About the 1992 Barcelona Olympic Games donor Doug Pleasance wrote- During the 1980's the Australian wool industry was at its most prosperous times with record numbers of sheep producing wool receiving ever increasing values due to the success of the Reserve Price Scheme, and the overall guidance of the Australian Wool Corporation (AWC). As a humble technician, my role was a low profile newly created position of Controller, Technical Marketing where wool was to be marketed on its technical properties, as distinct from the Product Marketing Group which exploited the traditional high profile approach of marketing wool's superior fashion attributes. The Woolmark was the tool central to this approach. The 1992 Barcelona Olympic Games saw an evolutionary change in designer selection. A Declaration of Interest Form was communicated to over forty potential designers. The task and especially tight timelines that were involved deterred many aspirants, however, there remained eight designers with the potential we were seeking. These eight designers were paid $3,000 per submission and the winning designer, Wendy Powitt, was paid $15,000. For the first time the judging panel included two athletes, one male swimmer and one female basketballer, their influence was pivotal. The ensemble consisted of three elements- 1. The Official Uniform which was used for travel and all official functions. This included: a tailored blazer and trouser/skirt (all water repellent) by Fletcher Jones, pure wool olive-green faille fabric by Foster Valley, cotton PE formal shirt by Pelaco, pure wool knitwear by Spangaro, printed wool tie by TD Noone, wool nylon socks by Holeproof and footwear by Hush Puppy. 2. Opening Ceremony Uniform a lightweight wool fabric printed with floral designs that had been inspired by the work of Australian artist Margaret Preston. This included: Lightweight W/PE shorts by Fletcher Jones in Foster Valley Fabric, socks by Holeproof and footwear by Hush Puppy. 3. Village Clothing was designed to be highly visible garments to make it easy to spot the Aussie and helped to contribute to good team spirit. This included: A pure wool shirt featuring blocks of contrasting colours, and a newly developed stretch 50:50 wool/cotton fabric by Bradmill was made into shorts and jeans by Fletcher Jones.8144.1 - Men's cream coloured shorts. Manufactured from a cotton and wool blend fabric. 8144.2 - Cream fabric sample with labels attached. 8144.3 - Cream fabric sample. 8144.4 - Cream fabric sample.8144.1 - On label- FLETCHER JONES 60% Wool, 40% Cotton 8144.2 - Stapled label- WOOL COTTON 50:50 STRETCH1992 barcelona olympics, sport, athletes, fashion, design, uniform

About the 1992 Barcelona Olympic Games donator Doug Pleasance wrote- During the 1980s the Australian wool industry was at its most prosperous times with record numbers of sheep producing wool receiving ever increasing values due to the success of the Reserve Price Scheme, and the overall guidance of the Australian Wool Corporation (AWC). As a humble technichian, my role was a low profile newly created position of “Controller, Technical Marketing” where wool was to be marketed on its technical properties, as distinct from the “Product Marketing Group” which exploited trhe traditional high profile approach of marketing wool;s superior fashion attributes. The Woolmark was the tool central to this approach. The 1992 Barcelona Olympic Games saw an evolutionary change in designer selection. A Declaration of Interest Form was communicated to over forty potential designers. The task and especially tight timelines that were involved deterred many aspirants, however, there remained eight designers with the potential we were seeking. These eight designers were paid $3,000 per submission and the winning designer, Wendy Powitt, was paid $15,000. For the first time the judging panel included two athletes, one male swimmer and one female basketballer, their influence was pivotal. The ensemble consisted of three elements- 1. The Official Uniform which was used for travel and all official functions. This included: a tailored blazer and trouser/skirt (all water repellent) by Fletcher Jones, pure wool olive-green faille fabric by Foster Valley, cotton PE formal shirt by Pelaco, pure wool knitwear by Spangaro, printed wool tie by TD Noone, wool nylon socks by Holeproof and footwear by Hush Puppy. 2. Opening Ceremony Uniform a lightweight wool fabric printed with floral designs that had been inspired by the work of Australian artist Margaret Preston. This included: Lightweight W/PE shorts by Fletcher Jones in Foster Valley Fabric, socks by Holeproof and footwear by Hush Puppy. 3. Village Clothing was designed to be highly visible garments to make it easy to ‘spot the Aussie’ and helped to contribute to good team spirit. This included: A pure wool shirt featuring blocks of contrasting colours, and a newly developed stretch 50:50 wool/cotton fabric by Bradmill was made into shorts and jeans by Fletcher Jones.8341.1 - A pair of dark green trousers made from a wool blend fabric. 8341.2 - Green sample fabric with labels stapled on. One staple that was used to attach the label has gone through several layers of fabric preventing it from being unfolded. 8341.3 - Green sample fabric with white thread attached where it has previously been sewn. 8341.4 - Green sample fabric. 8341.5 - Green sample fabric.8341.1 - On label - FLETCHER JONES 8341.2 - on labels- Wool PE. 80:20 FAILLE WEAVEolympics, 1992 barcelona olympics, olympic uniforms, trousers, wool, fletcher jones, wendy powitt

About the 1992 Barcelona Olympic Games donator Doug Pleasance wrote- During the 1980s the Australian wool industry was at its most prosperous times with record numbers of sheep producing wool receiving ever increasing values due to the success of the Reserve Price Scheme, and the overall guidance of the Australian Wool Corporation (AWC). As a humble technichian, my role was a low profile newly created position of “Controller, Technical Marketing” where wool was to be marketed on its technical properties, as distinct from the “Product Marketing Group” which exploited trhe traditional high profile approach of marketing wool;s superior fashion attributes. The Woolmark was the tool central to this approach. The 1992 Barcelona Olympic Games saw an evolutionary change in designer selection. A Declaration of Interest Form was communicated to over forty potential designers. The task and especially tight timelines that were involved deterred many aspirants, however, there remained eight designers with the potential we were seeking. These eight designers were paid $3,000 per submission and the winning designer, Wendy Powitt, was paid $15,000. For the first time the judging panel included two athletes, one male swimmer and one female basketballer, their influence was pivotal. The ensemble consisted of three elements- 1. The Official Uniform which was used for travel and all official functions. This included: a tailored blazer and trouser/skirt (all water repellent) by Fletcher Jones, pure wool olive-green faille fabric by Foster Valley, cotton PE formal shirt by Pelaco, pure wool knitwear by Spangaro, printed wool tie by TD Noone, wool nylon socks by Holeproof and footwear by Hush Puppy. 2. Opening Ceremony Uniform a lightweight wool fabric printed with floral designs that had been inspired by the work of Australian artist Margaret Preston. This included: Lightweight W/PE shorts by Fletcher Jones in Foster Valley Fabric, socks by Holeproof and footwear by Hush Puppy. 3. Village Clothing was designed to be highly visible garments to make it easy to ‘spot the Aussie’ and helped to contribute to good team spirit. This included: A pure wool shirt featuring blocks of contrasting colours, and a newly developed stretch 50:50 wool/cotton fabric by Bradmill was made into shorts and jeans by Fletcher Jones.8340.1 - A pair of men's green shorts made from a wool blend fabric. 8340.2 - Green sample fabric with labels attached. 8340.3 - Green sample fabric.8340.1 - on label - FLETCHER JONES 8340.2 - on label - Wool PE. 80:20 PLAIN WEAVE SULZER LOOMolympics, 1992 barcelona olympics, olympic uniforms, wool, fletcher jones, wendy powitt, shorts

About the 1992 Barcelona Olympic Games donator Doug Pleasance wrote- During the 1980s the Australian wool industry was at its most prosperous times with record numbers of sheep producing wool receiving ever increasing values due to the success of the Reserve Price Scheme, and the overall guidance of the Australian Wool Corporation (AWC). As a humble technichian, my role was a low profile newly created position of “Controller, Technical Marketing” where wool was to be marketed on its technical properties, as distinct from the “Product Marketing Group” which exploited trhe traditional high profile approach of marketing wool;s superior fashion attributes. The Woolmark was the tool central to this approach. The 1992 Barcelona Olympic Games saw an evolutionary change in designer selection. A Declaration of Interest Form was communicated to over forty potential designers. The task and especially tight timelines that were involved deterred many aspirants, however, there remained eight designers with the potential we were seeking. These eight designers were paid $3,000 per submission and the winning designer, Wendy Powitt, was paid $15,000. For the first time the judging panel included two athletes, one male swimmer and one female basketballer, their influence was pivotal. The ensemble consisted of three elements- 1. The Official Uniform which was used for travel and all official functions. This included: a tailored blazer and trouser/skirt (all water repellent) by Fletcher Jones, pure wool olive-green faille fabric by Foster Valley, cotton PE formal shirt by Pelaco, pure wool knitwear by Spangaro, printed wool tie by TD Noone, wool nylon socks by Holeproof and footwear by Hush Puppy. 2. Opening Ceremony Uniform a lightweight wool fabric printed with floral designs that had been inspired by the work of Australian artist Margaret Preston. This included: Lightweight W/PE shorts by Fletcher Jones in Foster Valley Fabric, socks by Holeproof and footwear by Hush Puppy. 3. Village Clothing was designed to be highly visible garments to make it easy to ‘spot the Aussie’ and helped to contribute to good team spirit. This included: A pure wool shirt featuring blocks of contrasting colours, and a newly developed stretch 50:50 wool/cotton fabric by Bradmill was made into shorts and jeans by Fletcher Jones.Cream full length trousersolympics, 1992 barcelona olympics, olympic uniforms, trousers, wool, wendy powitt

About the 1992 Barcelona Olympic Games donator Doug Pleasance wrote- During the 1980s the Australian wool industry was at its most prosperous times with record numbers of sheep producing wool receiving ever increasing values due to the success of the Reserve Price Scheme, and the overall guidance of the Australian Wool Corporation (AWC). As a humble technichian, my role was a low profile newly created position of “Controller, Technical Marketing” where wool was to be marketed on its technical properties, as distinct from the “Product Marketing Group” which exploited trhe traditional high profile approach of marketing wool;s superior fashion attributes. The Woolmark was the tool central to this approach. The 1992 Barcelona Olympic Games saw an evolutionary change in designer selection. A Declaration of Interest Form was communicated to over forty potential designers. The task and especially tight timelines that were involved deterred many aspirants, however, there remained eight designers with the potential we were seeking. These eight designers were paid $3,000 per submission and the winning designer, Wendy Powitt, was paid $15,000. For the first time the judging panel included two athletes, one male swimmer and one female basketballer, their influence was pivotal. The ensemble consisted of three elements- 1. The Official Uniform which was used for travel and all official functions. This included: a tailored blazer and trouser/skirt (all water repellent) by Fletcher Jones, pure wool olive-green faille fabric by Foster Valley, cotton PE formal shirt by Pelaco, pure wool knitwear by Spangaro, printed wool tie by TD Noone, wool nylon socks by Holeproof and footwear by Hush Puppy. 2. Opening Ceremony Uniform a lightweight wool fabric printed with floral designs that had been inspired by the work of Australian artist Margaret Preston. This included: Lightweight W/PE shorts by Fletcher Jones in Foster Valley Fabric, socks by Holeproof and footwear by Hush Puppy. 3. Village Clothing was designed to be highly visible garments to make it easy to ‘spot the Aussie’ and helped to contribute to good team spirit. This included: A pure wool shirt featuring blocks of contrasting colours, and a newly developed stretch 50:50 wool/cotton fabric by Bradmill was made into shorts and jeans by Fletcher Jones.Olive green culotte shortsolympics, 1992 barcelona olympics, olympic uniforms, wool, wendy powitt, culottes

About the 1992 Barcelona Olympic Games donator Doug Pleasance wrote- During the 1980s the Australian wool industry was at its most prosperous times with record numbers of sheep producing wool receiving ever increasing values due to the success of the Reserve Price Scheme, and the overall guidance of the Australian Wool Corporation (AWC). As a humble technichian, my role was a low profile newly created position of “Controller, Technical Marketing” where wool was to be marketed on its technical properties, as distinct from the “Product Marketing Group” which exploited trhe traditional high profile approach of marketing wool;s superior fashion attributes. The Woolmark was the tool central to this approach. The 1992 Barcelona Olympic Games saw an evolutionary change in designer selection. A Declaration of Interest Form was communicated to over forty potential designers. The task and especially tight timelines that were involved deterred many aspirants, however, there remained eight designers with the potential we were seeking. These eight designers were paid $3,000 per submission and the winning designer, Wendy Powitt, was paid $15,000. For the first time the judging panel included two athletes, one male swimmer and one female basketballer, their influence was pivotal. The ensemble consisted of three elements- 1. The Official Uniform which was used for travel and all official functions. This included: a tailored blazer and trouser/skirt (all water repellent) by Fletcher Jones, pure wool olive-green faille fabric by Foster Valley, cotton PE formal shirt by Pelaco, pure wool knitwear by Spangaro, printed wool tie by TD Noone, wool nylon socks by Holeproof and footwear by Hush Puppy. 2. Opening Ceremony Uniform a lightweight wool fabric printed with floral designs that had been inspired by the work of Australian artist Margaret Preston. This included: Lightweight W/PE shorts by Fletcher Jones in Foster Valley Fabric, socks by Holeproof and footwear by Hush Puppy. 3. Village Clothing was designed to be highly visible garments to make it easy to ‘spot the Aussie’ and helped to contribute to good team spirit. This included: A pure wool shirt featuring blocks of contrasting colours, and a newly developed stretchGreen knee length skirt with button and zip back. Has two pockets, and two darts in both front and back.Label 1 - Barcelona 1992 Official Uniform supplied by Australian Wool Corporation Label 2 - Fletcher Jones Australia 141992 barcelona olympics, australian wool corporation, wool, olympic games official occasions

About the 1992 Barcelona Olympic Games donator Doug Pleasance wrote- During the 1980s the Australian wool industry was at its most prosperous times with record numbers of sheep producing wool receiving ever increasing values due to the success of the Reserve Price Scheme, and the overall guidance of the Australian Wool Corporation (AWC). As a humble technichian, my role was a low profile newly created position of “Controller, Technical Marketing” where wool was to be marketed on its technical properties, as distinct from the “Product Marketing Group” which exploited trhe traditional high profile approach of marketing wool;s superior fashion attributes. The Woolmark was the tool central to this approach. The 1992 Barcelona Olympic Games saw an evolutionary change in designer selection. A Declaration of Interest Form was communicated to over forty potential designers. The task and especially tight timelines that were involved deterred many aspirants, however, there remained eight designers with the potential we were seeking. These eight designers were paid $3,000 per submission and the winning designer, Wendy Powitt, was paid $15,000. For the first time the judging panel included two athletes, one male swimmer and one female basketballer, their influence was pivotal. The ensemble consisted of three elements- 1. The Official Uniform which was used for travel and all official functions. This included: a tailored blazer and trouser/skirt (all water repellent) by Fletcher Jones, pure wool olive-green faille fabric by Foster Valley, cotton PE formal shirt by Pelaco, pure wool knitwear by Spangaro, printed wool tie by TD Noone, wool nylon socks by Holeproof and footwear by Hush Puppy. 2. Opening Ceremony Uniform a lightweight wool fabric printed with floral designs that had been inspired by the work of Australian artist Margaret Preston. This included: Lightweight W/PE shorts by Fletcher Jones in Foster Valley Fabric, socks by Holeproof and footwear by Hush Puppy. 3. Village Clothing was designed to be highly visible garments to make it easy to ‘spot the Aussie’ and helped to contribute to good team spirit. This included: A pure wool shirt featuring blocks of contrasting colours, and a newly developed stretch 50:50 wool/cotton fabric by Bradmill was made into shorts and jeans by Fletcher Jones.Yellow long sleeved shirt with detachable floral collar. Double breasted pockets.Label - Pelaco1992 barcelona olympics, australian wool corporation, wool

About the 1992 Barcelona Olympic Games donator Doug Pleasance wrote- During the 1980s the Australian wool industry was at its most prosperous times with record numbers of sheep producing wool receiving ever increasing values due to the success of the Reserve Price Scheme, and the overall guidance of the Australian Wool Corporation (AWC). As a humble technichian, my role was a low profile newly created position of “Controller, Technical Marketing” where wool was to be marketed on its technical properties, as distinct from the “Product Marketing Group” which exploited trhe traditional high profile approach of marketing wool;s superior fashion attributes. The Woolmark was the tool central to this approach. The 1992 Barcelona Olympic Games saw an evolutionary change in designer selection. A Declaration of Interest Form was communicated to over forty potential designers. The task and especially tight timelines that were involved deterred many aspirants, however, there remained eight designers with the potential we were seeking. These eight designers were paid $3,000 per submission and the winning designer, Wendy Powitt, was paid $15,000. For the first time the judging panel included two athletes, one male swimmer and one female basketballer, their influence was pivotal. The ensemble consisted of three elements- 1. The Official Uniform which was used for travel and all official functions. This included: a tailored blazer and trouser/skirt (all water repellent) by Fletcher Jones, pure wool olive-green faille fabric by Foster Valley, cotton PE formal shirt by Pelaco, pure wool knitwear by Spangaro, printed wool tie by TD Noone, wool nylon socks by Holeproof and footwear by Hush Puppy. 2. Opening Ceremony Uniform a lightweight wool fabric printed with floral designs that had been inspired by the work of Australian artist Margaret Preston. This included: Lightweight W/PE shorts by Fletcher Jones in Foster Valley Fabric, socks by Holeproof and footwear by Hush Puppy. 3. Village Clothing was designed to be highly visible garments to make it easy to ‘spot the Aussie’ and helped to contribute to good team spirit. This included: A pure wool shirt featuring blocks of contrasting colours, and a newly developed stretch 50:50 wool/cotton fabric by Bradmill was made into shorts and jeans by Fletcher Jones.Green button up tailored jacket with two faux pockets and a breast pocket on left hand side. Olympic logo on left breast pocket.Label 1 - Barcelona 1992 Official Uniform Supplied by Australian Wool Corporation Label 2 - Fletcher Jones Australia On breast of jacket - Australia Barcelona 19921992 barcelona olympics, uniform, jacket, fletcher jones

About the 1992 Barcelona Olympic Games donator Doug Pleasance wrote- During the 1980s the Australian wool industry was at its most prosperous times with record numbers of sheep producing wool receiving ever increasing values due to the success of the Reserve Price Scheme, and the overall guidance of the Australian Wool Corporation (AWC). As a humble technichian, my role was a low profile newly created position of “Controller, Technical Marketing” where wool was to be marketed on its technical properties, as distinct from the “Product Marketing Group” which exploited trhe traditional high profile approach of marketing wool;s superior fashion attributes. The Woolmark was the tool central to this approach. The 1992 Barcelona Olympic Games saw an evolutionary change in designer selection. A Declaration of Interest Form was communicated to over forty potential designers. The task and especially tight timelines that were involved deterred many aspirants, however, there remained eight designers with the potential we were seeking. These eight designers were paid $3,000 per submission and the winning designer, Wendy Powitt, was paid $15,000. For the first time the judging panel included two athletes, one male swimmer and one female basketballer, their influence was pivotal. The ensemble consisted of three elements- 1. The Official Uniform which was used for travel and all official functions. This included: a tailored blazer and trouser/skirt (all water repellent) by Fletcher Jones, pure wool olive-green faille fabric by Foster Valley, cotton PE formal shirt by Pelaco, pure wool knitwear by Spangaro, printed wool tie by TD Noone, wool nylon socks by Holeproof and footwear by Hush Puppy. 2. Opening Ceremony Uniform a lightweight wool fabric printed with floral designs that had been inspired by the work of Australian artist Margaret Preston. This included: Lightweight W/PE shorts by Fletcher Jones in Foster Valley Fabric, socks by Holeproof and footwear by Hush Puppy. 3. Village Clothing was designed to be highly visible garments to make it easy to ‘spot the Aussie’ and helped to contribute to good team spirit. This included: A pure wool shirt featuring blocks of contrasting colours, and a newly developed stretch 50:50 wool/cotton fabric by Bradmill was made into shorts and jeans by Fletcher Jones.Yellow shirt, one pocket on left breast. The cuffs and the collar are white.On label - Barcelona 1992 Official Uniform supplied by Australian Wool Corporation1992 barcelona olympics, wool, australian wool corporation

About the 1992 Barcelona Olympic Games donator Doug Pleasance wrote- During the 1980s the Australian wool industry was at its most prosperous times with record numbers of sheep producing wool receiving ever increasing values due to the success of the Reserve Price Scheme, and the overall guidance of the Australian Wool Corporation (AWC). As a humble technichian, my role was a low profile newly created position of “Controller, Technical Marketing” where wool was to be marketed on its technical properties, as distinct from the “Product Marketing Group” which exploited trhe traditional high profile approach of marketing wool;s superior fashion attributes. The Woolmark was the tool central to this approach. The 1992 Barcelona Olympic Games saw an evolutionary change in designer selection. A Declaration of Interest Form was communicated to over forty potential designers. The task and especially tight timelines that were involved deterred many aspirants, however, there remained eight designers with the potential we were seeking. These eight designers were paid $3,000 per submission and the winning designer, Wendy Powitt, was paid $15,000. For the first time the judging panel included two athletes, one male swimmer and one female basketballer, their influence was pivotal. The ensemble consisted of three elements- 1. The Official Uniform which was used for travel and all official functions. This included: a tailored blazer and trouser/skirt (all water repellent) by Fletcher Jones, pure wool olive-green faille fabric by Foster Valley, cotton PE formal shirt by Pelaco, pure wool knitwear by Spangaro, printed wool tie by TD Noone, wool nylon socks by Holeproof and footwear by Hush Puppy. 2. Opening Ceremony Uniform a lightweight wool fabric printed with floral designs that had been inspired by the work of Australian artist Margaret Preston. This included: Lightweight W/PE shorts by Fletcher Jones in Foster Valley Fabric, socks by Holeproof and footwear by Hush Puppy. 3. Village Clothing was designed to be highly visible garments to make it easy to ‘spot the Aussie’ and helped to contribute to good team spirit. This included: A pure wool shirt featuring blocks of contrasting colours, and a newly developed stretch 50:50 wool/cotton fabric by Bradmill was made into shorts and jeans by Fletcher Jones.Floral tie with cream, red, green native flower design.On label - Woven & manufactured in Australia by "Tee-Dee" exclusively for the Australian Wool Corporation1992 barcelona olympics, uniform, tie, australian wool corporation

About the 1992 Barcelona Olympic Games donator Doug Pleasance wrote- During the 1980s the Australian wool industry was at its most prosperous times with record numbers of sheep producing wool receiving ever increasing values due to the success of the Reserve Price Scheme, and the overall guidance of the Australian Wool Corporation (AWC). As a humble technichian, my role was a low profile newly created position of “Controller, Technical Marketing” where wool was to be marketed on its technical properties, as distinct from the “Product Marketing Group” which exploited trhe traditional high profile approach of marketing wool;s superior fashion attributes. The Woolmark was the tool central to this approach. The 1992 Barcelona Olympic Games saw an evolutionary change in designer selection. A Declaration of Interest Form was communicated to over forty potential designers. The task and especially tight timelines that were involved deterred many aspirants, however, there remained eight designers with the potential we were seeking. These eight designers were paid $3,000 per submission and the winning designer, Wendy Powitt, was paid $15,000. For the first time the judging panel included two athletes, one male swimmer and one female basketballer, their influence was pivotal. The ensemble consisted of three elements- 1. The Official Uniform which was used for travel and all official functions. This included: a tailored blazer and trouser/skirt (all water repellent) by Fletcher Jones, pure wool olive-green faille fabric by Foster Valley, cotton PE formal shirt by Pelaco, pure wool knitwear by Spangaro, printed wool tie by TD Noone, wool nylon socks by Holeproof and footwear by Hush Puppy. 2. Opening Ceremony Uniform a lightweight wool fabric printed with floral designs that had been inspired by the work of Australian artist Margaret Preston. This included: Lightweight W/PE shorts by Fletcher Jones in Foster Valley Fabric, socks by Holeproof and footwear by Hush Puppy. 3. Village Clothing was designed to be highly visible garments to make it easy to ‘spot the Aussie’ and helped to contribute to good team spirit. This included: A pure wool shirt featuring blocks of contrasting colours, and a newly developed stretch 50:50 wool/cotton fabric by Bradmill was made into shorts and jeans by Fletcher Jones.Green jacket with Olympic emblem on left breast pocketLabel 1 - Barcelona 1992 Official Uniform Supplied by Australian Wool Corporation Label 2 - Fletcher Jones Australia Label 3 - Warm iron dry clean only On jacket breast - Australia Barcelona 19921992 barcelona olympics, uniform, tie, australian wool corporation

About the 1992 Barcelona Olympic Games donator Doug Pleasance wrote- During the 1980s the Australian wool industry was at its most prosperous times with record numbers of sheep producing wool receiving ever increasing values due to the success of the Reserve Price Scheme, and the overall guidance of the Australian Wool Corporation (AWC). As a humble technichian, my role was a low profile newly created position of “Controller, Technical Marketing” where wool was to be marketed on its technical properties, as distinct from the “Product Marketing Group” which exploited trhe traditional high profile approach of marketing wool;s superior fashion attributes. The Woolmark was the tool central to this approach. The 1992 Barcelona Olympic Games saw an evolutionary change in designer selection. A Declaration of Interest Form was communicated to over forty potential designers. The task and especially tight timelines that were involved deterred many aspirants, however, there remained eight designers with the potential we were seeking. These eight designers were paid $3,000 per submission and the winning designer, Wendy Powitt, was paid $15,000. For the first time the judging panel included two athletes, one male swimmer and one female basketballer, their influence was pivotal. The ensemble consisted of three elements- 1. The Official Uniform which was used for travel and all official functions. This included: a tailored blazer and trouser/skirt (all water repellent) by Fletcher Jones, pure wool olive-green faille fabric by Foster Valley, cotton PE formal shirt by Pelaco, pure wool knitwear by Spangaro, printed wool tie by TD Noone, wool nylon socks by Holeproof and footwear by Hush Puppy. 2. Opening Ceremony Uniform a lightweight wool fabric printed with floral designs that had been inspired by the work of Australian artist Margaret Preston. This included: Lightweight W/PE shorts by Fletcher Jones in Foster Valley Fabric, socks by Holeproof and footwear by Hush Puppy. 3. Village Clothing was designed to be highly visible garments to make it easy to ‘spot the Aussie’ and helped to contribute to good team spirit. This included: A pure wool shirt featuring blocks of contrasting colours, and a newly developed stretch 50:50 wool/cotton fabric by Bradmill was made into shorts and jeans by Fletcher Jones.Straw hat by brand ‘Akubra’ in the style ‘Olympian’, size 56. Sides of crown woven with decorative pattern and hatband printed with native Australian flora. Retains original swing tag.Labels: Akubra / 56 / Olympian / MADE IN AUSTRALIA1992 barcelona olympics, uniform, australian wool corporation, hat

About the 1992 Barcelona Olympic Games donator Doug Pleasance wrote- During the 1980s the Australian wool industry was at its most prosperous times with record numbers of sheep producing wool receiving ever increasing values due to the success of the Reserve Price Scheme, and the overall guidance of the Australian Wool Corporation (AWC). As a humble technichian, my role was a low profile newly created position of “Controller, Technical Marketing” where wool was to be marketed on its technical properties, as distinct from the “Product Marketing Group” which exploited trhe traditional high profile approach of marketing wool;s superior fashion attributes. The Woolmark was the tool central to this approach. The 1992 Barcelona Olympic Games saw an evolutionary change in designer selection. A Declaration of Interest Form was communicated to over forty potential designers. The task and especially tight timelines that were involved deterred many aspirants, however, there remained eight designers with the potential we were seeking. These eight designers were paid $3,000 per submission and the winning designer, Wendy Powitt, was paid $15,000. For the first time the judging panel included two athletes, one male swimmer and one female basketballer, their influence was pivotal. The ensemble consisted of three elements- 1. The Official Uniform which was used for travel and all official functions. This included: a tailored blazer and trouser/skirt (all water repellent) by Fletcher Jones, pure wool olive-green faille fabric by Foster Valley, cotton PE formal shirt by Pelaco, pure wool knitwear by Spangaro, printed wool tie by TD Noone, wool nylon socks by Holeproof and footwear by Hush Puppy. 2. Opening Ceremony Uniform a lightweight wool fabric printed with floral designs that had been inspired by the work of Australian artist Margaret Preston. This included: Lightweight W/PE shorts by Fletcher Jones in Foster Valley Fabric, socks by Holeproof and footwear by Hush Puppy. 3. Village Clothing was designed to be highly visible garments to make it easy to ‘spot the Aussie’ and helped to contribute to good team spirit. This included: A pure wool shirt featuring blocks of contrasting colours, and a newly developed stretch 50:50 wool/cotton fabric by Bradmill was made into shorts and jeans by Fletcher Jones.Straw hat by brand ‘Akubra’ in the style ‘Olympian’, size 59. Sides of crown woven with decorative pattern and hatband printed with native Australian flora. Labels: Akubra / 59 / Olympian / MADE IN AUSTRALIA1992 barcelona olympics, uniform, australian wool corporation, hat

Used to communicate with ships from Point Hicks Lightstation. In Greek mythology, "Stentor" was a herald on the Greek side during the Trojan War. His name has given rise to the adjective "stentorian", meaning loud-voiced, for which he was famous. Homer said his "voice was as powerful as fifty voices of other men." He died after his defeat by Hermes in a shouting contest. See the Iliad, V. The large funnel-shaped device is nearly 750mm (30 inches) in length and is made of re coated cardboard that is riveted together. It has a metal mouth-piece at the narrow end and a metal edge at the wide end, and a metal handle. The maker’s information inside indicates that it is a ‘Stentor Megaphone’ patented on 4 April 1899 by a company in Boston. Stentor brand megaphones were manufactured by Merriman Brothers, a firm established in Boston in 1898 specializing in hardware for yachts. Merriman Bros. Manufacturers. 139 Border St. East Boston, Mass. Their equipment, which included pulley blocks, winches and fittings, was well-known worldwide before the company closed in about 1995. However, their ‘main business was not blocks and winches’…‘it was Merriman megaphones, including the familiar cheerleader megaphones’. They came in different sizes, one of which was employed by the United States Navy because of its scientifically proven horn angle of 22 degrees’. Their patent for the device, dated April 4, 1899, specified details such as the ‘rivets, metal mouthpiece, and adjacent parts’,and an undated pamphlet promoting the Stentor Megaphone emphasizes its ‘highly finished’ appearance ‘with nickel mouthpiece, rim and other fittings’. It also pronounces ‘the carrying power of a Megaphone is astonishing. Even under adverse conditions, it magnifies the power of the voice many times. For listening to distant sounds, it is also of great assistance’. Various sizes were designed for particular uses, and the pamphlet advises that the 30 inch no.2 model, which cost US $2.50, ‘makes it easy to talk half-a-mile and shout a mile’. An advertisement also stresses that it has ‘no iron parts’, making it ideal for marine situations.The Penobscot Marine Museum, Searsport, Maine, United States, has the same or similar model of megaphone in its collection, and the Flagstaff Hill Maritime Village Museum, Warrnambool, Victoria, has a galvanised metal ‘Acme Stentor’ megaphone. The Point Hicks Stentor Megaphone has first level contributory significance for its provenance and historic value, and also as a relatively rare item of equipment once used worldwide in marine situations, such as lightstations, as demonstrated by this example in a Victorian lightstation.One large funnel shaped megaphone made of coated cardboard riveted together. Has a metal handle and metal rims at each end. Dark reddish brown colour."No 2 / THE / STENTOR MEGAPHONE / PATENTED APRIL 4TH 1899 / .../ MAKERS / .OSTON. MASS"

Comprises twenty-three extracts from the Minutes of Evidence of the Coranderrk Inquiry, accompanied by an analysis of the historical text and context. The book relies strongly on primary-source materials and accurately references historical analysis from scholarly and Aboriginal perspectives. This book is derived from a verbatim-theatre performance in which professional actors portrayed the witnesses who gave evidence before the 1881 Coranderrk Inquiry.; Inscriptions and Markings: illustrations, photographs, facsimiles, maps, portraits About the book One of the first sustained campaigns for justice, land rights and self-determination in colonial Australia was undertaken by the Aboriginal people of Coranderrk reserve in central Victoria. Despite having created an award-winning farm they were targeted for removal to make way for white settlement. As skilled communicators and negotiators, they lobbied the government, in alliance with their white supporters, and succeeded in triggering a Parliamentary Inquiry in 1881. Coranderrk – We Will Show The Country derives from a unique verbatim-theatre performance where professional actors brought to life the witnesses who gave evidence before the 1881 Parliamentary Coranderrk Inquiry. Rescued from dusty archives, and including renowned Wurundjeri leader, William Barak, those witnesses continue to speak to contemporary audiences. Here, their powerful petitioning can be read alongside that of their non-Aboriginal allies, and those who would move them off their land. The book features a concise and accessible history of the Coranderrk Aboriginal Station and of the events that led to the appointment of the 1881 Parliamentary Coranderrk Inquiry. The book also contains a special edition of the verbatim script which has been annotated and referenced so as to provide a blueprint of how the original minutes of evidence from the 1881 Parliamentary Coranderrk Inquiry were adapted into a theatre script. Each scene of the play has also been introduced with a short biography of each character and a discussion of the key themes raised in their testimony. Supplementing the verbatim script of the performance, the book includes a range of historical images and stills from the ILBIJERRI Theatre Company’s production. Coranderrk – We Will Show The Country celebrates the spirit of collaboration between black and white in pursuit of justice, and offers an engaging way to learn about our past – and to think about our future. Coranderrk - We Will Show The Country. (2023, October 19). Retrieved from http://www.minutesofevidence.com.au/education/coranderrk-we-will-show-the-country-book/Ex Yarra Plenty Regional Library copyaboriginal australians, coranderrk, first nations people, healesville, indigenous history, performance, play

This three-dimensional Distant Signal is part of a Flagstaff Signal set of ball, cone and drum shapes. It has been woven and then fabricated with strong metal swivel fittings and loops for suspending from a high point on a flagstaff at a signal station or on a ship’s masthead. The cane signal was constructed to withstand all weather and to be visible from a long distance. The gaps between the woven cane allow air to pass through, minimising possible swaying. Similar sets were made from rope or fabric. Warrnambool's Flagstaff was erected in 1854. Its primary use was to display visual signals that could convey messages between land and sea. It was also used to notify the local population of the approach of ships. One of the popular signalling codes in use in the early-to-mid 1800s was the Marryat’s Code but there were others in use as well; there was no one standard code. In 1857 the International Marine Conference adopted an International Code of Signals as a standard communications system for all vessels that could be understood in many different languages. The Normanby Advertiser reported on June 5th 1857 a query from the Post Master General as to whether the request of the Chief Harbour Master would be carried out, in that Warrnambool would receive a new flagstaff and a set of Marryatt’s signal flags. The Table of Codes was published, showing how to use combinations of these flags to send messages. The Code was revised in 1887 to cover situations where distance, light, wind and weather conditions affected the visibility of the flags and prevented clear communication. The first report of the International Code of Signals Committee of 1897 warned signalmen not to rely on ordinary semaphore flags and introduced a Distant Signal Code using either particular semaphore flags or the three-dimensional shapes of a ball, cone and drum that aligned with the semaphore flag shapes of a circle, pennant and square. International Code of Signals In 1931, after World War I’s experiences in using signal codes, the International Code of Signals conference in Washington revised and published the rules for the conduct of signalling. One of the changes was that “the use of the Distant Signals and of fixed semaphore was abandoned”. It is of interest to know that modern marine law in many countries insists that a set of Day Shapes must be carried onboard vessels of a certain size. These highly visible geometric shapes are used at sea in daylight to communicate messages between vessels. They are used in a similar way to the Distant Signals, in that different combinations of shapes represent different messages. The set of shapes includes a ball, cylinder, cone and diamond. The shapes are hung between the top of the vessel’s foremast and the front of the vessel. They are only coloured black and are about 1.5 metres high. The vertical line of shapes can mean messages such as Boat not under command, Fishing, and Under sail and power.Distant Signals were an important means of marine communication from the late 1880s to the early 1930s, including during World War I. They were an advancement to the International Shipping Codes and safety. The cane signals’ shapes appear to be the same from whatever direction they are viewed, removing confusion about the message they convey. The same shapes continue to be used today for the sets of Day Shapes used as marine navigational signals that are mandatory on certain-sized vessels.Distant Signal Ball, part of a Flagstaff signal set. A round woven cane ball, painted black, with a metal rod passing through the centre. The rod has a loop at each end, then a concave, octagonal metal plate that rests on the outside surface of the ball, serving as a washer. The rod has swivels at each end.flagstaff hill, flagstaff hill maritime museum and village, warrnambool, maritime museum, maritime village, great ocean road, shipwreck coast, distant signal, signal, maritime signal, ball signal, signal shape, flagstaff signal, signal station, masthead signal, communications, marine technology, signals, marine signals, flaghoists, international marine conference, international code of signals, signal codes, marine safety, signal flags, day shape, daymark, day symbol, navigation, warrnambool flagstaff, 1854, 1857 1931, 1887, 1897

This three-dimensional Distant Signal is part of a Flagstaff Signal set of ball, cone and drum shapes. It has been woven and then fabricated with strong metal swivel fittings and loops for suspending from a high point on a flagstaff at a signal station or on a ship’s masthead. The cane signal was constructed to withstand all weather and to be visible from a long distance. The gaps between the woven cane allow air to pass through, minimising possible swaying. Similar sets were made from rope or fabric. Warrnambool's Flagstaff was erected in 1854. Its primary use was to display visual signals that could convey messages between land and sea. It was also used to notify the local population of the approach of ships. One of the popular signalling codes in use in the early-to-mid 1800s was the Marryat’s Code but there were others in use as well; there was no one standard code. In 1857 the International Marine Conference adopted an International Code of Signals as a standard communications system for all vessels that could be understood in many different languages. The Normanby Advertiser reported on June 5th 1857 a query from the Post Master General as to whether the request of the Chief Harbour Master would be carried out, in that Warrnambool would receive a new flagstaff and a set of Marryatt’s signal flags. The Table of Codes was published, showing how to use combinations of these flags to send messages. The Code was revised in 1887 to cover situations where distance, light, wind and weather conditions affected the visibility of the flags and prevented clear communication. The first report of the International Code of Signals Committee of 1897 warned signalmen not to rely on ordinary semaphore flags and introduced a Distant Signal Code using either particular semaphore flags or the three-dimensional shapes of a ball, cone and drum that aligned with the semaphore flag shapes of a circle, pennant and square. International Code of Signals In 1931, after World War I’s experiences in using signal codes, the International Code of Signals conference in Washington revised and published the rules for the conduct of signalling. One of the changes was that “the use of the Distant Signals and of fixed semaphore was abandoned”. It is of interest to know that modern marine law in many countries insists that a set of Day Shapes must be carried onboard vessels of a certain size. These highly visible geometric shapes are used at sea in daylight to communicate messages between vessels. They are used in a similar way to the Distant Signals, in that different combinations of shapes represent different messages. The set of shapes includes a ball, cylinder, cone and diamond. The shapes are hung between the top of the vessel’s foremast and the front of the vessel. They are only coloured black and are about 1.5 metres high. The vertical line of shapes can mean messages such as Boat not under command, Fishing, and Under sail and power.Distant Signals were an important means of marine communication from the late 1880s to the early 1930s, including during World War I. They were an advancement to the International Shipping Codes and safety. The cane signals’ shapes appear to be the same from whatever direction they are viewed, removing confusion about the message they convey. The same shapes continue to be used today for the sets of Day Shapes used as marine navigational signals that are mandatory on certain-sized vessels.Distant Signal Cone, part of a Flagstaff signal set. A woven cane cone, painted black, with a metal rod passing through the centre and two crossed metal bars at the base. The central rod has a loop at the top and passes through the bars at the base, finishing in a metal loop. The rod has swivels at each end.flagstaff hill, warrnambool, flagstaff hill maritime museum and village, shipwreck coast, marine navigation, marine communications, communication signal, lifesaving, ship at sea, day shape, masthead signal, day signal, day mark signals, marine technology, safety equipment, navigation equipment, marine day shape, day marker, cane day shape, signal cone, day signal cone, cone signal, cone day shape, distant signal, flagstaff signal, signal station, communications, signals, marine signals, flaghoists, international marine conference, international code of signals, signal codes, marine safety, signal flags, daymark, day symbol, navigation, warrnambool flagstaff, 1854, 1857 1931, 1887, 1897

This three-dimensional Distant Signal is part of a Flagstaff Signal set of ball, cone and drum shapes. It has been woven and then fabricated with strong metal swivel fittings and loops for suspending from a high point on a flagstaff at a signal station or on a ship’s masthead. The cane signal was constructed to withstand all weather and to be visible from a long distance. The gaps between the woven cane allow air to pass through, minimising possible swaying. Similar sets were made from rope or fabric. Warrnambool's Flagstaff was erected in 1854. Its primary use was to display visual signals that could convey messages between land and sea. It was also used to notify the local population of the approach of ships. One of the popular signalling codes in use in the early-to-mid 1800s was the Marryat’s Code but there were others in use as well; there was no one standard code. In 1857 the International Marine Conference adopted an International Code of Signals as a standard communications system for all vessels that could be understood in many different languages. The Normanby Advertiser reported on June 5th 1857 a query from the Post Master General as to whether the request of the Chief Harbour Master would be carried out, in that Warrnambool would receive a new flagstaff and a set of Marryatt’s signal flags. The Table of Codes was published, showing how to use combinations of these flags to send messages. The Code was revised in 1887 to cover situations where distance, light, wind and weather conditions affected the visibility of the flags and prevented clear communication. The first report of the International Code of Signals Committee of 1897 warned signalmen not to rely on ordinary semaphore flags and introduced a Distant Signal Code using either particular semaphore flags or the three-dimensional shapes of a ball, cone and drum that aligned with the semaphore flag shapes of a circle, pennant and square. International Code of Signals In 1931, after World War I’s experiences in using signal codes, the International Code of Signals conference in Washington revised and published the rules for the conduct of signalling. One of the changes was that “the use of the Distant Signals and of fixed semaphore was abandoned”. It is of interest to know that modern marine law in many countries insists that a set of Day Shapes must be carried onboard vessels of a certain size. These highly visible geometric shapes are used at sea in daylight to communicate messages between vessels. They are used in a similar way to the Distant Signals, in that different combinations of shapes represent different messages. The set of shapes includes a ball, cylinder, cone and diamond. The shapes are hung between the top of the vessel’s foremast and the front of the vessel. They are only coloured black and are about 1.5 metres high. The vertical line of shapes can mean messages such as Boat not under command, Fishing, and Under sail and power.Distant Signals were an important means of marine communication from the late 1880s to the early 1930s, including during World War I. They were an advancement to the International Shipping Codes and safety. The cane signals’ shapes appear to be the same from whatever direction they are viewed, removing confusion about the message they convey. The same shapes continue to be used today for the sets of Day Shapes used as marine navigational signals that are mandatory on certain-sized vessels.Distant Signal Ball, part of a Flagstaff signal set. A round woven cane ball, painted black, with a metal rod passing through the centre. The rod has a loop at each end, then a concave, octagonal metal plate that rests on the outside surface of the ball, serving as a washer. The rod has swivels at each end.flagstaff hill, warrnambool, flagstaff hill maritime museum and village, shipwreck coast, marine navigation, marine communications, communication signal, lifesaving, ship at sea, day shape, masthead signal, day signal, day mark signals, marine technology, safety equipment, navigation equipment, marine day shape, day marker, cane day shape, signal ball, day signal ball, ball signal, ball day shape, distant signal, flagstaff signal, signal station, communications, signals, marine signals, flaghoists, international marine conference, international code of signals, signal codes, marine safety, signal flags, daymark, day symbol, navigation, warrnambool flagstaff, 1854, 1857 1931, 1887, 1897

This three-dimensional Distant Signal is part of a Flagstaff Signal set of ball, cone and drum shapes. It has been woven and then fabricated with strong metal swivel fittings and loops for suspending from a high point on a flagstaff at a signal station or on a ship’s masthead. The cane signal was constructed to withstand all weather and to be visible from a long distance. The gaps between the woven cane allow air to pass through, minimising possible swaying. Similar sets were made from rope or fabric. Warrnambool's Flagstaff was erected in 1854. Its primary use was to display visual signals that could convey messages between land and sea. It was also used to notify the local population of the approach of ships. One of the popular signalling codes in use in the early-to-mid 1800s was the Marryat’s Code but there were others in use as well; there was no one standard code. In 1857 the International Marine Conference adopted an International Code of Signals as a standard communications system for all vessels that could be understood in many different languages. The Normanby Advertiser reported on June 5th 1857 a query from the Post Master General as to whether the request of the Chief Harbour Master would be carried out, in that Warrnambool would receive a new flagstaff and a set of Marryatt’s signal flags. The Table of Codes was published, showing how to use combinations of these flags to send messages. The Code was revised in 1887 to cover situations where distance, light, wind and weather conditions affected the visibility of the flags and prevented clear communication. The first report of the International Code of Signals Committee of 1897 warned signalmen not to rely on ordinary semaphore flags and introduced a Distant Signal Code using either particular semaphore flags or the three-dimensional shapes of a ball, cone and drum that aligned with the semaphore flag shapes of a circle, pennant and square. International Code of Signals In 1931, after World War I’s experiences in using signal codes, the International Code of Signals conference in Washington revised and published the rules for the conduct of signalling. One of the changes was that “the use of the Distant Signals and of fixed semaphore was abandoned”. It is of interest to know that modern marine law in many countries insists that a set of Day Shapes must be carried onboard vessels of a certain size. These highly visible geometric shapes are used at sea in daylight to communicate messages between vessels. They are used in a similar way to the Distant Signals, in that different combinations of shapes represent different messages. The set of shapes includes a ball, cylinder, cone and diamond. The shapes are hung between the top of the vessel’s foremast and the front of the vessel. They are only coloured black and are about 1.5 metres high. The vertical line of shapes can mean messages such as Boat not under command, Fishing, and Under sail and power.Distant Signals were an important means of marine communication from the late 1880s to the early 1930s, including during World War I. They were an advancement to the International Shipping Codes and safety. The cane signals’ shapes appear to be the same from whatever direction they are viewed, removing confusion about the message they convey. The same shapes continue to be used today for the sets of Day Shapes used as marine navigational signals that are mandatory on certain-sized vessels.Distant Signal Cone, part of a Flagstaff signal set. A woven cane cone, painted black, with a metal rod passing through the centre and two crossed metal bars at the base. The central rod has a loop at the top and passes through the bars at the base, finishing in a metal loop. The rod has swivels at each end.flagstaff hill, warrnambool, flagstaff hill maritime museum and village, shipwreck coast, marine navigation, marine communications, communication signal, lifesaving, ship at sea, day shape, masthead signal, day signal, day mark signals, marine technology, safety equipment, navigation equipment, marine day shape, day marker, cane day shape, signal cone, day signal cone, cone signal, cone day shape, distant signal, flagstaff signal, signal station, communications, signals, marine signals, flaghoists, international marine conference, international code of signals, signal codes, marine safety, signal flags, daymark, day symbol, navigation, warrnambool flagstaff, 1854, 1857 1931, 1887, 1897

The early settlers of Victoria depended on horse drawn vehicles to farm, make roads and railways, deliver produce and transport people. Horse harnesses were an important requisite for all drivers and could be found wherever there were working horses. Horse Harnesses have played an essential role in different cultures throughout history. Simple, utilitarian horse harnesses made of leather straps and iron rings were being used in early China before AD 500 as well as ancient Greece and Rome, allowing horses to pull chariots and ploughs. The Greeks and Romans were the first to use a "horse collar" which distributed the weight of the harness evenly across the horse's chest rather than relying on a "throat harness" that could damage a horse's throat or choke them. During the medieval period, European horse harnesses became more elaborate and decorative. Variations of different horse harnesses were also found in Native American and Middle Eastern cultures. Horse Harnesses usually have four basic components which include - 1. Communication - the bridle, bit and reins allows the driver to communicate instructions and commands to the horse, guiding its movement and direction. 2. Draft - the collar, hame straps, hames, traces and chains enables the horse to draw and pull the load efficiently by distributing the weight and transferring the pulling force to the vehicle. 3. Stopping - the breeching band, pole straps and breast strap helps to control or stabilise the horse and vehicle when moving downhill or stopping. 4. Support - the back pad, backband, belly band and back saddle keep the harness in the correct position and proper alignment. This show harness was used by Mr. Andy Bourke when showing his Clydesdales at shows or demonstrations. Although a more modern example with decorative embellishments, it still has many essential components traditionally found in an everyday working horse harness. The original purpose of the "housen" for example, was to run rain or drizzle off the horse's neck when they had to work in wet conditions - it was laid flat for this purpose on the top of the collar. Nowadays it is purely for show and is often used to advertise a business or stud. Horse brasses and fly terrets were fastened to various parts of a horse's harness. In the early days they probably began as amulets to ward off evil and to bring good luck and continued to be used as a festive decoration. The heyday of horse brasses was between the years 1851 and 1900. Horse brasses are fastened to various parts of the harness with many of their designs being symbolic. The ornamentation on this harness (although not authentic horse brasses) are based on the horse brasses that were popular in the 19th century. This horse harness is a significant example of the equipment that was needed wherever heavy horses were being used - particularly in the early years of Victoria's settlement by white settlers. Harnesses such as this example were used with stage coaches, drays, farming equipment, delivery carts and personal transportation.A leather and metal horse harness used when showing a Clydesdale (or other breed of heavy horse). It is made up of a number of components. 1. Decorative leather cart saddle with two large cloth pads underneath (which have a scalloped leather and stud border), a raised leather pommel and a silver and red coloured metal back strap holder across the top. It has two symmetrical sets of ornamentation (silver hearts and circles) in the front and a wide strap or girth (with a maker's stamp reading "R. Mitchell Saddler") and buckle which attaches the saddle to the horse. 2. Pair of steel hames which are gently curved (to fit on a horse collar) and are topped with steel knobs. They have several steel rings and lugs (to hold straps and chains) and a "Made in England Warranted Steel" stamp. 3. Breeching harness which consists of a number of leather straps, chains and metal rings including a wide padded leather strap with a scalloped edge that sits on the back of the horse and a thick leather strap that goes around the hind quarters of a horse which is joined to the back strap with four shorter vertical straps and buckles. These straps feature silver and red patent leather trim and silver heart shaped ornamentation. The strap also features the maker's stamp of "R. Mitchell". 4. Decorative leather bridle with blinkers featuring the same silver and red patent leather trim on the cheek piece, brow band and throatlatch. It has a stainless steel "Liverpool Driving Bit" with a curb chain, a variety of decorative silver ornaments (rosettes, diamonds plus a heart and two circles) on each end of the forehead band, dropper and strap as well as a silver metal bell (sometimes known as a "fly terret" or "swinger") that sits on the headpiece of the bridle. 5. Leather "violin shaped" dropper (or hanger) with two silver rosette shaped ornaments and a stainless steel clip on the top 6. Stainless steel "Liverpool Driving Bit" with a straight mouthpiece which is ribbed on one side. It has three rein spots (spaces) and a curb chain. 7. Leather arch shaped "Housen" covered in black and red patent leather and decorated with silver studs (some spelling out F H) and bordered with a red fringe. It has a leather strap at the back and two leather loops on the front. 8. Leather padded backband (Australian style "Stallion Draught Roller") decorated with two groups of nine metal "horse brasses" or harness ornaments displaying horseshoe, starburst and horse head designs on blue, red and white striped webbing. The backband has three notched straps at each end, a buckle near the centre and the initial B stamped in two places underneath. 9. Bellyband made of leather and red, white and blue striped webbing. It has a set of three buckles at each end (which correspond with the notched straps of the backband). 10. Wide, thick leather strap which has a buckle and notches at each end. It also has the maker's stamp of "R. Mitchell Saddler". 11.One pair of long leather traces - each with a buckle and notched loop at one end, decorated with a small silver diamond shaped harness ornament. 12. Length of stainless steel heavy duty chain with two swivel connectors.Saddle - "R.MITCHELL / SADDLER" Hames - "MADE IN ENGLAND / WARRANTED / STEEL" "MADE IN ENGLAND / WARRANTED / unclear" Breeching Straps - "R. MITCHELL / MAKER / R. MITCHELL MAKER" Housen - "F H" Backband "B / B' Wide leather strap - "R. MITCHELL / SADDLER"flagstaff hill maritime museum and village, warrnambool, great ocean road, shipwreck coast, harness, horse harness, show harness, clydesdale horses, andy bourke, horse drawn cart, housen, bridle, hames, breeching straps, dropper, bit, liverpool bit, backband, harness ornamentation, bellyband, back saddle, fly terret

This three-dimensional Distant Signal is part of a Flagstaff Signal set of ball, cone and drum shapes. It has been woven and then fabricated with strong metal swivel fittings and loops for suspending from a high point on a flagstaff at a signal station or on a ship’s masthead. The cane signal was constructed to withstand all weather and to be visible from a long distance. The gaps between the woven cane allow air to pass through, minimising possible swaying. Similar sets were made from rope or fabric. Warrnambool's Flagstaff was erected in 1854. Its primary use was to display visual signals that could convey messages between land and sea. It was also used to notify the local population of the approach of ships. One of the popular signalling codes in use in the early-to-mid 1800s was the Marryat’s Code but there were others in use as well; there was no one standard code. In 1857 the International Marine Conference adopted an International Code of Signals as a standard communications system for all vessels that could be understood in many different languages. The Normanby Advertiser reported on June 5th 1857 a query from the Post Master General as to whether the request of the Chief Harbour Master would be carried out, in that Warrnambool would receive a new flagstaff and a set of Marryatt’s signal flags. The Table of Codes was published, showing how to use combinations of these flags to send messages. The Code was revised in 1887 to cover situations where distance, light, wind and weather conditions affected the visibility of the flags and prevented clear communication. The first report of the International Code of Signals Committee of 1897 warned signalmen not to rely on ordinary semaphore flags and introduced a Distant Signal Code using either particular semaphore flags or the three-dimensional shapes of a ball, cone and drum that aligned with the semaphore flag shapes of a circle, pennant and square. International Code of Signals In 1931, after World War I’s experiences in using signal codes, the International Code of Signals conference in Washington revised and published the rules for the conduct of signalling. One of the changes was that “the use of the Distant Signals and of fixed semaphore was abandoned”. It is of interest to know that modern marine law in many countries insists that a set of Day Shapes must be carried onboard vessels of a certain size. These highly visible geometric shapes are used at sea in daylight to communicate messages between vessels. They are used in a similar way to the Distant Signals, in that different combinations of shapes represent different messages. The set of shapes includes a ball, cylinder, cone and diamond. The shapes are hung between the top of the vessel’s foremast and the front of the vessel. They are only coloured black and are about 1.5 metres high. The vertical line of shapes can mean messages such as Boat not under command, Fishing, and Under sail and power.Distant Signals were an important means of marine communication from the late 1880s to the early 1930s, including during World War I. They were an advancement to the International Shipping Codes and safety. The cane signals’ shapes appear to be the same from whatever direction they are viewed, removing confusion about the message they convey. The same shapes continue to be used today for the sets of Day Shapes used as marine navigational signals that are mandatory on certain-sized vessels.Distant Signal Ball, part of a Flagstaff signal set. A round woven cane ball, painted black, with a metal rod passing through the centre. The rod has a loop at each end, then a concave, octagonal metal plate that rests on the outside surface of the ball, serving as a washer. The rod has swivels at each end.distant signal, flagstaff signal, signal station, masthead signal, communications, marine technology, signals, marine signals, flaghoists, international marine conference, international code of signals, signal codes, marine safety, signal flags, day shape, daymark, day symbol, navigation, warrnambool flagstaff, 1854, 1857 1931, 1887, 1897

The institutions of law and order in Colonial Victoria included the police, courts and prisons. The 1852 report of the Snodgrass Select Committee appointed to "identify the policing needs of the colony” noted there existed seven independent police forces that did not co-operate or regularly communicate. Following the committee's report all these police entities were merged into the Victoria Police, founded on 8 January 1853, to implement law and order responsibilities throughout the Colony of Victoria. The Eltham Courthouse (1860) and adjacent Police Residence (1859) formed a justice precinct established in the immediate aftermath of the 1852 police inquiry and the effects of the gold rush. The physical presence of these buildings, in the centre of the early Eltham township, defined centralised control over law and order. In the early days the Police Constable in charge would conduct his duties travelling around the district by horse; a stable was located at the rear of the residence. At times the horse would be grazed on the paddocks across the road. Horseshoes were forged by the blacksmith beside the Courthouse on the high side of “Policeman’s Hill”. Along with the stable, there was a two-cell bluestone lockup where prisoners were held awaiting trial in the adjacent Courthouse. Their meals were usually provided by the policeman’s wife or from the hotel just up the road. With the arrival of the railway in 1902 the town centre gradually shifted towards the railway station. The Police Station and operations were moved into the town centre in 1961 to a renovated house in Pryor Street, which was later replaced by the current Police Station. From 1961-1981 the residence was occupied by the Vermin and Noxious Weeds Destruction Section of the Department of Crown Lands and Survey. Prior to August 1967 the former Police Station was dragged to the rear of Police Residence to make way for the construction of a driveway and access from Main Road. The building was placed on the site of a former Scullery and modified for Lands Department use. In 1981 the Shire of Eltham took over management of the former Police Residence in Eltham. It remained unoccupied for a period whilst its future was discussed in Council. It was then used for a community job creation scheme until 1985. In 1985 the Shire of Eltham Parks and Environment occupied the residence. Council improved the driveway but later added a second rear access from Brougham Street due to the dangerous nature of the Main Road entrance. Additionally, a rear toilet facility between the Police Residence and the relocated former Police Station, which was doubling up as a lunchroom. Council also commenced discussions to re-establish a replica Police Station. Around November 1986 the former Police Station was demolished; believed to have been suffering termite damage. About 1989, after some years of discussion, a replica Police Station was built, based on photographs, to act as a lunchroom and meeting room for the Parks and Environment staff and volunteers doing community service. In 1996 Eltham District Historical Society held discussions with Nillumbik Shire Council commissioners throughout the year regarding a home for the Society. A proposal was put forward by the Society in October to occupy the former Police Residence. In March 1997 Eltham District Historical Society gained access to former Police Residence and on July 12, 1998, moved into its Local History Centre. In July 2018, Eltham District Historical Society gained access to the replica Police Station (which had been used as a music library and storage for the Eltham Concert Band) for use as part of regular heritage tours for schools and community-based groups. Covered under Heritage Overlay, Nillumbik Planning Scheme. Published: Nillumbik Now and Then /​ Marguerite Marshall 2008; photographs Alan King with Marguerite Marshall.; p65This collection of almost 130 photos about places and people within the Shire of Nillumbik, an urban and rural municipality in Melbourne's north, contributes to an understanding of the history of the Shire. Published in 2008 immediately prior to the Black Saturday bushfires of February 7, 2009, it documents sites that were impacted, and in some cases destroyed by the fires. It includes photographs taken especially for the publication, creating a unique time capsule representing the Shire in the early 21st century. It remains the most recent comprehenesive publication devoted to the Shire's history connecting local residents to the past. nillumbik now and then (marshall-king) collection, eltham, main road, eltham district historical society, eltham justice precinct, little eltham, local history centre, police residence, police station

Situated near the top of what was known as 'Policeman's Hill' according to Miss Ivy Reynolds, neice of the photographer, Tom Prior. From the left, Eltham Court House, Police Residence and Police station on Main Road and corner of Brougham Street. These buildings formed part of Little Eltham and still stand (without the front fence) today though the Police Station was demolished in 1986 due to termite damage. A replica was built circa 1989. The institutions of law and order in Colonial Victoria included the police, courts and prisons. The 1852 report of the Snodgrass Select Committee appointed to "identify the policing needs of the colony” noted there existed seven independent police forces that did not co-operate or regularly communicate. Following the committee's report all these police entities were merged into the Victoria Police, founded on 8 January 1853, to implement law and order responsibilities throughout the Colony of Victoria. The Eltham Courthouse (1860) and adjacent Police Residence (1859) formed a justice precinct established in the immediate aftermath of the 1852 police inquiry and the effects of the gold rush. The physical presence of these buildings, in the centre of the early Eltham township, defined centralised control over law and order. In the early days the Police Constable in charge would conduct his duties travelling around the district by horse; a stable was located at the rear of the residence. At times the horse would be grazed on the paddocks across the road. Horseshoes were forged by the blacksmith beside the Courthouse on the high side of “Policeman’s Hill”. Along with the stable, there was a two-cell bluestone lockup where prisoners were held awaiting trial in the adjacent Courthouse. Their meals were usually provided by the policeman’s wife or from the hotel just up the road. With the arrival of the railway in 1902 the town centre gradually shifted towards the railway station. The Police Station and operations were moved into the town centre in 1961 to a renovated house in Pryor Street, which was later replaced by the current Police Station. From 1961-1981 the residence was occupied by the Vermin and Noxious Weeds Destruction Section of the Department of Crown Lands and Survey. Prior to August 1967 the former Police Station was dragged to the rear of Police Residence to make way for the construction of a driveway and access from Main Road. The building was placed on the site of a former Scullery and modified for Lands Department use. In 1981 the Shire of Eltham took over management of the former Police Residence in Eltham. It remained unoccupied for a period whilst its future was discussed in Council. It was then used for a community job creation scheme until 1985. In 1985 the Shire of Eltham Parks and Environment occupied the residence. Council improved the driveway but later added a second rear access from Brougham Street due to the dangerous nature of the Main Road entrance. Additionally, a rear toilet facility between the Police Residence and the relocated former Police Station, which was doubling up as a lunchroom. Council also commenced discussions to re-establish a replica Police Station. Around November 1986 the former Police Station was demolished; believed to have been suffering termite damage. About 1989, after some years of discussion, a replica Police Station was built, based on photographs, to act as a lunchroom and meeting room for the Parks and Environment staff and volunteers doing community service. In 1996 Eltham District Historical Society held discussions with Nillumbik Shire Council commissioners throughout the year regarding a home for the Society. A proposal was put forward by the Society in October to occupy the former Police Residence. In March 1997 Eltham District Historical Society gained access to former Police Residence and on July 12, 1998, moved into its Local History Centre. In July 2018, Eltham District Historical Society gained access to the replica Police Station (which had been used as a music library and storage for the Eltham Concert Band) for use as part of regular heritage tours for schools and community-based groups.This photo forms part of a collection of photographs gathered by the Shire of Eltham for their centenary project book,"Pioneers and Painters: 100 years of the Shire of Eltham" by Alan Marshall (1971). The collection of over 500 images is held in partnership between Eltham District Historical Society and Yarra Plenty Regional Library (Eltham Library) and is now formally known as 'The Shire of Eltham Pioneers Photograph Collection.' It is significant in being the first community sourced collection representing the places and people of the Shire's first one hundred years. The Reynolds family were early settlers in Research. The Reynolds/ Prior collection of photographs were taken by Tom Prior, the maternal uncle of Ivy Reynolds, around 1900 and the 60 photos in the album give a fine overview of many of the landmarks of Research and Eltham over 100 years ago. lvy lived in the family home for many years at 106 Thompson Cres Research. Ivy's father, Ernst Richard Reynolds and grandfather, Richard Reynolds, lived at the same address. Ivy's father Richard worked for Mr. Trail on his property in Research. Reynolds Road is named after the family. Mr Tom Prior (wife Eva) worked at the Melbourne zoo. He was very innovative and made his own camera, using the black cloth hood to exclude the light. The photographs are a reminder of the rural nature of Research and Eltham and its rich heritage.Digital imagechildren, court house, courthouse, eltham, eltham district historical society, eltham justice precinct, little eltham, local history centre, main road, police residence, police station, reynolds prior collection, sepp, shadow, shire of eltham pioneers photograph collection

Wycliffe translates the Bible for people around the world. Published: Nillumbik Now and Then /​ Marguerite Marshall 2008; photographs Alan King with Marguerite Marshall.; p171 The peace and beauty of Australia’s Wycliffe Centre reflects what it aims to bring to thousands of people around the world. Kangaroos calmly feed, accompanied by bird song, near the mud-brick buildings set amongst Kangaroo Ground’s rolling hills. On 11 hectares off Graham Road, the centre aims to transform people’s lives by giving groups around the world, with no written language, help with literacy and Bible translation into their own tongue. Associate Director, Harley Beck, says reading the Bible (probably history’s most influential collection of books), in one’s own language, provides a strong moral basis, helping people withstand exploitation and escape poverty. One of Wycliffe’s field partners, SIL (formerly Summer Institute of Linguistics) Papua New Guinea, has won two UNESCO awards, and SIL branches in many other countries have won international and national awards. The translators are modern heroes. They undertake hardships, forsaking for years, sometimes decades, a salary and the soft western lifestyle, to face loneliness and primitive conditions that most of us would not even contemplate. No staff is paid a salary. An example is the first Australian Director and former International President, David Cummings, who for 50 years has depended on donations from supporters and churches. Students of all ages at the EQUIP Training School on the site come from all walks of life. They train in linguistics and learn how to communicate in a way that is sensitive to other cultures. Spiritual resilience is encouraged, enabling people to persist until the job in the field is done, which takes on average ten to 15 years. Courses range from a few weeks to a year. The Wycliffe concept was born in the 1920s when American missionary, Cameron Townsend, found a Spanish Bible was inadequate to evangelise the Cakchiquel people of Guatemala. When a Cakchiquel man challenged: ‘If your God is so great, why doesn’t he speak my language?’ Townsend decided to translate the Bible into all languages! He founded a linguistics training school in 1934, naming it after 14th century theologian John Wycliffe, the first to translate the Bible into English. The first Wycliffe Bible was completed in 1951 in the Mexican San Miguel Mixtec language. In May 2007 after 30 years of work, Wycliffe Australia, with other organisations, completed the first Bible for indigenous people in the Kriol* language, for about 30,000 people in northern Australia. Wycliffe Australia began in 1954 in the Keswick Bookshop basement, Collins Street, Melbourne. As the organisation grew, its quarters became so cramped that Director Cummings at times interviewed potential recruits in his car! The development of the Kangaroo Ground property is a story of faith and generosity. In 1967 Cummings proposed moving to a larger property despite having no funds. Within a month Wycliffe received a $20,000 donation and a gift of land towards a national centre. An earlier owner of the Kangaroo Ground property, Mrs Elsie Graham, would have been delighted, as she had wanted her land to be used for ‘God’s service’. Mud-brick architect and Christian, Alistair Knox, offered to design the centre at no charge. Despite a drought, straw was donated to make bricks. Many volunteers helped with the building, including church youth groups who made mud-bricks. Volunteers planted thousands of native plants, watered by recycled water from the site’s dam. Building began in 1968 and in 1983 the South Pacific SIL School (now EQUIP Training) followed. Wycliffe, the world’s largest linguistic organisation, and other organisations, have translated the Scriptures into more than 2000 languages. But another 2000 languages still lack any portion of the Bible. However translations are now completed more quickly, because of new computer programs and as education spreads, more speakers of the local language can assist. Despite the growth of secularisation, Beck says support for Wycliffe Australia, which has offices in all states and the ACT, is stronger than ever. * Kriol is a Pidgin language, which has become a speech community’s prime language.This collection of almost 130 photos about places and people within the Shire of Nillumbik, an urban and rural municipality in Melbourne's north, contributes to an understanding of the history of the Shire. Published in 2008 immediately prior to the Black Saturday bushfires of February 7, 2009, it documents sites that were impacted, and in some cases destroyed by the fires. It includes photographs taken especially for the publication, creating a unique time capsule representing the Shire in the early 21st century. It remains the most recent comprehenesive publication devoted to the Shire's history connecting local residents to the past. nillumbik now and then (marshall-king) collection, graham road, kangaroo ground, wycliffe centre

Australia's first telephone exchange was opened in Melbourne in August 1880. It was operated by the Melbourne Telephone Exchange Company. Owned by W. H. Masters and T. T. Draper, the Manager of the Company was H. Byron Moore. This was only two years after the world's first exchange in the United States, and just four years after Bell first spoke on a telephone. The exchange was located in the old Stock Exchange building at 367 Collins Street, a site now occupied by the Commonwealth Bank. In 1884, the operations of the Company, by then known as the Victorian Telephone Exchange Company, had grown considerably and were transferred to Wills Street, Melbourne. Private ownership of this company continued until 1887 when it was bought out by the Victorian Colonial Government. Other colonial governments followed this example. By 1910, the growth in telephone services made additional accommodation necessary. This could not be provided in the existing building in Wills Street and arrangements were made for a new exchange in Lonsdale Street. Alexander Graham Bell visited Australia in 1910 to advise the Federal Government's Postal Commission. Telephone exchanges were established in Adelaide with (48 subscribers), Hobart (10 subscribers) and Launceston (35 subscribers). The first exchange in Western Australia was established in 1887 and located in a small three-room cottage in Wellington Street, Perth with 17 subscribers. The year 1888 marked the opening of the Fremantle exchange in a small room at the rear of the Town Hall. There were nine subscribers. Australia's first automatic exchange was installed in the GPO in Sydney, in 1911, for internal use. But the first automatic exchange for public use was opened at Geelong in Victoria in the next year July 1912 with 800 subscribers. Melbourne's first automatic exchange was opened in the suburb of Brighton in 1914; the first public automatic exchange in NSW began operating at Newtown, Sydney in 1915; and Queensland's first was installed at South Brisbane in 1925. 1929 saw the opening of Tasmania's first automatic exchange in Hobart. an automatic telephone service. In June 1977, the manual telephone exchange at Swansea was replaced with an automatic service and made Tasmania the first State in Australia to have a fully automatic network. The half-century following Federation saw the growth of the automatic operation; a great extension of trunk line services; The automatic telephone contributed greatly to the early popularity of telephones in Australia. It was a quicker and more convenient way of communicating with another person on the same exchange — instead of having to go through tedious processes with the operator. From its introduction, the number of automatic telephones in operation grew to a remarkable extent. In 1886, the first trunk link of 16 km was connected to the exchanges of Adelaide and Port Adelaide in South Australia. Then, in 1907, the first inter-capital telephone trunk line was opened between Sydney and Melbourne. It was followed by a line between Melbourne and Adelaide in 1914. Sydney and Brisbane were linked in 1923, and Perth and Adelaide in 1930. In 1930, the first overseas calls from Australia came possible with the introduction of a radiotelephone service to England, and through there to Europe and America. A similar service opened to New Zealand in the same year. Initially, trunk channels linked different manual trunk exchanges. It was necessary for a succession of trunk operators to connect the appropriate channels, one after the other until the connection was made. As trunk traffic grew. the system became increasingly unsuitable. More trunk operators had to be employed and so labour costs increased. It was a tedious and slow way of making a long-distance call, and it was sometimes hard to hear, particularly when several exchanges were linked With technical advances, trunk switching moved from manual operation through a partly automatic phase. Automatic transit switching equipment was used and only a single operator was required to connect a trunk call to a wanted automatic subscriber. Until well beyond the middle of this century, the majority of trunk traffic went through this single telephonist control. In 1953, the number of telephones in use in Australia passed the one million mark. By then, the need for improvement in the automatic exchanges was becoming well recognised. The need was for a telephone switching system which would do a better job more economically than the conventional step-by-step ex-change. This led to the adoption of the Crossbar system as the standard in automatic telephone exchanges in 1960. The introduction of Crossbar switching was a big step forward in the automation of trunk calls. It substituted automatic switching and charging equipment for the originating trunk operator, and improved the quality of the system radically. Before the introduction of the Crossbar system there were often very long delays in obtaining a booked trunk call, and the quality of sound was often very poor. With Crossbar, Subscriber Trunk Dialing (STD) became a reality. A trunk call by STD was as easy to make and almost as fast to connect as a local call.The item was made around the 1940s and used up until the 1970s in manual cord telephone exchanges as a way to time and charge users for trunk calls made over the telecom system of the time. Post Master General dept. - Trunk Call Timer.Inscribed PMG, C. of A, 37. Bell chimes at 3 min increments.flagstaff hill, warrnambool, shipwrecked-coast, flagstaff-hill, flagstaff-hill-maritime-museum, maritime-museum, shipwreck-coast, flagstaff-hill-maritime-village, timer, trunk call, telephone, cord exchange

Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerPhotograph of a street art poster taken on the streets of Hong Kong during the protests against legislation to allow Hong Kong suspects to be extradited to mainland Chinese carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, poster art, posters

Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerMore than a thousand protestors surround Hong Kong's main police headquarters on Arsenal Street in Wan Chai on June 26th following a peaceful rally at Edinburgh Place in Central. Doors to the complex were barricaded by protestors, who left after a six hour siege in protest at police violence at a prtest held earlier on 12 June 2019. Protesters ended a six-hour siege of Hong Kong’s police headquarters – their second in a week over the now-suspended extradition bill – early on Thursday morning. More than 1,000 were involved at the height of the protest, which began after 10pm on Wednesday. Around 100 were left at the end and dispersed without a fight when officers with riot shields emerged from the building in Wan Chai at 4am on Thursday. After a peaceful rally attended by thousands earlier at Edinburgh Place in the Central business district, hundreds descended on Arsenal Street, blocking the junction with Lockhart Road to all traffic and sealing the entrances to the police base. (https://www.scmp.com/news/hong-kong/politics/article/3016238/hong-kong-police-under-siege-again-protesters-surround )carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, protest, protestors

Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerSeven police officers stand guard in front of Hong Kong's main police headquarters on Arsenal Street in Wan Chai as an estimated one thousand protestors surround on 26 June 2019. Protestors take turns to step up and hurl abuse at the officers, in a protest lasting 6 hours before peacefully dispersing. The protesters chanted 'Release the martyrs' and 'Stop police violence' in reference to violent clashes with police in the days previous. ( https://www.scmp.com/news/hong-kong/politics/article/3016238/hong-kong-police-under-siege-again-protesters-surround)carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, protest, protestors, police, wan chai

Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerPhotograph crowds gathering on June 16 on the streets of Causeway Bay before an estimated 2 million people take part in march protesting the government's push for extradition laws to China and demanding an apology from the chief executrive Carrie Lam. Nearly 2 million’ people take to streets, forcing public apology from Hong Kong leader Carrie Lam as suspension of controversial extradition bill fails to appease protesters. (https://www.scmp.com/news/hong-kong/politics/article/3014737/nearly-2-million-people-take-streets-forcing-public-apology )carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, protest, protestors

Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerPhotograph of a crowd or protestors against proposed extradition laws gathering on the streets of Causeway Bay, Hong Kong, leading down to the gathering area. carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, protest, protestors