample satisfaction. I am scy. (sic) [sincerely] yours respecfully Francis Jones. mortlake mill hamilton transport communication francis jones grasmere michael knights veterinary surgeon -
Greensborough Historical Society
Article and Photograph, Greensborough 1968, 2016_
Information and photo of a burst water main in either Grimshaw or Main Street Greensborough. Photograph courtesy of Paul de Sauty, taken from Hailes Street. Church Street can be seen in this photo, prior to building of Greensborough Plaza.This photograph and text was copied from a Facebook site. Members are people who lived in the Greensborough area and share their reminiscences of the area with others. The site is administered by a GHS member but is not officially affiliated with the Society. Any information is the opinion of the contributor. Article and photograph sourced from social media.greensborough, church street greensborough -
Federation University Historical Collection
Photograph - Black and White, Dr Rob Piachaud, Frank Wright at Aden, Arabia
... ). In the background can be seen a water system with what appears to be a dam... on a flat platform (probably stone work). In the background can ...Frank Wright was a renown resident of Smeaton, where he was born on 2 August 1901. He lived at Laura Villa, and attended Smeaton State School. His father William was a gold miner and his mother's name was Sarah. Their family won many singing and instrumental awards. Frank was tutored by Percy Code and was awarded a gold medal for the highest marks in the ALCM examinations in the British Colonies at the age of seventeen years. He became the Australian Open Cornet Champion by the age of eighteen. A year later, Frank conducted the City of Ballarat Band, and later the Ballarat Soldiers’ Memorial Band. He formed the Frank Wright Frisco Band and Frank Wright and his Coliseum Orchestra. These bands won many South Street awards, and Frank as conductor won many awards in the Australian Band Championship contest. In 1933 Frank Wright sailed to England to conduct the famous St Hilda’s Band and was later appointed Musical Director of the London County Council, where he organized many amazing concerts in parks, in and around the London district. He was made Professor of Brass and Military Band Scoring and conducted at the Guildhall of Music and Drama. Frank was often invited to adjudicate Brass Band Championships around Europe, in Australia, including South Street and in New Zealand. The Frank Wright Medal at the Royal South Street competition is awarded to an individual recognized as making an outstanding contribution to brass music in Australia.Black and Wright photograph of a man in a light coloured suit standing on a flat platform (probably stone work). In the background can be seen a water system with what appears to be a dam, surrounded by mountains . The man is Frank Wright and the place is Aden in Abrabia (Yemen).Written in pencil on back - Frank Wright at tanks in Aden (Arabia) which were built by the Persians in 600 B.C., Photo taken by Dr Rob Piachaud (from Ceylon)frank wright, dr rob piachaud, aden, tanks at aden -
Federation University Historical Collection
Photograph - black and white, Frank Wright at Pearl Harbor, mid 1900's
Frank Wright was a renown resident of Smeaton, where he was born on 2 August 1901. He lived at Laura Villa, and attended Smeaton State School. His father William was a gold miner and his mother's name was Sarah. Their family won many singing and instrumental awards. Frank was tutored by Percy Code and was awarded a gold medal for the highest marks in the ALCM examinations in the British Colonies at the age of seventeen years. He became the Australian Open Cornet Champion by the age of eighteen. A year later, Frank conducted the City of Ballarat Band, and later the Ballarat Soldiers’ Memorial Band. He formed the Frank Wright Frisco Band and Frank Wright and his Coliseum Orchestra. These bands won many South Street awards, and Frank as conductor won many awards in the Australian Band Championship contest. In 1933 Frank Wright sailed to England to conduct the famous St Hilda’s Band and was later appointed Musical Director of the London County Council, where he organized many amazing concerts in parks, in and around the London district. He was made Professor of Brass and Military Band Scoring and conducted at the Guildhall of Music and Drama. Frank was often invited to adjudicate Brass Band Championships around Europe, in Australia, including South Street and in New Zealand. The Frank Wright Medal at the Royal South Street competition is awarded to an individual recognized as making an outstanding contribution to brass music in Australia.Black and white photograph of a man dressed in a suit, standing beside the road and holding onto a signpost saying Pearl Harbor. On the other side of the road in the distance can be seen buildings and water.frank wright, conductor, pearl harbor -
Federation University Historical Collection
Photograph - black and white, Frank Wright, Frank Wright at Trafalgar Square, London, 1933, October 1933
Frank Wright was a renown resident of Smeaton, where he was born on 2 August 1901. He lived at Laura Villa, and attended Smeaton State School. His father William was a gold miner and his mother's name was Sarah. Their family won many singing and instrumental awards. Frank was tutored by Percy Code and was awarded a gold medal for the highest marks in the ALCM examinations in the British Colonies at the age of seventeen years. He became the Australian Open Cornet Champion by the age of eighteen. A year later, Frank conducted the City of Ballarat Band, and later the Ballarat Soldiers’ Memorial Band. He formed the Frank Wright Frisco Band and Frank Wright and his Coliseum Orchestra. These bands won many South Street awards, and Frank as conductor won many awards in the Australian Band Championship contest. In 1933 Frank Wright sailed to England to conduct the famous St Hilda’s Band and was later appointed Musical Director of the London County Council, where he organized many amazing concerts in parks, in and around the London district. He was made Professor of Brass and Military Band Scoring and conducted at the Guildhall of Music and Drama. Frank was often invited to adjudicate Brass Band Championships around Europe, in Australia, including South Street and in New Zealand. The Frank Wright Medal at the Royal South Street competition is awarded to an individual recognized as making an outstanding contribution to brass music in Australia.1). Black and white photograph of a fountain spraying water into the air. In the background buildings can be seen through the spray. The place is Trafalgar Square in London. 2&3) Black and white photograph of a man squatting down and feeding the pigeons. He is in a park with a couple of trees and buildings as well as some other people in the background. The man is Frank Wright and the place is Trafalgar Square in London.1). Written in pencil - A fountain at Trafalgar square London, F.W. Oct 1933 2&3). Written in pencil - In Trafalgar Square London Oct 1933 frank wright, fountain, trafalgar square, feeding pigeons -
Federation University Historical Collection
Photograph - Black and White, Swimming Bath on 'Remo', Red Sea, 1940, Jan 1940
Frank Wright was a renown resident of Smeaton, where he was born. He lived at Laura Villa, and attended Smeaton State School. His father William was a gold miner and his mother's name was Sarah. Their family won many singing and instrumental awards. Frank was tutored by Percy Code and was awarded a gold medal for the highest marks in the ALCM examinations in the British Colonies at the age of seventeen years. He became the Australian Open Cornet Champion by the age of eighteen. A year later, Frank conducted the City of Ballarat Band, and later the Ballarat Soldiers’ Memorial Band. He formed the Frank Wright Frisco Band and Frank Wright and his Coliseum Orchestra. These bands won many South Street awards, and Frank as conductor won many awards in the Australian Band Championship contest. In 1933 Frank Wright sailed to England to conduct the famous St Hilda’s Band and was later appointed Musical Director of the London County Council, where he organized many amazing concerts in parks, in and around the London district. He was made Professor of Brass and Military Band Scoring and conducted at the Guildhall of Music and Drama. Frank was often invited to adjudicate Brass Band Championships around Europe, in Australia, including South Street and in New Zealand. The Frank Wright Medal at the Royal South Street competition is awarded to an individual recognized as making an outstanding contribution to brass music in Australia.Black and white photograph of a group of people swimming in a canvas pool on board a ship. Behind the pool can be seen part of the ship and water to the right. The ship is the Remo, the place is the Red Sea and the man in the middle of the group is Frank Wright.Written in pencil on the back - Swimming bath on 'Remo' Red Sea, Jan 1940, F.W. in centrefrank wright, ship named remo, red sea, swimming bath, swimming pool, conductor -
Federation University Historical Collection
Print, Edwin Cannon, The Shortage of Water - What Ballarat Can Expect in the Future, 1914
... The Shortage of Water - What Ballarat Can Expect in the... The Shortage of Water - What Ballarat Can Expect in the Future ...Edwin Joseph (Ted) CANNON (1895-1916) Australia Ted Cannon was a lively, clever and popular student who demonstrated great ability in caricature and cartoon work. He found competition success and was granted a valuable five-year senior scholarship. Cannon also assisted teaching staff and contributed many drawings to the Ballarat Star. Following his AIF enlistment in 1915, Cannon’s superiors soon put his skill to use observing the enemy and illustrating sections of the battlefield. He was sketching a German position in France when he was shot in the abdomen and died.black and white artA newspaper clipping of a cartoon by Ted Cannon. ted cannon, edwin cannon, camel, water, water supply office, publication, black and white -
Shepparton RSL Sub Branch
Water Bottle, 1916 to leather strap
WW1 German Watter Bottel possibly captured by an Aussie Digger.Water Bottle WW1 German. Dated 1916 on Leather Strap. Metal with Corduroy Cloth Cover. With Metal Press Studs to cloth cove holding cover on. Leather strapping goes around neck with buckle and is studded together together at base of bottle. Burn hole to rear of cloth cover and dint to one edge and hole in cloth. Stopper appears to be a pull out type. Light brown stains all over.There is a makers nme and date on rear strap you can see 1916 and Schilddrichgerman, ww1, water bottle -
Federation University Historical Collection
Science Equipment, Hand-held Conductivity/TDS Meter: CON 6/TDS 6, c2002
The Conductivity Meter was purchased for the Food and Allied Sciences Department. It is not known if it was purchased to replace a similar item but obvious that this particular one has never been used. The solutions can be used for measuring conductivity. This measurement can be used as an estimate of total salt content in a solution. Good for quality assurance in a food context.Grey hard plastic case - compartments inside. Contains 1 meter, 1 conductivity probe and 4 small bottles of solution. Three bottles are conductivity solution. The solution is standardized using conductivity meter that is calibrated by potassium chloride solution. One bottle is deionized water. Instruction Manual in compartment in lid.Labels and stickers on outside of case. Serial No: 1428228food and allied sciences, conductivity meter, conductivity probe, conductivity solution, deionized water, potassium chloride, salt content -
Federation University Historical Collection
Photograph - Colour, Jarrod Watt, Hong Kong Street Flyer by an unknown artist, 2019, 06/2019
Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerPhotograph of a street art poster taken on the streets of Hong Kong during the protests against legislation to allow Hong Kong suspects to be extradited to mainland Chinese carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, poster art, posters -
Federation University Historical Collection
Photograph - Colour, Jarrod Watt, A thousand protestors surround Hong Kong's main police headquarters on Arsenal Street in Wan Chai on June 26th 2019, 21/06/2019
Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerMore than a thousand protestors surround Hong Kong's main police headquarters on Arsenal Street in Wan Chai on June 26th following a peaceful rally at Edinburgh Place in Central. Doors to the complex were barricaded by protestors, who left after a six hour siege in protest at police violence at a prtest held earlier on 12 June 2019. Protesters ended a six-hour siege of Hong Kong’s police headquarters – their second in a week over the now-suspended extradition bill – early on Thursday morning. More than 1,000 were involved at the height of the protest, which began after 10pm on Wednesday. Around 100 were left at the end and dispersed without a fight when officers with riot shields emerged from the building in Wan Chai at 4am on Thursday. After a peaceful rally attended by thousands earlier at Edinburgh Place in the Central business district, hundreds descended on Arsenal Street, blocking the junction with Lockhart Road to all traffic and sealing the entrances to the police base. (https://www.scmp.com/news/hong-kong/politics/article/3016238/hong-kong-police-under-siege-again-protesters-surround )carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, protest, protestors -
Federation University Historical Collection
Photograph - Photograph - Colour, Jarrod Watt, Seven police officers stand guard in front of Hong Kong's main police headquarters on Arsenal Street in Wan Chai, 2019, 21/06/2019
Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerSeven police officers stand guard in front of Hong Kong's main police headquarters on Arsenal Street in Wan Chai as an estimated one thousand protestors surround on 26 June 2019. Protestors take turns to step up and hurl abuse at the officers, in a protest lasting 6 hours before peacefully dispersing. The protesters chanted 'Release the martyrs' and 'Stop police violence' in reference to violent clashes with police in the days previous. ( https://www.scmp.com/news/hong-kong/politics/article/3016238/hong-kong-police-under-siege-again-protesters-surround)carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, protest, protestors, police, wan chai -
Federation University Historical Collection
Photograph - Colour, Jarrod Watt, Crowds Gather on June 16 on the Streets of Causeway Bay, 2019, 17/06/2019
Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerPhotograph crowds gathering on June 16 on the streets of Causeway Bay before an estimated 2 million people take part in march protesting the government's push for extradition laws to China and demanding an apology from the chief executrive Carrie Lam. Nearly 2 million’ people take to streets, forcing public apology from Hong Kong leader Carrie Lam as suspension of controversial extradition bill fails to appease protesters. (https://www.scmp.com/news/hong-kong/politics/article/3014737/nearly-2-million-people-take-streets-forcing-public-apology )carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, protest, protestors -
Federation University Historical Collection
Photograph - Photograph - Colour, Jarrod Watt, Street Protests in Hong Kong against proposed extradition laws, 2019, 17/06/2019
Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerPhotograph of a crowd or protestors against proposed extradition laws gathering on the streets of Causeway Bay, Hong Kong, leading down to the gathering area. carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, protest, protestors -
Federation University Historical Collection
Photograph - Colour, Jarrod Watt, Street Protests in Hong Kong against proposed extradition laws, 2019, 17/06/2019
Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerPhotograph of a crowd on the streets of Hong Kong to protest against proposed extradition laws, heading towards Admiralty. carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, protest, protestors, admiralty -
Federation University Historical Collection
Photograph - Colour Photograph, Street Protests in Hong Kong against proposed extradition laws, 2019, 17/06/2019
Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerCrowds mass on Queens Way in Hong Kong as an estimated 2 million people march in protest at the government's refusal to withdraw a controverisal law allowing people to be extradited to mainland China. Chants demanded the chief executive apologise and the legislation be withdrawn, while many held signs protesting police violence. Nearly 2 million protesters flooded the streets of Hong Kong on Sunday, organisers claimed, delivering a stunning repudiation of Chief Executive Carrie Lam Cheng Yuet-ngor’s governance and forcing a public apology out of the city’s leader over her campaign to bulldoze a controversial extradition bill through the legislature. A day after Lam suspended her push for the bill, expecting it to defuse a crisis that has seen violent clashes between mostly young protesters and police, the centre of Hong Kong was brought to a complete standstill as the masses marched to chastise her for refusing to withdraw the bill or apologise when first asked to, and declaring that nothing short of her resignation would satisfy them now. (https://www.scmp.com/news/hong-kong/politics/article/3014737/nearly-2-million-people-take-streets-forcing-public-apology ) carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, protest, protestors, admiralty -
Federation University Historical Collection
Book, Department of Sustainability and Environment et al, Spa Country: Victoria's Mineral Springs, 2010
Soft covered book of 32 pages. Includes information of Victoria's mineral water springs.spa coutnry, mineral water, mineral springs, bottles, bottling, cans, ballan, blackwood, daylesford, central springs, sailor's falls, deep breek, glenlyon, woolnoughs crossing, hepburn springs, locarno spring, pavilion spring, swiss and italians, argyle spring, geology, kyneton, taradale, leitches creek, spargo creek, carroll's mineral spring, vaughan, glenluce, geelong, eastern beach mineral spring, hepburn democratic club, macaroni factory -
Marysville & District Historical Society
Photograph (item) - Colour tinted photograph, Valentine Publishing Co. Pty. Ltd, The Road to Cumberland Valley, Marysville. No. 1, 1923-1963
An early colour tinted photograph of the intersection of the Buxton Marysville Road and the Marysville-Wood's Point Road.An early photograph of the Buxton Marysville Road and the Marysville-Wood's Point Road intersection. The Marysville-Buxton Road joins the Maroondah Highway which leads to Alexandra. The Marysville-Woods Point Road was originally part of the Yarra Track, constructed in the early 1860s to provide access between Healesville and the Woods Point Goldfields. Despite the steep terrain and engineering difficulties, the Yarra Track soon became a busy route used by pack horses, horse-drawn drays, and wagons. Today this sealed mountain road is a popular scenic drive between Marysville and Warburton. On the right of the photograph can be seen 'The Crossways Hotel' which is circa 1920 and one of the oldest buildings still standing in Marysville. 'The Crossways Hotel' survived the 2009 Black Saturday bushfires, through the efforts of the owner using buckets of water from the nearby Steavenson River. In the background can be seen the Poontawan Guest House which later became the Marysville Chalet Guest House which was on the site of the original Steavenson's Hotel. That guest house no longer exists and the Christ Church stands on the land where the guest house once stood. This photograph was published by the Valentine Publishing Co Pty. Ltd as a souvenir of Marysville.marysville, victoria, marysville chalet guest house, crossways hotel, christ church marysville, poontawan guest house, steavenson's hotel, valentine publishing co, souvenir, yarra track, wood's point road, mining, buxton-marysville road, marysville-wood's point road, maroondah highway, alexandra -
Blacksmith's Cottage and Forge
Strainer, Tea, 1920 (estimated); Approx. 1920
A tea strainer is a type of strainer that is placed over or in a teacup to catch tea leaves. When tea is brewed in the traditional manner in a teapot, the tea leaves are not contained in teabags, but rather are freely suspended in the water. As the leaves themselves may be distasteful, it is usual to filter them out with a tea strainer. Strainers usually fit into the top of the cup to catch the leaves as the tea is poured. Some deeper tea strainers can also be used to brew single cups of tea, much as teabags or brewing baskets are used - the strainer full of leaves is set in a cup to brew the tea, and then removed, along with the spent tea leaves, when the tea is ready to drink. By using a tea strainer in this way, the same leaves can be used to brew multiple cups. Tea strainer use declined in the 20th century with mass production of the tea bag, but is still preferred among connoisseurs who claim that keeping the leaves packed in a bag, rather than freely circulating, inhibits diffusion. Many assert that inferior ingredients, namely dust quality tea, are often used in tea bags. Tea strainers are usually either sterling silver, stainless steel, or china. Strainers often come in a set, with the strainer part and a small saucer for it to sit in between cups. Tea strainers in themselves have often been turned into artistic masterpieces of the silver- and goldsmith's craft, as well as rarer specimens of fine porcelain. Brewing baskets (or infusing baskets) resemble tea strainers, but are more typically put in the top of a teapot to contain the tea leaves during brewing. There is no definitive boundary between a brewing basket and a tea strainer, and the same tool might be used for both purposes. Tea strainers are also used by patients trying to pass a kidney stone. The patient urinates through the strainer, thereby ensuring that, if a stone is passed, it will be caught for evaluation and diagnosis. Source: www.wikipedia.net This item has historical significance in the evolution of Tea drinking.The Strainer being needed if a cup of tea was to be poured without tea leaves being present in the tea liquid.As Tea bags have been introduced into everyday life tea strainers are an item of the past. This particular tea strainer was an item for everyday useage.White enamel tea strainer, round in shape with flange edges, 7 small circle areas of perforations in the concave area of the utensil, a small perforated handle (same material) at one outer area of the item.domestic, kitchen, food, preparation, white, enamel, tea, strainer, beverage, perforated, utensil, round, flanges, leaves -
Blacksmith's Cottage and Forge
Mug, Shaving
A shaving scuttle and shaving mug were developed around the 19th century with the first patent for a shaving mug dating to 1867.[8] As hot water was not common in many households, one way to provide hot lather was to use a scuttle or mug. A traditional scuttle resembles a teapot with a wide spout where hot water is poured in, and this is where it differs from a shaving mug, which has no spout. Both shaving scuttles and mugs usually have a handle, but some have none. Shaving mugs often look like a standard mug, however, some also have a built in brush rest, so the brush does not sit in lather. Modern versions of the scuttle are in limited production, usually by independent potters working in small volumes.[9] At the top of the scuttle or mug is a soap holder. Traditionally, it was used with a hard block of shaving soap (rather than soft soap or cream) and therefore had drain holes at the bottom. Later scuttles and mugs do not include the holes, and thus can be used with creams and soft soaps. Some scuttles and mugs have concentric circles on the bottom, which retain some water thus helping to build lather.[9] In use, the shaving brush is dunked into the wide spout, allowing it to soak into the water and heat up. The soap is placed in the soap holder. When needed, one can take the brush and brush it against the soap, bringing up a layer of lather; excess water is drained back. This allows conservation of water and soap, whilst retaining enough heat to ensure a long shave. Source: www.wikipedia.org Local social historyOrnate white china mug with handle. Cup side to hold brush and saucer shaped top with 3 drainage holes. Gold painted decoration and flower garland of pink and yellow roses. Mother of pearl effect over sides.Made in Germanyshaving, item, china, mug, bathroom, men, personal, toiletry -
Flagstaff Hill Maritime Museum and Village
Domestic object - Wooden Rolling Pin, First half of 20th Century
... and ceramic models can be filled with water and plugged with stoppers... and ceramic models can be filled with water and plugged with stoppers ...A rolling pin is a simple tool used to flatten dough. The first civilisation known to have used the rolling pin was the Etruscans. Their advanced farming ability, along with a tendency to cultivate many plants and animals never before used as food and turn them into sophisticated recipes, were passed to invading Greeks, Romans, and Western Europeans. Thanks to the Etruscans, these cultures are associated with gourmet cooking. To prepare their inventive foods, the Etruscans also developed a wide range of cooking tools, including the rolling pin. Although written recipes did not exist until the fourth century B.C., the Etruscans documented their love of food and its preparation in murals, on vases, and on the walls of their tombs. Cooking wares are displayed with pride; rolling pins appear to have been used first to thin-roll pasta that was shaped with cutting wheels. They also used rolling pins to make bread (which they called puls) from the large number of grains they grew. Natives of the Americas used more primitive bread-making tools that are favoured and unchanged in many villages. Chefs who try to use genuine methods to preserve recipes are also interested in both materials and tools. Hands are used as "rolling pins" for flattening dough against a surface, but also for tossing soft dough between the cook's two hands until it enlarges and thins by handling and gravity. Tortillas are probably the most familiar bread made this way. Over the centuries, rolling pins have been made of many different materials, including long cylinders of baked clay, smooth branches with the bark removed, and glass bottles. As the development of breads and pastries spread from Southern to Western and Northern Europe, wood from local forests was cut and finished for use as rolling pins. The French perfected the solid hardwood pin with tapered ends to roll pastry that is thick in the middle; its weight makes rolling easier. The French also use marble rolling pins for buttery dough worked on a marble slab. Glass is still popular; in Italy, full wine bottles that have been chilled make ideal rolling pins because they are heavy and cool the dough. Countries known for their ceramics make porcelain rolling pins with beautiful decorations painted on the rolling surface; their hollow centres can be filled with cold water (the same principle as the wine bottle), and cork or plastic stoppers cap the ends. Designs for most rolling pins follow long-established practices, although some unusual styles and materials are made and used. Within the family of wooden rolling pins, long and short versions are made as well as those that are solid cylinders (one-piece rolling pins) instead of the familiar style with handles. Very short pins called mini rolling pins make use of short lengths of wood and are useful for one-handed rolling and popular with children and collectors. Mini pins ranging from 5 to 7 in (12.7-17.8 cm) in length are called texturing tools and are produced to create steam holes and decorations in pastry and pie crusts; crafters also use them to imprint clay for art projects. These mini pins are made of hardwoods (usually maple) or plastic. Wood handles are supplied for both wood and plastic tools, however. Blown glass rolling pins are made with straight walls and are solid or hollow. Ceramic rolling pins are also produced in hollow form, and glass and ceramic models can be filled with water and plugged with stoppers. Tapered glass rolling pins with stoppers were made for many centuries when salt imports and exports were prohibited or heavily taxed. The rolling pin containers disguised the true contents. The straight-sided cylinder is a more recent development, although tapered glass pins are still common craft projects made by cutting two wine bottles in half and sealing the two ends together so that the necks serve as handles at each end.Tiny rolling pins are also twisted into shape using formed wire. The pins will not flatten and smooth pastry, and the handles do not turn. The metal pins are popular as kitchen decorations and also to hang pots, pans, and potholders. https://www.encyclopedia.com/sports-and-everyday-life/food-and-drink/food-and-cooking/rolling-pinThe use of the rolling pin to make thin pastry or pasta.Wooden rolling pin with some damage on cylinder section.None.flagstaff hill, warrnambool, shipwrecked-coast, flagstaff-hill, flagstaff-hill-maritime-museum, maritime-museum, shipwreck-coast, flagstaff-hill-maritime-village, rolling pin, cooking, pastry -
Flagstaff Hill Maritime Museum and Village
Domestic object - Strainer
Take a stroll through the average beverage aisle in your supermarket, and you might get the impression that tea has always come in small boxes with disposable tea bags. But before those easy to come by boxes, there was the rich and intriguing history of the tea strainer, a beautiful little tool that has helped our ancestors enjoy loose leaf tea for hundreds of years. Enjoying loose-leaf tea, and becoming familiar with this tool, can help spark an appreciation for your tea strainer and infuser collection, or simply inspire you to grow one. Documentation of tea tools such as the tea strainer appear in ancient history, the earliest models were likely made of bamboo, and later evolved into stainless steel, sterling silver, china, porcelain, silicon, and linen. During the Tang Dynasty in China, a small book called “Classic of Tea” was written describing tea utensils, and they were made to help Buddhist monks keep living things (such as small bugs) out of the drinking water. However, using a tea tool to keep run away tea leaves out of a cup did not become a cited use of the strainer until the 17th century when Dutch merchants made tea more readily available to those outside of the Chinese dynasty. British royals then increased the popularity of tea as their preferred beverage, and it was not long before a newfound fanaticism for tea in Great Britain spread to the American colonies, as did a growing demand for products that could separate loose tea leaves from liquid with ease and flair. Why did people use a strainer to separate out tea leaves in Great Britain and not in China? While the method of serving tea from a teapot with the tea loose in the pot was a practice used in both countries, the reason China may not have required a tool to remove leaves from their cup likely had to do with the types of tea leaves they were producing. The British owned tea plantations, in countries such as India, produced finer black tea leaves that did not require as much space to expand inside of a tea pot, where as the leaves prepared on the Chinese plantations would expand far more in the pot, and were therefore less likely to land or be bothersome inside a tea cup. This common approach to serving tea with smaller tea leaves required a solution to avoid ending up with a cup, and mouth, full of tea leaves. The obvious solution was a strainer basket. In the Victorian era, tea strainer baskets, similar to those still used in tea parlors today, were made to sit on top of the cup to capture the leaves when pouring the tea from a tea pot into the individual cups. Another solution was a tea-removing device called a mote spoon. Mote spoons act as search and rescue spoons to remove tea leaves from individual teacups. The tea would be brewed loose in the teapot, so any tea that ended up in the cup could be removed with a long handled spoon with holes in the spoon to remove rogue tea leaves and keep the steeped water in the cup. The handle also helped keep the teapot spout free of leaves and could help unclog any leaves trapped when pouring. Stainless steel tea strainers and tea infusers gained popularity in the late 19th century. Big name tea strainer producers, such as Tiffany and Gorham, could use fine silver to create quality, heavy, and sturdy strainers, for those who could afford it. There were many varieties of strainers at that time, but it was more likely that smaller designers who could not afford to mass-produce these quality strainers out of silver made them into unique shapes to attract consumers with lighter wallets. And borne was the tea strainer we are accustomed to today. Things took an unexpected turn for the tea strainer in the early 1900s when Thomas Sullivan, a tea merchant, shipped out tea samples in small silk bags. Customers did not realize that they were supposed to remove the tea from the bags, and instead boiled the tea, bag and all! The convenience of tossing out the leaves is obvious, and the popularity of tea bags is still seen today. Most premium bags of tea we are accustomed to today are frequently packaged loose for consumption, and when they are available in bags, the leaves are often crowded and do not have enough space to expand. While pyramid tea bags have become a more recent solution to this problem, due to the additional space at the top of the bag, enjoying a variety of quality tea is easier with a tea strainer in your arsenal. Besides, with the wide variety of strainers for your cup or pot in versatile materials such as mesh, silver, or a novelty silicone cartoon shape, loose tea can still reign supreme. Tea strainers sometimes do require more cleanup and measuring, but the experience and quality is always worth the effort. Besides, strainers also allow for mixing favorite tea blends together for an extra dose of delicious creativity! https://www.teamuse.com/article_170413.html The strainer provided the convenience of separating the tea leaves for disposal later.Metal strainer, bowl shaped, with mesh and twisted wire handle.Noneflagstaff hill, warrnambool, shipwrecked-coast, flagstaff-hill, flagstaff-hill-maritime-museum, maritime-museum, shipwreck-coast, flagstaff-hill-maritime-village, strainer -
Ringwood and District Historical Society
Pamphlet, G.A. Green, Auction Sale Brochure - Garden Farms Estate, Ringwood, Victoria - 1919, 1919
Multi-fold brochure advertising public auction of one-acre, 2-acre, 5-acre and 8-acre allotments in Ringwood and Bayswater on Saturday 12th April, 1919. Brochure includes terms of sale, description of subdivision features and local facilities, and photographic images of the area.Subdivison includes Canterbury Road Heathmont, Armstrong Road Heathmont, Armstrong Road Bayswater, Bungalook Road Heathmont, Bungalook Road Bayswater, and Orchard Road Bayswater. Road shown as Bayswater Road to Bayswater became Mountain Highway Bayswater. Vendor: H.E.B.Armstrong, Auctioneers: Coghill & Haughton, 79 Swanston Street Melbourne, Telephone Central 2793, in conjunction with J.B. McAlpin, Ringwood, Opposite Station, Telephone Ringwood 7. (Map) Woodcock & McCormack, Civil Engineers Architects & Surveyors, 430 Little Collins Street, Melbourne, Phone 3241 Central. MOST OF THE MONEY COMES OUT OF THE LAND. And more money can be obtained from anb acre of fruit than from an acre of any other produce. But you do not have to grow fruit on Garden Farms Estate. You can go in for - Outer Suburban Home - Market Garden - Orchard - Pig Raising - Poultry Farm - Small Dairy Farm - Small Fruits - Floral Culture - Scent and Bee Farm - Or just for a Week-end Home. RINGWOOD - THE PLACE TO LIVE. The Beautiful Ringwood District has so many natural attractions, that half a Land Agent's work is done in just showing a prospective buyer round and about. Ringwood has a pull of its own that attracts folk, proved beyond doubt by its rapid development within the last decade (spite the war). First, it is high and healthy, picturesque and undulating, convenient of access, sufficiently close to the Metropolis for City and Business folk to live at Ringwood. Its development is solid, because most of its people are industrious husbandmen, real producers, who have turned idle hills into smiling gardens. These are the kind of real people to live amongst; ones who wear out their spades. The rapidly-developing town has excellent Stores, Trade and Repair Shops Churches, Banks, Telephone Exchange, Weekly General Market, Cool Stores, and good Private and State Schools, etc.; is Electrically lit, has Metropolitan Water Supply, and generally provides so that practically all shopping can be done locally. WHY RINGWOOD MUST GROW. Ringwood is a great centre and must be a greater. Two rapidly-developing railways junction here. The passengers from Ringwood Station cityward, in one year, number 250,000. Ringwood will be the terminus of the Outer Suburban Electric Eastern Railway. Its natural boundaries are the River Yarra on the North, Dandenong Creek on the South, the popular town of Croydon on the East, and the suburb of Mitcham on the West. This is a large territory that is steadily being converted from intense culture, and then it might be called (as regards its gardens) "The Devon Territory of Victoria." ARMSTRONG ROAD. This new road traverses Garden Farms Estate from its northern boundary on the main Canterbury Road, across Dandenong Creek, to its southern boundary on the main Bayswater Road, and will provide a long-desired additional link of communication between Bayswater and Ringwood. The 1-acre building sites on Bayswater Road are within 8 minutes' walk of the Bayswater Railway Station, and the Canterbury Road frontages are only 1-1/2 miles from Ringwood Station, and 1/2 mile from the Railway Station site of Canterbury Road; therefore, the whole Estate is easy of access and there should be a large demand for land so favourably placed. (Image) Cultivation Field - Potatoes on Lot 28 (Image) Picture of Bayswater Creek Flats. (Image) View from "Korumbeen" where Mr. Armstrong lived on Garden Farms Estate. Estate outlined in white ring. (Image) Site of New Bridge over Dandenong Creek. (Image) On one of the timbered lots adjoining railway. (Image) This Dandenong Creek traveres the Estate. (Image) Main Fern Tree Gully Line bisects the Estate. -
Flagstaff Hill Maritime Museum and Village
Functional object - Valve, or before 1889
This Non-return valve was recovered from the wreck of the Newfield. Non-return valves can be used to pump water out.of a vessel The barque Newfield left Liverpool on 1st June 1892 with a cargo of 1850 tons of fine rock salt for Brisbane. About six weeks later the ship ran into very heavy weather approaching the Australian coast. On 28th August at about 9pm her master, Captain George Scott, observed between the heavy squalls the Cape Otway light on the mainland of Victoria, but due apparently to a navigational error (the chronometers were incorrect), he mistook it for Cape Wickham on King Island, some 40 miles south. He altered course to the north expecting to run through the western entrance of Bass Strait, but instead, at about 1:30am, the ship ran aground about about 100 yards from shore, one mile east of Curdies River. The vessel struck heavily three times before grounding on an inner shoal with six feet of water in the holds. The Newfield remained upright on the reef with sails set for a considerable time as the wind slowly ripped the canvas to shreds and the sea battered the hull to pieces. Seventeen men survived the shipwreck but the captain and eight of his crew perished.Flagstaff Hill’s collection of artefacts from the Newfield is significant for its association with the shipwreck Newfield, which is listed on the Victorian Heritage Registry. The collection is significant because of the relationship between the objects. The Newfield collection is archaeologically significant as the remains of an international cargo ship. The Newfield collection is historically significant for representing aspects of Victoria’s shipping history and its association with the shipwreck.A non-return valve used to connect to a hose on a bilge pump on a vessel. This valve is from the ship Newfield and was used to pump water out of the vessel. warrnambool, shipwrecked coast, flagstaff hill, flagstaff hill maritime museum, maritime museum, shipwreck coast, flagstaff hill maritime village, shipwrecked artefact, 1892, 1893, 28 august 1892, 29 august 1892, barque, curdies river, newfield, nineteenth century, non return valve, peter ronald, peterborough, port campbell, shipwrecks, victorian shipwrecks, valve, bilge pump