In January 1912, a small school was established at Chelsea, with 65 students, in Hoadley’s Hall, located on Main Road, Chelsea, near the Nepean Highway. Due to its Oriental appearance, the local people called this hall “The Joss House.” Hoadley's Hall was was originally used at the Melbourne Show Grounds by Hoadley's which was moved to Chelsea. The Hall was also used for church services by different religions before they built their own churches. A new brick school was built on Argyle Avenue and officially opened on 27 January 1915.Sepia photo of children and adults at Chelsea State School, in 1912, standing in front of Hoadley's Hall.chelsea, education, chelsea primary school, school, hoadleys hall, joss house, chelsea state school

In January 1912, a small school was established at Chelsea, with 65 students, in Hoadley’s Hall, located on Main Road, Chelsea, near the Nepean Highway. Due to its Oriental appearance, the local people called this hall “The Joss House.” Hoadley's Hall was was originally used at the Melbourne Show Grounds by Hoadley's which was moved to Chelsea. The Hall was also used for church services by different religions before they built their own churches. Chelsea State School was built on Argyle Avenue and officially opened on 27 January 1915.Sepia photo of Mr Rogers, his staff and family. Mr Rogers was the first Head teacher of Chelsea State School from 1912 to 1917.chelsea, education, chelsea primary school, school, students, school yard, mr rogers, teachers, chelsea state school

In January 1912, a small school was established at Chelsea, with 65 students, in Hoadley’s Hall, located on Main Road, Chelsea, near the Nepean Highway. Due to its Oriental appearance, the local people called this hall “The Joss House.” Hoadley's Hall was was originally used at the Melbourne Show Grounds by Hoadley's which was moved to Chelsea. The Hall was also used for church services by different religions before they built their own churches. A new brick school was built on Argyle Avenue and officially opened on 27 January 1915.Sepia photo of children, staff and family from Chelsea State School, at a picnic, amongst the te trees.chelsea, education, chelsea primary school, school, hoadleys hall, joss house, picnic, te trees

In January 1912, a small school was established at Chelsea, with 65 students, in Hoadley’s Hall, located on Main Road, Chelsea, near the Nepean Highway. Due to its Oriental appearance, the local people called this hall “The Joss House.” Hoadley's Hall was was originally used at the Melbourne Show Grounds by Hoadley's which was moved to Chelsea. The Hall was also used for church services by different religions before they built their own churches. A new brick school was built on Argyle Avenue and officially opened on 27 January 1915.Black and white photo of children at Chelsea State School, in 1912, standing in front of Hoadley's Hall.chelsea, education, chelsea primary school, school, hoadleys hall, joss house

This photograph was taken on Friday the 27th of August 2004 as part of an event called 'Direct Seeding Expo'. This event was one of many held by the Wooragee Landcare Group in the early 2000s which aimed to educate the local community on certain agricultural and biodiversity conservative techniques. This particular event took place at the property of Lisa and Marcus O'Connor in Wooragee. This photograph shows a demonstration being given on a Hamilton Tree Seeder (a soil ripper). This machine is used to loosen tough, compact soil in order to prepare it for the planting of seedlings.This photograph is significant as it provides evidence of a project undertaken by the Wooragee Landcare Group in the early 2000s to educate members of the public on alternative and potentially more efficient methods of planting seedlings. The Wooragee Landcare Group has been instrumental in the co-ordination of programs relating to biodiversity protection in the local area, providing great assistance to landholders.Portrait coloured photograph printed on gloss paperReverse: WAN NA EONA2N2. ANN+ 2 4240 / wooragee, wooragee landcare group, marcus and lisa o'connor, direct seeding expo, direct seeding, seeding, seedlings, soil ripper, soil ripping, ripper, hamilton tree seeder, alternative planting, seeding methods

This 1998 class photograph of Grade 2/3 students at Jacana Primary School captures a meaningful moment in the legacy of a community-focused institution that served Melbourne’s northern suburbs from 1959 until the early 2000s. The image stands as a testament to the school’s lasting impact on local identity, its commitment to educational opportunity, and its role in nurturing social cohesion. As a visual document, it provides valuable insight into the educational environment, student experiences, and community values characteristic of suburban Melbourne in the late 20th century. The 1998 class photograph of Grade 2/3 students at Jacana Primary School holds historical and social significance as a visual representation of a community-oriented educational institution that served Melbourne’s northern suburbs from 1959 until the early 2000s. The image embodies the school’s enduring contribution to the development of local identity, the provision of accessible education, and the fostering of social cohesion within a diverse suburban context. It offers a valuable snapshot of late 20th-century educational practices, student life, and community values, reflecting broader societal trends in public schooling and suburban growth during this period. As such, the photograph is an important cultural artifact that contributes to the collective memory and heritage of the Jacana community.A colour photograph depicting students and teachers at Jacana Primary School, taken in 1998. The image is bordered by a black frame and features a white strip along the bottom edge with names of individuals neatly printed. The Jacana Primary School logo is located in the bottom right-hand corner. The entire photograph has been laminated for preservation purposes.jacana primary school, education, photograph, group photograph, scott blaney, jomana matar, trent gore, sam koistinen, john nisi, toby west, jessica salib, enver scholz, emre akbiyik, helen younan, eman hamad, andrew patalas, lena wharepapa, stephanie melia, corey le, clara david, benjamin grubb, dianne dabrowski, andrew fuimaono, maeve-aine oakley, olivia kaleta, maureen-heidi towers, kaylie hooke, luke o'toole, luke munyard, ben hughes, mrs. heather faulkes, ms. carol taylor, 1998, grade 2/3

This 1994 photograph of Jacana Primary School’s students and staff holds lasting historical and emotional significance as a visual record of early childhood education within a now-closed institution. It reflects the school’s vibrant community spirit, cultural diversity, and nurturing environment, preserving the legacy of a place that once played a vital role in shaping young lives and fostering local identity. As a snapshot of its era, it also offers insight into the fashion and hairstyles of the time, making it a meaningful artefact for former students, staff, and the broader community.This photograph of the students and staff of Jacana Primary School in 1994 holds enduring historical and emotional value as a visual record of early childhood education in a now closed institution. It captures a moment in time that reflects the community spirit, diversity and educational environment of Jacana during its operational years. As the school has since closed, the image swerves as a poignant reminder of the role Jacana Primary played in shaping young lives and fostering local identity. It is a valuable artefact for former students, staff and the broader community, preserving the legacy of a place that once stood as a cornerstone of learning and connection. The image is also a record of the fashion and hairstyles of the era. Colour photograph, mounted on white card with a black border and laminated.jacana primary school, students, staff, 1994, education

St. Matthew’s Presbyterian Church Stawell. Now United Church. This landmark of Stawell was opened on 11th April 1869. The tower and spire, overall height of 148 feet, cost 1352 pounds and was paid for by an early mine owner. In March 1869, a month before the Church was opened, the local paper reported that a large red flag on the top of the Presbyterian Spire meant that the last brick had been laid and the massive gilt ball and cross had been placed in position. The Church has some fine stained-glass windows. Two identical side views of a church with a tall steeple. These photos were taken from the original Post Cards in Album 13, p.41. The photo shows a Tennis Courts in foreground with a picket fence around the church. Presbyterian Church, Stawell written on the front of the post card and June' 09 Stawell written in pencil on the back. Post cards printed in Germany.stawell religion

Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerPhotograph of a street art poster taken on the streets of Hong Kong during the protests against legislation to allow Hong Kong suspects to be extradited to mainland Chinese carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, poster art, posters

Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerMore than a thousand protestors surround Hong Kong's main police headquarters on Arsenal Street in Wan Chai on June 26th following a peaceful rally at Edinburgh Place in Central. Doors to the complex were barricaded by protestors, who left after a six hour siege in protest at police violence at a prtest held earlier on 12 June 2019. Protesters ended a six-hour siege of Hong Kong’s police headquarters – their second in a week over the now-suspended extradition bill – early on Thursday morning. More than 1,000 were involved at the height of the protest, which began after 10pm on Wednesday. Around 100 were left at the end and dispersed without a fight when officers with riot shields emerged from the building in Wan Chai at 4am on Thursday. After a peaceful rally attended by thousands earlier at Edinburgh Place in the Central business district, hundreds descended on Arsenal Street, blocking the junction with Lockhart Road to all traffic and sealing the entrances to the police base. (https://www.scmp.com/news/hong-kong/politics/article/3016238/hong-kong-police-under-siege-again-protesters-surround )carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, protest, protestors

Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerSeven police officers stand guard in front of Hong Kong's main police headquarters on Arsenal Street in Wan Chai as an estimated one thousand protestors surround on 26 June 2019. Protestors take turns to step up and hurl abuse at the officers, in a protest lasting 6 hours before peacefully dispersing. The protesters chanted 'Release the martyrs' and 'Stop police violence' in reference to violent clashes with police in the days previous. ( https://www.scmp.com/news/hong-kong/politics/article/3016238/hong-kong-police-under-siege-again-protesters-surround)carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, protest, protestors, police, wan chai

Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerPhotograph of a crowd or protestors against proposed extradition laws gathering on the streets of Causeway Bay, Hong Kong, leading down to the gathering area. carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, protest, protestors

Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerPhotograph of a crowd on the streets of Hong Kong to protest against proposed extradition laws, heading towards Admiralty. carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, protest, protestors, admiralty

The Irish National Land League (Irish: Conradh na Talún) was an Irish political organisation of the late 19th century which sought to help poor tenant farmers. Its primary aim was to abolish landlordism in Ireland and enable tenant farmers to own the land they worked on. The period of the Land League's agitation is known as the Land War. Within decades of the league's foundation, through the efforts of William O'Brien and George Wyndham (a descendant of Lord Edward FitzGerald), the 1902 Land Conference produced the Land (Purchase) Act 1903 which allowed Irish tenant farmers buy out their freeholds with UK government loans over 68 years through the Land Commission (an arrangement that has never been possible in Britain itself). For agricultural labourers, D.D. Sheehan and the Irish Land and Labour Association secured their demands from the Liberal government elected in 1905 to pass the Labourers (Ireland) Act 1906, and the Labourers (Ireland) Act 1911, which paid County Councils to build over 40,000 new rural cottages, each on an acre of land. By 1914, 75% of occupiers were buying out their landlords, mostly under the two Acts. In all, under the pre-UK Land Acts over 316,000 tenants purchased their holdings amounting to 15 million acres (61,000 km2) out of a total of 20 million acres (81,000 km2) in the country. Sometimes the holdings were described as "uneconomic", but the overall sense of social justice was undeniable. (http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Irish_National_Land_League, accessed 21 January 2014) The Irish National Land League was founded at the Imperial Hotel in Castlebar, the County town of Mayo, on 21 October 1879. At that meeting Charles Stewart Parnell was elected president of the league. Andrew Kettle, Michael Davitt, and Thomas Brennan were appointed as honorary secretaries. This united practically all the different strands of land agitation and tenant rights movements under a single organisation. The two aims of the Land League, as stated in the resolutions adopted in the meeting, were: ...first, to bring out a reduction of rack-rents; second, to facilitate the obtaining of the ownership of the soil by the occupiers. That the object of the League can be best attained by promoting organisation among the tenant-farmers; by defending those who may be threatened with eviction for refusing to pay unjust rents; by facilitating the working of the Bright clauses of the Irish Land Act during the winter; and by obtaining such reforms in the laws relating to land as will enable every tenant to become owner of his holding by paying a fair rent for a limited number of years. Charles Stewart Parnell, John Dillon, Michael Davitt, and others including Cal Lynn then went to America to raise funds for the League with spectacular results. Branches were also set up in Scotland, where the Crofters Party imitated the League and secured a reforming Act in 1886. The government had introduced the first ineffective Land Act in 1870, then the equally inadequate Acts of 1880 and 1881 followed. These established a Land Commission that started to reduce some rents. Parnell together with all of his party lieutenants, including Father Eugene Sheehy known as "the Land League priest", went into a bitter verbal offensive and were imprisoned in October 1881 under the Irish Coercion Act in Kilmainham Jail for "sabotaging the Land Act", from where the No-Rent Manifesto was issued, calling for a national tenant farmer rent strike which was partially followed. Although the League discouraged violence, agrarian crimes increased widely. Typically a rent strike would be followed by evictions by the police, or those tenants paying rent would be subject to a local boycott by League members. Where cases went to court, witnesses would change their stories, resulting in an unworkable legal system. This in turn led on to stronger criminal laws being passed that were described by the League as "Coercion Acts". The bitterness that developed helped Parnell later in his Home Rule campaign. Davitt's views were much more extreme, seeking to nationalise all land, as seen in his famous slogan: "The land of Ireland for the people of Ireland". Parnell aimed to harness the emotive element, but he and his party preferred for tenant farmers to become freeholders on the land they rented, instead of land being vested in "the people".(http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Irish_National_Land_League, accessed 21 January 2014)Image of a number of men sitting around a table. They are members of the Land League Committee during a meeting in Dublin.ballarat irish, land league, land league committee, dublin

Rear view of Eltham Library showing loading dock and ramp to the front of the building. Designed by multi-award winning architect, Gregory Burgess, for which he won the 1995 Royal Australian Insitute of architects (Vic.) Merit Award in the New Institutional category. Covered under Heritage Overlay, Nillumbik Planning Scheme. Published: Nillumbik Now and Then /​ Marguerite Marshall 2008; photographs Alan King with Marguerite Marshall.; p183 Award-winning Eltham Library, with its earthy tones blending into the nearby parklands, celebrates some of the best of Eltham’s spirit. Designed by multi-award winning architect, Gregory Burgess, the library at Panther Place, won him the 1995 Royal Australian Institute of Architects (Vic) Merit Award in the New Institutional category.1 The design is typical of Burgess’ work, emphasising natural materials and forms, and the integration of building and site.2 In its distinctive architectural character, Burgess celebrated the spirit of Eltham’s artist/architect Justus Jörgenson and mud-brick builder Alistair Knox. However this library, which opened in 1994, follows decades of efforts to acquire a suitable library for local residents. It was only in 1971 that Eltham acquired its first purpose-built library. In the 1930s books were borrowed from a mobile library run by Mr Foster of Bible Street. From the 1930s to the early 1950s, adults borrowed books from the newsagency and general store in Main Road (still a newsagency) near Arthur Street. As late as the 1950s, adults borrowed books in the shire office foyer, then in Main Road near the corner of Arthur Street.3 In the early 1950s the ratepayers voted for lower rates rather than a library, in a referendum to build a public library financed by higher rates. Children depended on volunteers for their library service until 1966. In 1946 the inaugural meeting of the Eltham War Memorial Trust’s Women’s Auxiliary, decided to support the Trust by raising funds to buy land and build a Children’s Library, Baby Health Centre and other facilities. The auxiliary formed the Children’s Library Committee, which included Mrs Morrison, Mrs Bow and Mrs Currie. They ran a library service in the stage area of the Eltham Hall, at the corner of Arthur Street and Main Road. In 1952 the books were relocated to a room in the newly opened Baby Health Centre on Main Road. Then in 1961, the Children’s Library received its own hall beside the Eltham Pre-School Centre on Main Road. From there, each month, volunteers delivered books to every school in the shire. In 1966 the Children’s Library closed after 17 years of service, following the transfer of the Trust land and buildings to the Shire of Eltham. The books were donated to nine schools in the shire and to Community Aid Abroad. An important boost to the library service came in 1965, when the Heidelberg Regional Library Service was formed by the City of Heidelberg with the Shires of Eltham and Diamond Valley. Its first library service for Eltham Shire was a bookmobile van. Books for children and adults were finally housed in one building in 1966, when the shire converted the Brinkkotter house in Dudley Street, into a library. At last in 1971, the Eltham Library moved to new premises attached to the shire offices near Panther Place. However these were demolished in 1996, by State Government appointed commissioners during council amalgamations. Meanwhile the Heidelberg Regional Library Service was disbanded in 1985 and the Yarra Plenty Regional Library Service was established. The burgeoning population brought pressure for a bigger library. Eltham was one of several municipalities in the 1970s and 1980s, battling with the State Government for adequate funding for public libraries. Funds were so tight, that in 1987 Eltham councillors threatened to close the library. However public petitions persuaded them to set aside funds to replace the cramped library facilities. In 1992 the Federal Government gave $887,496 towards the $3 million cost of the 1560 square metre library.4 The result is a light and spacious building with surrounding verandas, made of sustainable natural materials including earth and recycled and radially sawn timbers. It includes a gallery and function areas. In 2004 Mr Burgess won Australian architecture’s highest accolade: the Royal Australian Institute of Architects Gold Medal. He has received more than forty professional and community awards.This collection of almost 130 photos about places and people within the Shire of Nillumbik, an urban and rural municipality in Melbourne's north, contributes to an understanding of the history of the Shire. Published in 2008 immediately prior to the Black Saturday bushfires of February 7, 2009, it documents sites that were impacted, and in some cases destroyed by the fires. It includes photographs taken especially for the publication, creating a unique time capsule representing the Shire in the early 21st century. It remains the most recent comprehenesive publication devoted to the Shire's history connecting local residents to the past. nillumbik now and then (marshall-king) collection, eltham, eltham library, panther place

Stuchbery Farm was situated on the Plenty River bounded by Smugglers Gully to the north and La trobe Road, Yarrambat, to the east. Alan and Ada Stutchbery moved to the valley in 1890, first living in a tent where four children were born. Alfred built a home and outbuildings around 1896. They planted an orchard, then a market garden and developed a dairy. Published: Nillumbik Now and Then /​ Marguerite Marshall 2008; photographs Alan King with Marguerite Marshall.; p179 The dramatic steep-sided Plenty Gorge lies along the divide of two geological areas, and separates the Nillumbik Shire and the City of Whittlesea. On the Nillumbik side are undulating hills and sedimentary rock, and in Whittlesea, lies a basalt plain formed by volcanic action up to two million years ago. This provides the Plenty Gorge Park with diverse vegetation and habitats, making it one of Greater Melbourne’s most important refuges for threatened and significant species. The park, established in 1986, consists of around 1350 hectares, and extends 11 kilometres along the Plenty River, from Greensborough to Mernda. It provides a wildlife corridor for around 500 native plant and 280 animal species. The area’s plentiful food and water attracted the Wurundjeri Aboriginal people and then European settlers. By 1837 squatters had claimed large runs of land for their sheep and cattle. The Plenty Valley was among the first in the Port Phillip District to be settled - mainly in the less heavily timbered west - and was proclaimed a settled district in 1841. But by the late 1880s, the settlers’ extensive land clearing for animal grazing, then agriculture, depleted the Wurundjeri’s traditional food sources, which helped to drive them away. Many Wurundjeri artefacts remain (now government protected), and so far 57 sites have been identified in the park, including scarred trees, burial areas and stone artefacts. Pioneer life could be very hard because of isolation, flooding, bushfires and bushrangers. Following the Black Thursday bushfires of 1851, basalt was quarried to build more fire-resistant homes. Gold discoveries in the early 1850s swelled the population, particularly around Smugglers Gully; but food production made more of an impact. In the late 1850s wheat production supplanted grazing. In the 1860s the government made small holdings available to poorer settlers. These had the greatest effect on the district, particularly in Doreen and Yarrambat, where orchards were established from the 1880s to 1914. Links with a prominent early family are the remains of Stuchbery Farm, by the river’s edge bounded by Smugglers Gully to the north and La Trobe Road, Yarrambat, to the east. The Stuchberys moved to the valley in 1890, and the family still lives in the area. In 1890, Alfred and Ada first lived in a tent where four children were born, then Alfred built the house and outbuildings around 1896. They planted an orchard, then a market garden, and developed a dairy. The family belonged to the local Methodist and tennis communities. Their grandson Walter, opened the Flying Scotsman Model Railway Museum in Yarrambat, which his widow, Vi, continues to run. Wal was also the Yarrambat CFA Captain for 22 years until 1987. Walter sold 24 hectares in 1976 for development - now Vista Court - and in 1990, the remaining 22.6 hectares for the park. Remaining are an early stone dairy and remnants of a stone barn, a pig sty and a well. Until it was destroyed by fire in 2003, a slab hut stood on the Happy Hollow Farm site, at the southern end of the park. The hut is thought to have been built in the Depression around 1893. This was a rare and late example of a slab hut with a domestic orchard close to Melbourne. Emmet Watmough and his family first occupied the hut, followed by a succession of families, until the Bell family bought it around 1948. There they led a subsistence lifestyle for 50 years, despite encroaching Melbourne suburbia. The Yellow Gum Recreation Area includes the Blue Lake, coloured turquoise at certain times of the year. Following the 1957 bushfires, this area was quarried by Reid Quarries Pty Ltd for Melbourne’s first skyscrapers, then by Boral Australia. However in the early 1970s water began seeping into the quarry forming the Blue Lake and the quarry was closed. The State Government bought the site in 1997 and opened it as a park in 1999.This collection of almost 130 photos about places and people within the Shire of Nillumbik, an urban and rural municipality in Melbourne's north, contributes to an understanding of the history of the Shire. Published in 2008 immediately prior to the Black Saturday bushfires of February 7, 2009, it documents sites that were impacted, and in some cases destroyed by the fires. It includes photographs taken especially for the publication, creating a unique time capsule representing the Shire in the early 21st century. It remains the most recent comprehenesive publication devoted to the Shire's history connecting local residents to the past. nillumbik now and then (marshall-king) collection, ada stuchbery, alan stuchbery, dairy, stuchbery farm, farm buildings, yarrambat, plenty gorge park

The 1981 Eltham Community Festival was held from 16th to 18th October, with the festival parade being held on Saturday 17th. In recent years the Society had participated in the parade and a display for the festival, winning prizes for the Society’s float in 1979, 1980 and again in 1981 with a prize for the best effort by a local group, donated by Bob Clarke's Menswear. Peter Quirke provided the use of his truck as a float. Peter had formerly operated his fruiterer's business at Research and Diamond Creek and in 1981 opened a shop in the Eltham Village Arcade. Joh Ebeli, with assistance from other members decorated the float. Members of the Victorian Folk Music Club accompanied the Society on the float and their music helped create the appropriate mood. A new feature of the Society’s 1981 parade entry was the inclusion of horse drawn vehicles owned and driven by the Hennel family of Hurstbridge, which added to a highly successful day. Society member and long-time Eltham resident, Jock Read also won an award for the “Best Eltham Theme.” Jock and his horse were a feature of Eltham parades for many years and he also established a local tradition in leading Anzac Day parades. 35 mm colour positive transparency (1 of 5) Mount - Agfachrome Agfa CS System black 8 dotseltham festival, parade, parade floats, pioneers of eltham, shire of eltham historical society, cecil street, victorian folk music club

The 1981 Eltham Community Festival was held from 16th to 18th October, with the festival parade being held on Saturday 17th. In recent years the Society had participated in the parade and a display for the festival, winning prizes for the Society’s float in 1979, 1980 and again in 1981 with a prize for the best effort by a local group, donated by Bob Clarke's Menswear. Peter Quirke provided the use of his truck as a float. Peter had formerly operated his fruiterer's business at Research and Diamond Creek and in 1981 opened a shop in the Eltham Village Arcade. Joh Ebeli, with assistance from other members decorated the float. Members of the Victorian Folk Music Club accompanied the Society on the float and their music helped create the appropriate mood. A new feature of the Society’s 1981 parade entry was the inclusion of horse drawn vehicles owned and driven by the Hennel family of Hurstbridge, which added to a highly successful day. Society member and long-time Eltham resident, Jock Read also won an award for the “Best Eltham Theme.” Jock and his horse were a feature of Eltham parades for many years and he also established a local tradition in leading Anzac Day parades. 35 mm colour positive transparency (1 of 5) Mount - Agfachrome Agfa CS System black 8 dotseltham festival, parade, parade floats, pioneers of eltham, shire of eltham historical society, cecil street, garnet burges, jack hodson, jock read

The 1981 Eltham Community Festival was held from 16th to 18th October, with the festival parade being held on Saturday 17th. In recent years the Society had participated in the parade and a display for the festival, winning prizes for the Society’s float in 1979, 1980 and again in 1981 with a prize for the best effort by a local group, donated by Bob Clarke's Menswear. Peter Quirke provided the use of his truck as a float. Peter had formerly operated his fruiterer's business at Research and Diamond Creek and in 1981 opened a shop in the Eltham Village Arcade. Joh Ebeli, with assistance from other members decorated the float. Members of the Victorian Folk Music Club accompanied the Society on the float and their music helped create the appropriate mood. A new feature of the Society’s 1981 parade entry was the inclusion of horse drawn vehicles owned and driven by the Hennel family of Hurstbridge, which added to a highly successful day. Society member and long-time Eltham resident, Jock Read also won an award for the “Best Eltham Theme.” Jock and his horse were a feature of Eltham parades for many years and he also established a local tradition in leading Anzac Day parades. 35 mm colour positive transparency (1 of 5) Mount - Agfachrome Agfa CS System black 8 dotseltham festival, parade, parade floats, pioneers of eltham, shire of eltham historical society, cecil street, russell yeoman, bruce ness

The 1981 Eltham Community Festival was held from 16th to 18th October, with the festival parade being held on Saturday 17th. In recent years the Society had participated in the parade and a display for the festival, winning prizes for the Society’s float in 1979, 1980 and again in 1981 with a prize for the best effort by a local group, donated by Bob Clarke's Menswear. Peter Quirke provided the use of his truck as a float. Peter had formerly operated his fruiterer's business at Research and Diamond Creek and in 1981 opened a shop in the Eltham Village Arcade. Joh Ebeli, with assistance from other members decorated the float. Members of the Victorian Folk Music Club accompanied the Society on the float and their music helped create the appropriate mood. A new feature of the Society’s 1981 parade entry was the inclusion of horse drawn vehicles owned and driven by the Hennel family of Hurstbridge, which added to a highly successful day. Society member and long-time Eltham resident, Jock Read also won an award for the “Best Eltham Theme.” Jock and his horse were a feature of Eltham parades for many years and he also established a local tradition in leading Anzac Day parades. 35 mm colour positive transparency (1 of 5) Mount - Agfachrome Agfa CS System black 8 dotseltham festival, parade, parade floats, pioneers of eltham, shire of eltham historical society, cecil street, victorian folk music club

The 1981 Eltham Community Festival was held from 16th to 18th October, with the festival parade being held on Saturday 17th. In recent years the Society had participated in the parade and a display for the festival, winning prizes for the Society’s float in 1979, 1980 and again in 1981 with a prize for the best effort by a local group, donated by Bob Clarke's Menswear. Peter Quirke provided the use of his truck as a float. Peter had formerly operated his fruiterer's business at Research and Diamond Creek and in 1981 opened a shop in the Eltham Village Arcade. Joh Ebeli, with assistance from other members decorated the float. Members of the Victorian Folk Music Club accompanied the Society on the float and their music helped create the appropriate mood. A new feature of the Society’s 1981 parade entry was the inclusion of horse drawn vehicles owned and driven by the Hennel family of Hurstbridge, which added to a highly successful day. Society member and long-time Eltham resident, Jock Read also won an award for the “Best Eltham Theme.” Jock and his horse were a feature of Eltham parades for many years and he also established a local tradition in leading Anzac Day parades. 35 mm colour positive transparency (1 of 5) Mount - Agfachrome Agfa CS System black 8 dotseltham festival, parade, parade floats, pioneers of eltham, shire of eltham historical society, cecil street, victorian folk music club

Local historian Russell Yeoman with EDHS President Jim Connor Newsletter No., 234, June 2017 Heritage Excursion - Saturday 1st July - Eltham Lower Park - Walk and Talk Eltham Lower Park has played an important part in the history of our area since the early days of European settlement when it was used by local residents as an informal racecourse. Prior to that its location at the junction of the Diamond Creek and the Yarra River made it an important meeting place for the Wurundjeri people. The park combines formal elements and sporting facilities with remnant bushland that is of environmental significance. It is home to sporting and horse riding clubs, popular play spaces and the Diamond Valley Miniature Railway, which attracts large numbers of visitors. The park will be the venue for our July excursion which will comprise a walk of about 3.5 km around the park and adjacent areas. Along the way we will discuss the history and natural history of the area. The path along the creek and the river provides a pleasant and scenic walk. This walk on Saturday 1st July is about 3.5 km in length and will take 2 to 2.5 hours. It will start at 2pm at the Main Road car park at the front of the park. (Melway ref 21 H 10). Born Digitalheritage excursion, activities, eltham district historical society, eltham lower park, russell yeoman, jim connor

Possibly a picnic for returned servicemen from Gallipoli. This photo was taken in front of the Police Paddocks with the police station on the left. Model T Fords parked with soldiers, drivers and locals resting on the police paddock in front of the Queenstown (St Andrews) station. The RACV Volunteer Motor Corps service during World War One was the reason the organisation was granted its Royal prefix. Automobile Club of Victoria members volunteered their time and vehicles to collect returning soldiers and nurses from ships at Princes Pier, Port Melbourne. Trips were also often arranged for convalescing soldiers to country areas for picnics and to “revive spirits”. The soldiers were also picked up from the Austin Hospital in Heidelberg and Mont Park Military Hospital in Macleod. Queenstown (St Andrews) was a common picnic spot. The Evelyn Observer reported on June 9. 1916 "Some 75 returned soldiers visited Queenstown on Sunday, 28th ult., and were hospitably entertained by local residents who had provided refreshments sufficient for 150. Mr. Milne in an appropriate speech welcomed the soldiers, and Mr. Robison suitably responded.” The photo was reproduced page 108 of “The Diamond Valley Story" by Diane H. Edwards.This photo forms part of a collection of photographs gathered by the Shire of Eltham for their centenary project book,"Pioneers and Painters: 100 years of the Shire of Eltham" by Alan Marshall (1971). The collection of over 500 images is held in partnership between Eltham District Historical Society and Yarra Plenty Regional Library (Eltham Library) and is now formally known as the 'The Shire of Eltham Pioneers Photograph Collection.' It is significant in being the first community sourced collection representing the places and people of the Shire's first one hundred years.Digital image, 16 x 24 and 12.5 x 9 cm and 4 x 5 inch B&W Neg sepp, shire of eltham pioneers photograph collection, queenstown, cars, police station, st andrews, soldiers, picnic, exhibition yprl 2019-12, gallipoli, model t ford, pioneers and painters, police paddocks, retuned soldiers

Ballarat Junior Technical School opened in 1913. It was located at the Dana Street State School. As numbers grew a larger building was needed. Plans were drawn and a school built within the grounds of the School of Mines. Students started at this new school in 1921. It was officially opened on 9 September 1921 by Sir Alexander, resident of Creswick, local member for North Ballarat and the Minister for Education. He also opened the School Fair which coincided with the buildings ceremony. This was a fair on a grand scale and lasted two days and nights. Staff and students worked for weeks making articles for sale. A parent's committee led by Mr J Rogerson, a local police detective, had been organizing for months. As part of the ceremony for the opening of the school the Strachan Orchestra was engaged to play. .1 Taxi hire provided transport for the Strachan Orchestra for two visits at a total cost of Five Shillings. This hand written slip shows the date of payment and by whom .2 This item is the receipt N A Strachan sent to Mr Steane, Headmaster of the school, for the payment of Two Pounds, cost for engaging the Orchestra. Money raised funded the dodge-ball court, purchased a typewriter, a second-hand piano, an inter-room telephone system, an epidiascope and film projector.Hand written notes on lined paper. .1 Invoice; .2 Receipt.1 Signature of W. Button .2 Signature of N.A. Strachan.ballarat junior technical school, dana street, ballarat school of mines, minister for education, member for north ballarat, school fair, strachan orchestra, receipt, albert steane, ceremony, taxi, typewriter, piano, telephone system, payment notice, sir alexander peacock

A letter sent to the Secretary of the trustees of the Bentleigh Recreation Reserve, from Lucy Wood, for the Bentleigh Soldier's Comfort League requesting the use of the Burgess Pavilion for the Leagues meetings. The Bentleigh Soldier’s Comforts League is but one example of many other organisations that made use of the pavilion. After the League’s inaugural meeting a letter was sent to the Trustees of the Recreation Preserve Bentleigh requesting the use of the pavilion to hold their meetings. The objects of the Bentleigh Soldier’s Comforts League were: 1. To provide comforts for Bentleigh boys on active duty 2. To ensure a suitable public welcome upon their return 3. To visit the sick and wounded ones at the Military hospitals A committee of local ladies formed a committee, An amount of 2s was allotted to each worker who endeavored by personal effort to increase that sum. A Gymkhana, in association with the Equestrienne Club, was held to raise funds to help the return soldiers and to send Xmas boxes to the soldiers on active duty abroad. Lucy Wood (1872 - 1956) was the wife of William Howard Wood (1868 - 1947). William and Lucy lived in Jasper Road opposite the recreational reserve. William was a poultry breeder and a local accountant, auditor, real estate, insurance and general commission agent.The efforts made by the citizens of the Shire of Morrabbin to send comforts to the troups overseas during WWI, and to welcome home the soldiers.A hand written letter wwi, city of moorabbin, lucy wood, burgess pavilion, bentleigh recretional reserve, william burgess, fundraising, xmas boxes, bentleigh soldier’s comforts league, bentleigh, moorabbin

Born in Bendigo and trained as a nurse in the 1950s, Sonia Jill O’Brien devoted a lifetime to social and environmental issues at both the state and local level. From her work in the 1960s with the Family Planning Association of Victoria, of which she was a founding member, through to the 1990s as a member of the Ethics Committee of the Department of Health, she supported efforts to improve women’s health and reproductive rights. At the local level she was most active on committees that worked to save the natural and built environment. The Power-line Action Group, the Studley Park Conservation Society, and the Yarra Bend Park Trust all benefitted from her indefatigable endeavours as well her vision. In 1980, Jill O’Brien successfully stood for the Kew City Council and served as Mayor in 1983 and 1984. With an eye to preserving the past as well as guarding the future, she had the Mayoral robes restored and in 1980 and 1981 was president of the Kew Historical Society. The preservation and restoration of Villa Alba in Walmer Street owes much to her determined efforts throughout the 1980s. On Council, she chaired a number of committees involved in the saving of the Kew River Parklands from the proposed transmission line of the SEC. To this end, she was the Council representative on the Merri Yarra Municipal Protection Committee.Rare colour photograph, used as the official mayoral portrait of Cr Jill O'Brien.Formal civic portrait of Cr Jill O'Brien in red mayoral robes wearing lace jabot and cuffs. The portrait is part of the larger Jill O'Brien Collection donated by her daughters.cr jill o'brien, city of kew -- mayors, mayoral portraits -- city of kew

The Honor Roll and Shrine in the Surrey Gardens were opened on Sunday 7 April 1918, prior to the cessation of fighting. Mrs Charles H D Steele (MS: Sarah Margaret Russell), president of the local Patriotic League, is credited with the idea of building The Shrine as a fitting memorial to the soldiers of the district. The Surrey Hills Progress Association coordinated raising funds from local residents. John Kendrick Blogg carved the beautiful honor roll in Indian teak and Australian white mahogany and the design of The Shrine was by architectural firm Gawler & Drummond. John Stevens Gawler was a partner in the firm, lived locally and also enlisted. Although he may have been overseas during some of the design process he is often credited with the design. Both men donated their services. The 2 cannons in the gardens were acquired by Mr Arthur Brookes in 1901 to commemorate the end of the Boer War. He was popularly known as 'Empire Brooks' and the cannons as 'Brooks' Babies'. They were originally placed in the grounds of the Guildford Road Recreation Oval. Arthur Brooks was an active community member and one of the founding members of the Surrey Hills Progress Association. Original photo was contained in a booklet printed by Camberwell Council in 1933.This is one of the earliest known photos of 3 elements important in designating the Surrey Gardens as one of the City of Boroondara's heritage gardens, now protected by a heritage overlay. The Shrine was one of the first WW1 memorials to be built in Australia and possibly the first in Victoria. It was unveiled prior to the end of hostilities and was built entirely through local community effort. The design of The Shrine, reflective of domestic architecture, is unusual. Its Honor Roll is also a noted example of sculptor John Kendrick Blogg's work and valued especially for its incorporation of Australian motifs, wattle blossom and gum leaves. The boomerang over the full width of the monument was said to be symbolic of both those who did and did not return. Black and white photo of part of the Surrey Gardens, located between Union Road and Norfolk Road, Surrey Hills. It shows The Shrine, the cannons installed to commemorate the end of the Boer War and the Memorial Cross. Taken from within the park looking east. surrey gardens, shrine of remembrance, monuments and memorials, boer war, mr john kendrick blogg, mr arthur brooks, mrs charles steele, mrs sarah steele, miss sarah margaret russell, cannons, mr john gawler