Ascot Vale is an inner suburb 6 km north-west of Melbourne, Victoria, Australia in the local government area of the City of Moonee Valley. Ascot Vale police station was opened on 31 October 1887 in the Melbourne Police District. From 1900-1905 it was located at 54 Parade, Ascot Vale; from 1910-1925 at 71 St Leonards Road; from 1930-1953 at 37 St Leonards Road. In 1953 it was relocated to government owned premises at 111 Union Road until the police station closed on 1st May 1970 and the Sub-district was divided between Flemington and Moonee Ponds police stations. The former police station was used by the Crime Car Squad until about 1987 when the premises were damaged by fire. The police station at 37 St Leonards Road was described as a six-roomed brick dwelling with slate and iron roof on land measuring 150' x 50'. There was also a bathroom and W.C., wash-house, office and lock-up with one cell. It was staffed by one second-class sergeant and four foot constables. The purpose-built police station at 111 Union Road included a four-roomed residence with the exterior clad in rough cast Conite and a tile roof. There was also a kitchen, bathroom, laundry and separate garage. 4 black and white photospolice stations; ascot vale police station

William Ellis NEWTON VC enlisted in the RAAF no 250748 on 5.2.1940 age 20 years 8 months. Serving with No 22Sqd RAAF flying Boston Bombers he arrived in New Guinea in May 1942. Along the way he was promoted to Pilot Officer, Flying Officer and then Flight Lieutenant. On the 18.3 1943 during a low level attack on Japanese positions around Salamaua he hit his target but his plane was hit several times by flack and burst into flames but he landed it in the sea. Sgt B.G Eastwood No 13055 a crew member went down with the aircraft. Newton and Flt Sgt J Lyon No 401706 swam to shore but were captured by the Japanese. Newton was taken to Lae for interrogation and then returned to Salamaua and was executed by decapitation and his body thrown in bomb crater on 29.3.1943. His body was later recovered in late 1943 when Australian troops captured Salamaua. Lyons was executed at Lae by bayoneting in the back. The award to Newton of the Victoria Cross was for low level attacks in the Salamaua area which inflicted heavy losses on Japanese installations one of which his plane was hit by flak heavily and he successfully flew it back some 180 miles and landed. The award also included the attack for which he was executed. Newtons and war crimes records are some 800 plus pages with photos, statements etc. Refer also Cat No 3456.Black & white photo, head & shoulders portrait of F/LT W. E. NEWTON V.C. He is wearing a peaked cap, collar & tie with RAAF wings badge on L side of jacket. In a green / gold wooden frame with glass front. Fawn paper backing. Gold plaque in middle beneath photo.Engraved on plaque: “F/LT W. E. NEWTON V.C. 22 Squadron RAAF”photograph, raaf, vc, newton

The Victorian gold rush came to Eltham in the early 1850s and with it came a crime wave. Local traders called for police protection. This led to the appointment in 1857 of Irish-born Peter Lawlor as Senior Constable at Eltham. In 1859 Peter and his wife Kate were able to move into an official police residence at the corner of Maria Street (now Main Road) and Brougham Street, with stables out the back and a large paddock for grazing across the road. Some of their children went to Eltham Primary School. That 1859 police residence is now the home of the Eltham District Historical Society. The small wooden building on the very corner is a modern replica of the separate police station/office built around 1885-1900. Cases investigated by Constable Lawlor included murders, stealing (horses, cattle, fowls, watches, linen, clothing), a search for a missing person, and two separate instances of abandoned children seeking help. He was officially commended in 1866 for bringing to justice a man who had indecently assaulted an 11-year old girl. Sadly, there was a similar but unconnected case only a few months later. But events had a lighter side; in 1871 Kate lent her piano to the Snowflakes Christy Minstrels for a Catholic Church fund-raising concert. Peter was transferred to Prahran in 1872. He died in 1876 and is buried in Eltham Cemetery with four of his children. His headstone was stolen some time after May 1990 but was returned anonymously (broken into three pieces) in August 2013. It is resting on his grave but has not been re-erected. The Inscription reads: Peter Lawlor Who died February 12th 1876 Aged 55 years Also his children Michael Margaret Maud and EdithBorn Digitaleltham cemetery, gravestones, edith lawlor, margaret lawlor, maud lawlor, michael lawlor, peter lawlor

In March 1892, Melbourne Butcher John Stamford took a prospective tenant to a house he owned at 57 Andrew Street Windsor. He noticed a 'disagreeable smell' coming from the front rooms. Suspecting foul play, Stamford called the police who quickly discovered a decomposing body and partially clad body of a young woman in a shallow grave under the fireplace. 'Her skull had been shattered and her throat cut'. Two detectives, Sergeants Considine and Cawsey, began investigations. The previous tenant, a 'Mr. Druin' who had rented the house had since disappeared was the main suspect. 'Druin' had arrived in Australia from England as 'Albert Williams' in December 1891 with his 24 year old wife Emily Mather. The body was Emily's. The crime scene investigation proved difficult as the suspect - whatever his real name- had cleaned up the scene very carefully. Much later it was discovered that the suspect was in fact Frederick Bayley Deeming, a former sailor born in Birkenhead, Cheshire, in 1854. In 1881, Deeming deserted his ship and lived in Sydney where he married and had a family. Deeply in debt, he later burned his business down to claim its insurance value and fled to South Africa before he could be arrested. He is believed to have committed numerous frauds and murders in Africa. Eventually found in Uruguay, he spent time in prison in England for fraud. After being released he married Emily and returned to Australia. After leaving England, British police began investigating him over the murder of Mrs Marie Deeming and her four children. Now using another alias, 'Baron Swanston', Deeming was arrested in Western Australia before he left the country in the company of a young woman, Kate Rounsefell, whom he planned to marry. It seems Kate would have been his next murder victim. Brought back to Victoria, in May 1892, Deeming went on trail for the murder of Emily Mather. Despite a strong defense conducted by a brilliant young barrister and 3 times Australian Prime Minister Alfred Deakin, the evidence against Deeming was overwhelming and he was found guilty. Deeming was hanged at Melbourne Gaol on 23 May 1892. He was known to be responsible for at least 6 murders and may have committed others. Black and white photograph backed onto black backing board showing a man in a long coat and top hat with his hands in his pockets and a moustachefrederick deeming, emily mather, murders

In March 1892, Melbourne Butcher John Stamford took a prospective tenant to a house he owned at 57 Andrew Street Windsor. He noticed a 'disagreeable smell' coming from the front rooms. Suspecting foul play, Stamford called the police who quickly discovered a decomposing body and partially clad body of a young woman in a shallow grave under the fireplace. 'Her skull had been shattered and her throat cut'. Two detectives, Sergeants Considine and Cawsey, began investigations. The previous tenant, a 'Mr. Druin' who had rented the house had since disappeared was the main suspect. 'Druin' had arrived in Australia from England as 'Albert Williams' in December 1891 with his 24 year old wife Emily Mather. The body was Emily's. The crime scene investigation proved difficult as the suspect - whatever his real name- had cleaned up the scene very carefully. Much later it was discovered that the suspect was in fact Frederick Bayley Deeming, a former sailor born in Birkenhead, Cheshire, in 1854. In 1881, Deeming deserted his ship and lived in Sydney where he married and had a family. Deeply in debt, he later burned his business down to claim its insurance value and fled to South Africa before he could be arrested. He is believed to have committed numerous frauds and murders in Africa. Eventually found in Uruguay, he spent time in prison in England for fraud. After being released he married Emily and returned to Australia. After leaving England, British police began investigating him over the murder of Mrs Marie Deeming and her four children. Now using another alias, 'Baron Swanston', Deeming was arrested in Western Australia before he left the country in the company of a young woman, Kate Rounsefell, whom he planned to marry. It seems Kate would have been his next murder victim. Brought back to Victoria, in May 1892, Deeming went on trail for the murder of Emily Mather. Despite a strong defense conducted by a brilliant young barrister and 3 times Australian Prime Minister Alfred Deakin, the evidence against Deeming was overwhelming and he was found guilty. Deeming was hanged at Melbourne Gaol on 23 May 1892. He was known to be responsible for at least 6 murders and may have committed others. Black and white photograph backed onto black board showing a lady in dark clothing and hat resting with her right elbow on the arm of a lounge. Woman is holding a small sprig of flowers in her left handEmily Lydia Mather. Murdered by Deeming 1892 (in black ink along top of photograph)frederick deeming, emily mather, murders

In March 1892, Melbourne Butcher John Stamford took a prospective tenant to a house he owned at 57 Andrew Street Windsor. He noticed a 'disagreeable smell' coming from the front rooms. Suspecting foul play, Stamford called the police who quickly discovered a decomposing body and partially clad body of a young woman in a shallow grave under the fireplace. 'Her skull had been shattered and her throat cut'. Two detectives, Sergeants Considine and Cawsey, began investigations. The previous tenant, a 'Mr. Druin' who had rented the house had since disappeared was the main suspect. 'Druin' had arrived in Australia from England as 'Albert Williams' in December 1891 with his 24 year old wife Emily Mather. The body was Emily's. The crime scene investigation proved difficult as the suspect - whatever his real name- had cleaned up the scene very carefully. Much later it was discovered that the suspect was in fact Frederick Bayley Deeming, a former sailor born in Birkenhead, Cheshire, in 1854. In 1881, Deeming deserted his ship and lived in Sydney where he married and had a family. Deeply in debt, he later burned his business down to claim its insurance value and fled to South Africa before he could be arrested. He is believed to have committed numerous frauds and murders in Africa. Eventually found in Uruguay, he spent time in prison in England for fraud. After being released he married Emily and returned to Australia. After leaving England, British police began investigating him over the murder of Mrs Marie Deeming and her four children. Now using another alias, 'Baron Swanston', Deeming was arrested in Western Australia before he left the country in the company of a young woman, Kate Rounsefell, whom he planned to marry. It seems Kate would have been his next murder victim. Brought back to Victoria, in May 1892, Deeming went on trail for the murder of Emily Mather. Despite a strong defense conducted by a brilliant young barrister and 3 times Australian Prime Minister Alfred Deakin, the evidence against Deeming was overwhelming and he was found guilty. Deeming was hanged at Melbourne Gaol on 23 May 1892. He was known to be responsible for at least 6 murders and may have committed others. Medium sized photograph of Frederick Deeming with a moustache drawn on the image in inkFrederick B. Deeming (on image in black ink)frederick deeming, emily lydia mather, murders

Eltham Courthouse Officially Reopened (Jim Connor, EDHS Newsletter No. 263 April 2022) In the Conservation Management Plan prepared in 2006 for the Eltham Justice Precinct there is mention that more than 350 court houses have been built by the Public Works Department since 1856, when the Department was established. It also states Eltham was in an early group of 'Victorian Free Classical' structures, featuring a projecting entry porch and gabled roof. Characteristically, this group shares a simple, rectangular shape, central placement of the court room with smaller-scale offices set back at the sides or rear of the court room, arched openings, and decorative string courses. The Statement of Significance listed in the Victorian Heritage Register states: ‘The Eltham Court House dates from the time when the town was largely self-contained. It was initiated in response to itinerant gold prospectors who turned to crime when their quest was unsuccessful. This type of localised solution is characteristic of the self reliance preserved in Eltham today. The court house is an important symbol of the spirit which makes Eltham distinctive as a community.’ It also states: ‘The Eltham Court House, built in 1860, is one of only two intact examples in the state of this simple design with projecting entry.’ So with this background it is most appropriate this valued historic building has recently been the subject of a total restoration, as detailed in previous newsletters. This was a major project undertaken by Nillumbik Shire Council. At a small function in the Eltham Courthouse, on 23rd March 2022, Nillumbik Shire Council Mayor Fran Eyre declared the fully restored building officially reopened. In doing so the Mayor spoke about the earlier law and order function of the court and the importance of this building to the Eltham community. Wingrove Ward Councillor Geoff Paine then highlighted the importance of historical societies and groups within the shire and their valued activities in recording and preserving their local history. EDHS president Jim Connor thanked everyone involved with the project and provided an overview of the history of the courthouse. Michael Ioannides, Council’s project manager, spoke about how the restoration process proceeded and those involved in undertaking the works required. Cr. Natalie Duffy, various council officers, EDHS executive committee members, as well as representatives of the head contractor Ducon Building Services and the heritage advisors, RBA architects and Conservation Consultants, were also in attendance, as was a representative of Nillumbik U3A. After the formal part there was some light hearted interpretation of how past legal proceedings may, or may not have, occurred within this courthouse, before some refreshments were shared in the former second courthouse at the rear, which is now utilised by Nillumbik U3A. This was a successful celebration of a very worthwhile project.Born digital image (38)conservation consultants, cr. geoff paine, cr. natalie duffy, ducon building services, eltham courthouse, eltham district historical society, eltham justice precinct, jim connor, mayor cr. fran eyre, michael ioannides, nillumbik shire council, nillumbik u3a, opening ceremony, rba architects, restoration project

1892-1953 The Methodist Children's Home in Cheltenham was founded c1880 to provide housing for neglected children from the inner city. The Founders aimed to provide regular nourishment, a stable environment and integrate the children into the local community thereby improving their education and lives. However new settlers to Cheltenham area who were seeking a healthier and more respectable lifestyle for their families were not happy to share Church and School with the Home's Children. 1911 school parents committee moved to exclude the Home's Children but this was countered by the Home's Committee who defeated the motion 60 to 8. 1915 Dr Scantlebury was pressured by school parents into ordering the confinement/ isolation of all Homes Children if an infectious disease was contracted by a child. This resulted in the Homes Children missing school for months so an application was made to the Victorian Education Dept. for e School to be set up at the Home. However funds were short due to WW1. In 1917 John Livingston, former Homes child who had become successful, bequeathed his estate to the Home and the Vic.Education Dept agreed to a school at the Home. The Influenza epidemic 1919 saw the children quarantined for 4 months as a precaution at the Home. When Flu actually struck, a further 5 months isolation was ordered. July 1920 their own school was on site and continuity of education could proceed , however it reinforced the isolation of the institution contrary to the Founders vision of integration.. 1925 the Danks family funded a Domestic Economy Class for girls, but not until 1936 could the children attend the local High School so that they could pursue office work, apprenticeships, commercial college courses. 1947 a benefactor donated £5,000 to pay fees for school, university or apprenticeship in Arts & Cultural subjects. Some of the children were able to join the local society as Methodist minister, accountant, nurses, farmers, secretaries, trademen whilst others were unable to adjust as crime and misfortune ensued. 1939 some past residents began a group called Living Stones Union that they circulated to the others giving news and a sense of family connectedness among themselves. ( Rev. N. Marshall, KCC Local History , H. Stanley 2005) 1950's saw a new direction for the support of children and families in poor and difficult situations . The new Burwood Homes Facility opened in 1951 and children were transferred from Cheltenham in 1952. The land was sold to the St John of God, Catholic Order in1953 who maintained an orphanage until Myer Pty Ltd bought the site in 1967 and constructed the Southland Shopping Centre1892 -1953 The Methodist Children's Home Cheltenham was founded to provide safe accommodation and education for neglected children from the Melbourne inner city slums. Black & White photograph of boys fishing for yabbies from the lake behind the 'Methodist Homes for Children' Cheltenham pdf of Appeal for the establishment of an Infant Asylum 1877methodist childrens home cheltenham 1892- 1953, st john of god home cheltenham 1953-1967, scantlebury dr john city of moorabbin, county of bourke, moorabbin roads board, parish of moorabbin, shire of moorabbin, henry dendy's special survey 1841, were j.b.; bent thomas, o'shannassy john, king richard, charman stephen, highett william, ormond francis, maynard dennis, cheltenham state school no.84, methodist chapel cheltenham, methodist school cheltenham, beaumaris west state school, meeres frederick, meeres walter, education, early settlers,

Book, hard cover, 12 sections, sewn with end papers, 210 pages, titled "Destination unknown", written by Agatha Christie, published by The Crime Club, 1954. Has the stamp of the Footscray Tramway Library, asking it to be returned within 14 days inside the front cover and in many places throughout the book, along with Number "606" on the inside front cover and on the spine of the book. The book was part of a library run by the depot staff to provide materials during broken shifts and to take home. From Wikipedia - accessed 26/12/2019: Plot summary Hilary Craven, a deserted wife and bereaved mother, is planning suicide in a Moroccan hotel, when she is asked by British secret agent Jessop to undertake a dangerous mission as an alternative to taking an overdose of sleeping pills. The task, which she accepts, is to impersonate the wife of Thomas Betterton, a nuclear scientist who has disappeared and may have defected to the Soviet Union. Soon she finds herself in a group of oddly-assorted travellers being transported to the unknown destination of the title. The destination turns out to be a secret scientific research facility disguised as a modern leper colony and medical research center at a remote location in the Atlas Mountains. The scientists are well-treated, but they are not allowed to leave the facility, and they are locked in secret areas deep inside the mountain whenever government officials and other outsiders visit. Hilary Craven successfully passes herself as Betterton's wife Olive, because he is miserable and wants desperately to escape. Hilary discovers that the facility was built by the fabulously wealthy and somewhat villainous Mr Aristides, for financial rather than political ends. He has lured the world's best young scientists to it with various deceptions so that he can later sell their services back to the world's governments and corporations for a huge profit. She falls in love with Andrew Peters, a handsome young American who was in the group with her on their journey to the facility. With the help of clues she has left along the way, Jessop eventually locates and rescues her and the others held there. Peters turns out also to be on a mission, intent on bringing Betterton to justice for the murder of his first wife. Betterton, revealed to also be a scientific fraud who plagiarized his work, is arrested. Hilary no longer wants to die, and she and Peters are free to begin their life together.On the top of the first page "13/3" indicating the price, "m/arz"? on the bottom left hand corner and inside the front cover the label of "Robertson & Mullens Ltd" booksellers.trams, tramways, footscray depot, libraries, novels, personnel, crews, shifts

This butter or cheese knife is a decorative example of electroplated cutlery that had become an affordable alternative to more expensive silver cutlery in the late 1800s to early 1900s. The knife has stamp marks in the back of its handle that are a combination of letters and symbols used by British silversmiths to identify their workmanship. The design and type of this knife was not normally used by everyday people but rather those of a higher social class with time and money to have a particular decorative knife to serve butter or cheese. The marks on the handle tell that it was made of nickel silver, and electroplated with superior quality Stirling silver. The Barker Brothers of Birmingham made the knife between 1885 and 1907, but most likely before 1895. It was made for the British, or British colonial, people, connected with a government department such as the navy or defence. This story may be slightly inaccurate, as some silversmiths added extra ‘pseudo marks’ to their wares to disguise the quality. THE MARKS and their meaning – - ‘A1’ The silver used in electroplating this knife was the highest level, ‘superior quality’, measured in grams of silver per table spoon or table fork, with ‘A1’ being 2 2/3 grams, and ‘D’ being 0 1/2 grams of silver. - ‘BB’ The Baker Brothers used these initials from 1885 to 1907. - ‘[crown symbol]’ – This symbol is used for Sterling silver but this knife is a metal alloy. The crown is also the town mark of Sheffield (appointed by the Sheffield Assay Office) but this knife was made in Birmingham, which has the town mark of an anchor. The Barker Brothers may have added the crown mark to this electroplated silverware as a ‘pseudo hallmark’, leading the buyer to think that it was actual Sterling silver. The use of pseudo hallmarks by electroplaters of the Victorian era was common practice but it was illegal. In 1895 the unlawful practice was seen as imitating the Sheffield Silver Mark and the law was firmly applied to eradicate the deception, so items with this mark probably date before 1895. - [EPNS] Electro Plated Nickel Silver, called nickel silver or German silver, is a metal alloy that usually combines copper, nickel and zinc (60 percent copper, 20 percent nickel, 20 percent zinc). It has a silver-white appearance and is sometimes referred to as ‘white ware’. It does not contain any silver but is often used as a base for electroplating, when the item is covered with a thin layer of silver to give it the polished appearance of pure silver. It became popular in the late 19th and early 20th century as an affordable substitute for sterling silver. - Broad Arrow - an official stamp that indicates it was once the property of Britain government, either in Britain or one of its colonies, and used in the defence force. In Great Britain, from an 1875 government act, it was, and still, is a crime to forge or wrongfully use, the broad arrow symbol. The BARKER BROTHERS of Birmingham - Barker Brothers were one of the earlies firms of Birmingham silversmiths, established in 1801 by Mary Barker. They became Barker & Creed, then William and Matthias Barker, then from 1885 they were the Barker Brothers. They were operating in Paradise Street in 1871 until in 1903 they moved to Unity Works, Constitution Hill, in Birmingham. The firm also had a showroom at 292 High Holborn, London, from the early 1900s to the 1980s. In 1907 the firm became Barker Brothers Silversmiths Ltd, then in the 1960s they merged with Ellis & Co, becoming Barker Ellis Silver Co. Ltd. In 1979 they were registered in USA as Ellis & Co., Barker Ellis, and Ellis Barker. The business went into administration in 1992, after almost 200 years of production. The firm advertised as specialists in electroplating, and used the trademarks BRITANOID, UNITY PLATE and THE HYGENIA.This knife is historically significant, dated from 1885 to 1907 but most likely pre-1895, and made by the longstanding Birmingham silversmiths, the Barker Brothers, established in 1801. The knife is an example of decorative flatware used by people of ’class’. It also has the broad arrow stamp, connecting it to the British government, in particular the ordinance department. The stamp also connects it to other items in our collection with that stamp. It may have been connected to pre-Federation government organisations and officials such as the army Garrison, government naval vessel, police, lighthouse keepers, harbour masters. The knife is the only example of its kind in our collection, being a decorative silver butter or cheese knife, made by the Barker Brothers of Birmingham. Butter knife, or cheese knife, electroplated nickel silver (EPNS). Upper blade edge has decorative shape and engraved motifs, lower blade edge is bevelled to a cutting edge, and narrow plain handle flares out to a wide, rounded end. Maker’s marks are stamped on the reverse. Made by Barker Brothers of Birmingham in the late-19th century. Stamps: “

This gas lamp light and stand came from the original manufacturer in Melbourne. Gas street lights such as this one were used in Melbourne from the mid-19th century. The lights enabled safer after-dark travel for pedestrians and vehicles and were a deterrent to crime. A lamp lighter was employed to keep the lamps lit, sometimes with little success due to weather conditions and the pranks of youths. WARRNAMBOOL Gasworks In Warrnambool prior to 1874 there were about twenty rare, individually lit street lights in Warrnambool, each with its own supply of kerosene. These lamps were in the central business area of Timor, Koroit and Liebig Streets. The Warrnambool Gas Company Ltd. was registered as an incorporated company in 1873. It was a private, locally owned business. It was located at 209-215 Merri Street, Warrnambool, on the land, which is just west of the later-built railway station. The first managers of the Gas Company lived in a substantial stone house on site, but later the managers lived in a residence in Henna Street between Merri and Timor Streets. The original home, which still stands, became a residence for the Railway Station Master from about 1890. In August 1874 the construction of the gasworks was complete and at the end of that month gas was supplied to all of the existing lamps in Warrnambool for the first time. The Warrnambool Gas Company wound up in 1880-1881 and was purchased by the Warrnambool Borough Council with money raised by a loan – the Borough’s first ‘loan transaction’. The Council established a piped network to supply gas to other street connections. The gasworks were privatised and upgraded in 1952. In 1972 the town supply was converted to liquid petroleum gas and by the early 1980s the gasworks were closed down. In 1986 Warrnambool was supplied with natural gas from a site near Port Campbell. The Warrnambool gasworks supplied all street and shop lighting and most domestic lighting until 1923 when electricity was available for lighting. Bromfield Street in Warrnambool was named after the director of the gasworks, James Astley Bromfield (1823-1903). He arrived in Warrnambool from Worcestershire, England, in 1852 and was very active in the local council and community. Cockman Street was named after the first secretary of the gasworks in 1874, Walter Cockman (c.1821-1892). He was a Mayor and businessman. The second Manager, Luther Rodgers, worked for the gas company for about twenty years and both Rodger Place and Rodgers Road in Warrnambool have been named after him. LAMP LIGHTS IN MELBOURNE In the 1820s Melbourne's innkeepers were legally required to have a lamp light outside their premises from sunset to sunrise. This was the first instance of street lamps being used in Melbourne. In 1847 the first oil lamp was used in the city. In 1849 a gas lamp was installed on the Swanston Street Bridge and much of the city had oil lamps installed by then. In August 1857 the installation of street gas lamps began in Melbourne. They were welcomed for the much brighter illumination they gave. By 1860 there were 414 lamp pillars. The phrase was quoted often - "A light was as good as a policeman". The first gas burners used for street lighting were called 'fishtail' gas burners. These were replaced in the early 1900s by gas mantles. The City of Melbourne Gas Coke Company was formed in 1850 but due to the Gold Rush the manufacture and distribution of the gas supply was delayed until January 1856. By the 1890s the gas supplying the lights was supplied by three companies in Melbourne. In 1879 a football match was played at the MCG under electric lighting and gradually electric arc lights were installed inside and outside buildings in the city. Lamp lights such as the one in Flagstaff Hill’s collection were no longer needed. (References: John Lindsay re Lamp Light history 2019-01-29, Former Warrnambool Gas Company Limited, Victorian Heritage Database Report, Heritage Number 149746 https://vhd.heritagecouncil.vic.gov.au/places/149746/download-report ) The lamp light is representative of the lamps used in Melbourne from the mid-nineteenth century to light the streets at night and make Melbourne a safer city. The lamp is also representative of the gas street lighting in Warrnambool from the mid-1870s-1920s.Lamp light or gas light. Street light, one of the last gas street lights removed from Melbourne. (Reconditioned by Friends of Flagstaff Hill, 2013)flagstaff hill, warrnambool, shipwrecked coast, flagstaff hill maritime museum, maritime museum, shipwreck coast, flagstaff hill maritime village, great ocean road, lamp light, gas light, gas lamp, street lamp, street light, gas street light, melbourne street lighting, warrnambool street lighting, melbourne gas street light, warrnambool gas company, warrnambool gasworks, james bromfield, walter cockman, luther rodgers, city of melbourne gas coke company

The Irish National Land League (Irish: Conradh na Talún) was an Irish political organisation of the late 19th century which sought to help poor tenant farmers. Its primary aim was to abolish landlordism in Ireland and enable tenant farmers to own the land they worked on. The period of the Land League's agitation is known as the Land War. Within decades of the league's foundation, through the efforts of William O'Brien and George Wyndham (a descendant of Lord Edward FitzGerald), the 1902 Land Conference produced the Land (Purchase) Act 1903 which allowed Irish tenant farmers buy out their freeholds with UK government loans over 68 years through the Land Commission (an arrangement that has never been possible in Britain itself). For agricultural labourers, D.D. Sheehan and the Irish Land and Labour Association secured their demands from the Liberal government elected in 1905 to pass the Labourers (Ireland) Act 1906, and the Labourers (Ireland) Act 1911, which paid County Councils to build over 40,000 new rural cottages, each on an acre of land. By 1914, 75% of occupiers were buying out their landlords, mostly under the two Acts. In all, under the pre-UK Land Acts over 316,000 tenants purchased their holdings amounting to 15 million acres (61,000 km2) out of a total of 20 million acres (81,000 km2) in the country. Sometimes the holdings were described as "uneconomic", but the overall sense of social justice was undeniable. (http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Irish_National_Land_League, accessed 21 January 2014) The Irish National Land League was founded at the Imperial Hotel in Castlebar, the County town of Mayo, on 21 October 1879. At that meeting Charles Stewart Parnell was elected president of the league. Andrew Kettle, Michael Davitt, and Thomas Brennan were appointed as honorary secretaries. This united practically all the different strands of land agitation and tenant rights movements under a single organisation. The two aims of the Land League, as stated in the resolutions adopted in the meeting, were: ...first, to bring out a reduction of rack-rents; second, to facilitate the obtaining of the ownership of the soil by the occupiers. That the object of the League can be best attained by promoting organisation among the tenant-farmers; by defending those who may be threatened with eviction for refusing to pay unjust rents; by facilitating the working of the Bright clauses of the Irish Land Act during the winter; and by obtaining such reforms in the laws relating to land as will enable every tenant to become owner of his holding by paying a fair rent for a limited number of years. Charles Stewart Parnell, John Dillon, Michael Davitt, and others including Cal Lynn then went to America to raise funds for the League with spectacular results. Branches were also set up in Scotland, where the Crofters Party imitated the League and secured a reforming Act in 1886. The government had introduced the first ineffective Land Act in 1870, then the equally inadequate Acts of 1880 and 1881 followed. These established a Land Commission that started to reduce some rents. Parnell together with all of his party lieutenants, including Father Eugene Sheehy known as "the Land League priest", went into a bitter verbal offensive and were imprisoned in October 1881 under the Irish Coercion Act in Kilmainham Jail for "sabotaging the Land Act", from where the No-Rent Manifesto was issued, calling for a national tenant farmer rent strike which was partially followed. Although the League discouraged violence, agrarian crimes increased widely. Typically a rent strike would be followed by evictions by the police, or those tenants paying rent would be subject to a local boycott by League members. Where cases went to court, witnesses would change their stories, resulting in an unworkable legal system. This in turn led on to stronger criminal laws being passed that were described by the League as "Coercion Acts". The bitterness that developed helped Parnell later in his Home Rule campaign. Davitt's views were much more extreme, seeking to nationalise all land, as seen in his famous slogan: "The land of Ireland for the people of Ireland". Parnell aimed to harness the emotive element, but he and his party preferred for tenant farmers to become freeholders on the land they rented, instead of land being vested in "the people".(http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Irish_National_Land_League, accessed 21 January 2014)Image of a number of men sitting around a table. They are members of the Land League Committee during a meeting in Dublin.ballarat irish, land league, land league committee, dublin

Vega Trophy (Mounted Wooden Life Ring) Donor: Graham Noel During World War II when the Germans occupied the Channel Islands the local people went through very severe food rationing and were on the verge of starvation. Near the end of the war, the Swedish ship Vega was allowed by the Germans to deliver several shipments of food to the civilian population, easing the critical shortages of food on the islands. Further background detail can be found below. Graham Noel was born on the Islands and lived there during this harsh period. The trophy is awarded to the winner of the Combined Division AMS Aggregate Series. First Winner: Under Capricorn, P. Bedlington 2005/06 Vega – Further historical background Early in the Second World War Jersey was declared “unarmed” and the German military took over, taking quite a few lives in the process, through strafing the main harbour and a few other places which they needlessly considered threatening. A considerable number of locals evacuated to England before the Germans arrived, but more than 60% of the population remained and endured 5 years of very strict and difficult conditions. Not only was the population unable to contact relatives in the UK or elsewhere, but very quickly they found themselves subject to harsh curfews, strictly rationed foodstuffs, no fuel for vehicles, radios confiscated, and homes and hotels commandeered by the military. The military demanded first pick of all foodstuffs and kept meticulous records of all livestock forcing farmers even to show newborn calves and piglets to them, then claiming the new arrivals for their dinner tables. However there are many stories of farmers outwitting their masters when twin calves or suchlike arrived! Lawbreakers were quickly dealt with, mostly with lengthy prison terms in Jersey, but the more serious crimes were punished by being sent to some horrible French prisons, or even some of the notorious German concentration camps. All local Jews were dispatched to concentration camps, and even English born families were similarly shipped through France and on to Germany. Sadly, a considerable number of those deported did not make it back safely to Jersey. In June 1944 the locals were delighted to hear that the Allies had invaded Normandy and very soon they could hear the battles as the Allies worked their way along the French coast. Little did they know they would still have to wait another 11 months for freedom, having to put up with a very demanding German occupation force which was still determined to obey Hitler’s order to “Defend the Channel Islands to the death”. Now that France was in Allied Hands the local military commanders were unable to supplement their food supplies from France and even harsher demands were made on the local population to ensure that all branches of their still very substantial military force were reasonably well fed. As well as the military, Jersey farmers had to provide food for the Allied POWs and the many “forced labourers”, mainly of Russian, Polish and Italian backgrounds who had been directed to the island to build all the concrete bunkers. This included an underground hospital, all this complying with Hitler’s orders to ensure that the Channel Islands would never again be part of Britain. Many requests by the Jersey authorities for Red Cross assistance were rejected, but finally in December 1944 they agreed and on 30th December the Red Cross vessel “Vega” (Swedish Registry) arrived and delivered parcels to the civilian population. These parcels contained a variety of foodstuffs supplied mainly by Canadian authorities, desperately needed medical supplies, flour, oils and soaps, as well as tobacco from New Zealand. Vega made a further 3 or 4 trips and most certainly eased the desperate situation being faced by the locals. In fact, it resulted in the locals having slightly better food supplies than the military and many local farmers tell stories of having to protect their stock from marauding soldiers. Understandably Churchill was reluctant to send in an invading force to retake the Channel Islands, but by May 1945 it was clear that the Third Reich was finished and on May 9th the German Military surrendered, without a fight, to a large British landing force. On a slightly lighter note … in January 1945 Jersey stonemasons were seen in the main town square repairing flagstones … the Germans had never noticed that the name “Vega” had been formed in those flagstones! As a side note Vega is the name of the brightest star in the universe. Furthermore, throughout the occupation, despite German law that demanded confiscation of all radio sets, punishable by long prison terms or deportation to Germany, there were still many sets being listened to. The locals had a well refined news system for the dissemination of news of what was happening in the outside world. vega, graham noel, ams, combined division, aggregate

A biographical history by Dorothy Selby (nee Emerson) recollecting the people she came into contact with during her time in Surrey Hills from 1915-1937.A4, comb binding, 9 pageshouse names, kookaburra, albany crescent, surrey hills, (miss) dorothy emerson, (mrs) dorothy emerson, warrigal road, boundary road, st stephen's presbyterian church, (mrs) - gillies, (mr) tom ward, dentist, (mrs) - bowen, edwardian style, royal hotel, broughton road, (mrs) - brogan, (mr) - brogan, (mr) - tuckett, tacey's butcher, (mr) james tait, draper, (mr) alfred rose, state savings bank, surrey college, tower house college, balmoral crescent, (mr) - clewett, (mr) percy blood, stenning and holyoak, grocers, (mr) - pell, greengrocer, confectioner, fishmonger, (mr) tommy everon, (miss) beatrice bligh, (mr) - lyons, (mr) - ray, surrey hills station, transport, (ms) kitty mcewan, golfer, taxis, (mr) - collins, surrey hills primary school, (dr) (mr) - forsythe, (dr) (mr) - gandever, windsor crescent, valonia avenue, victoria avenue, (mr) john blogg, progress association, rechabite hall, (mr) claude wardle, (miss) beatrice oakley, empire day, (mr) robert gordon menzies, girl guides, (ms) nancy steele, (ms) hattie steele, (dr) (mr) - blaikie, (mr) - richards, stationmaster, crime, (mr) - cockerill, (mr) horrie breedon, first enlistment, (mr) (rev) brazier, (mr) (rev) - oakes, (mr) (rev) - gillies, (mr) (rev) - mudford, (mr) (rev) - millikan, (mr) (rev) - cockett, (mr) (rev) alfred gifford, (mr) (fr) david gleeson

Located on the north side of Bridge Street at the intersection with Bolton Street, facing Bolton Street (now part of present day Brisbane Street and occupied by the Kitchen Design Centre). Show's an original early settler's cottage in Bridge Street. The cottage was built by Mrs Mary Jane Smart's parents, Edwin Bailey and Jane (nee Matthews). Mary Jane Smart was born in the cottage. She married an Englishman, Alexander Wilson Smart who disappeared to Western Australia in the early 1900s in search of gold. He ultimately married again in W.A., committing bigamy and then committed murder and was hung in 1911. This photo was taken c.1903 not long before both Mrs Bailey and her grand daughter both passed away. Jane Bailey died 2 Dec. 1904 and Mary Jane Smart and Ruby Jane Bertha Smart died July 1903 are all buried in Eltham Cemetery. SMART'S HOME AT ELTHAM. HIS WIFE AND SONS. In a little bush cottage surrounded by tall gum trees, through which appear glimpses of a willow fringed creek, of road ways hedged by masses of snowy flowering hawthorn, of growing crops and vividly green grazing paddocks, lives Mrs. Smart, the lawful wife of the man who is now in the hands of the police of Western Australia on suspicion of having committed a dreadful crime. Here, about half a mile out of the picturesque village of Eltham, she was born, and has lived her whole life — about 50 years. Smart himself lived here till the time when many years ago, the "lure of gold" got into his blood and he cleared out to Western Australia, to follow the digging rushes, gradually becom ing more and more estranged, till at length all communication ceased and be became lost to his wife and children. "I did not want him to go away," said Mrs. Smart, "because I had heard of so many men who had forgotten their homes in the excite ment of gold seeking, and of many others who died unknown and uncared for. But he would go, and when I saw his mind was set on it I placed no obstacles in his way. My parents built and lived in this cottage, where I was born, and they died in it. When I grew up I met my husband, a young Englishman, and married him. His name is Alexander, not Alfred, and his age is 52. We were very happy here, and although we were not well off we were comfortable, for he was a steady, sober, industrious man and had constant employment. He was just a manual worker, but could turn his hand to anything. We had five children, but one died. Four sons grew up in this little cottage. Thus three generations lived in it, somewhat unusual in an Australian bush home, I think. My eldest son is married and has a family; one is in Western Australia— not with his father— another is away working for him self, and one (indicating a young man by her side) has always stuck to his mother. He is my sole support, and he is as good to me now as his father once was. Yes, his father was a good, home-loving man in our younger days. He was fond of his children and was highly respected in these parts.' "It is fifteen years since my husband went away first. He had then been work ing for the Metropolitan Board of Works, and was engaged in the tunnel under the Yarra near Queen's-bridge when it col-lapsed. After he went to the West he sent me money regularly and wrote constantly. He came home three times — twice for a week or two at a time, the third time, eight years ago, when the Eitham railway was nearing completion. I induced him to stay till the railway opened, and he re-mained with me several months. I tried to get him to leave the West and settle down in his home, but he would not; he seemed restless and anxious to be off. One day when we were in Collingwood together he left me, saying he wanted to see what boats were going West. I implored him not to go away, and he said he would see. However, he returned to me soon after wards and said he had taken his ticket and would go by the next boat, and he went. For a year he wrote at irregular intervals, and then his letters ceased and I heard no more of him. For seven years I have not known whether he was alive or dead. Before that time my two sons in Western Australian used to see him some times, though they did not live with him; they used to tell me in their letters that he was well. It was a hard blow to be forgotten by him, but as my sons grew up I became more reconciled, and now I seem to look back at my life with him as some thing that happened a long time ago and is only a memory. Of his life and doings in Western Australia I know nothing. The last time I heard of him he was working in a foundry at Midland Junction. He was at Cue working on the railway when it opened there, and he caught the fever, but all that time he sent me money. When he returned the first time he took our eldest son with him, and the other boy followed later. They did not stay with him, how ever, and as far as I know they did not know how he lived." 'Mrs. Smart is a quiet, toil worn woman who has the respect of everyone who knows her.Roll of 35mm colour negative film, 3 strips Associated print from negative (Copy of original print)Fuji 100bridge street, cottage, smart home, houses, mary jane smart (nee bailey), smart family home, alexander wilson smart, bigamy, bush cottage, early settlers, eltham, jane bailey (nee matthews), murder, ruby jane bertha smart

Believed to be Mrs Jane Bailey (nee Matthews) (d. 1904) and her grand-daughter Ruby Jane Bertha Smart (1890-1903) in front of the Smart family cottage in Bridge Street, Eltham, c.1903 Located on the north side of Bridge Street at the intersection with Bolton Street, facing Bolton Street (now part of present day Brisbane Street and occupied by the Kitchen Design Centre). Ruby Jane Bertha Smart born abt 1890 died in 1903 in Eltham. Her brother Alfred Francis Smart was born abt 1887 and died 1966 in Mont Albert, Vic. (Accessed via Ancestry.com) Show's an original early settler's cottage in Bridge Street. The cottage was built by Mrs Mary Jane Smart's parents, Edwin Bailey and Jane (nee Matthews). Mary Jane Smart was born in the cottage. She married an Englishman, Alexander Wilson Smart who disappeared to Western Australia in the early 1900s in search of gold. He ultimately married again in W.A., committing bigamy and then committed murder and was hung in 1911. This photo was taken c.1903 not long before both Mrs Bailey and her grand daughter both passed away. Jane Bailey died 2 Dec. 1904 and Mary Jane Smart and Ruby Jane Bertha Smart died July 1903 are all buried in Eltham Cemetery. SMART'S HOME AT ELTHAM. HIS WIFE AND SONS. In a little bush cottage surrounded by tall gum trees, through which appear glimpses of a willow fringed creek, of road ways hedged by masses of snowy flowering hawthorn, of growing crops and vividly green grazing paddocks, lives Mrs. Smart, the lawful wife of the man who is now in the hands of the police of Western Australia on suspicion of having committed a dreadful crime. Here, about half a mile out of the picturesque village of Eltham, she was born, and has lived her whole life — about 50 years. Smart himself lived here till the time when many years ago, the "lure of gold" got into his blood and he cleared out to Western Australia, to follow the digging rushes, gradually becom ing more and more estranged, till at length all communication ceased and be became lost to his wife and children. "I did not want him to go away," said Mrs. Smart, "because I had heard of so many men who had forgotten their homes in the excite ment of gold seeking, and of many others who died unknown and uncared for. But he would go, and when I saw his mind was set on it I placed no obstacles in his way. My parents built and lived in this cottage, where I was born, and they died in it. When I grew up I met my husband, a young Englishman, and married him. His name is Alexander, not Alfred, and his age is 52. We were very happy here, and although we were not well off we were comfortable, for he was a steady, sober, industrious man and had constant employment. He was just a manual worker, but could turn his hand to anything. We had five children, but one died. Four sons grew up in this little cottage. Thus three generations lived in it, somewhat unusual in an Australian bush home, I think. My eldest son is married and has a family; one is in Western Australia— not with his father— another is away working for him self, and one (indicating a young man by her side) has always stuck to his mother. He is my sole support, and he is as good to me now as his father once was. Yes, his father was a good, home-loving man in our younger days. He was fond of his children and was highly respected in these parts.' "It is fifteen years since my husband went away first. He had then been work ing for the Metropolitan Board of Works, and was engaged in the tunnel under the Yarra near Queen's-bridge when it col-lapsed. After he went to the West he sent me money regularly and wrote constantly. He came home three times — twice for a week or two at a time, the third time, eight years ago, when the Eitham railway was nearing completion. I induced him to stay till the railway opened, and he re-mained with me several months. I tried to get him to leave the West and settle down in his home, but he would not; he seemed restless and anxious to be off. One day when we were in Collingwood together he left me, saying he wanted to see what boats were going West. I implored him not to go away, and he said he would see. However, he returned to me soon after wards and said he had taken his ticket and would go by the next boat, and he went. For a year he wrote at irregular intervals, and then his letters ceased and I heard no more of him. For seven years I have not known whether he was alive or dead. Before that time my two sons in Western Australian used to see him some times, though they did not live with him; they used to tell me in their letters that he was well. It was a hard blow to be forgotten by him, but as my sons grew up I became more reconciled, and now I seem to look back at my life with him as some thing that happened a long time ago and is only a memory. Of his life and doings in Western Australia I know nothing. The last time I heard of him he was working in a foundry at Midland Junction. He was at Cue working on the railway when it opened there, and he caught the fever, but all that time he sent me money. When he returned the first time he took our eldest son with him, and the other boy followed later. They did not stay with him, how ever, and as far as I know they did not know how he lived." 'Mrs. Smart is a quiet, toil worn woman who has the respect of everyone who knows her.This photo forms part of a collection of photographs gathered by the Shire of Eltham for their centenary project book,"Pioneers and Painters: 100 years of the Shire of Eltham" by Alan Marshall (1971). The collection of over 500 images is held in partnership between Eltham District Historical Society and Yarra Plenty Regional Library (Eltham Library) and is now formally known as the 'The Shire of Eltham Pioneers Photograph Collection.' It is significant in being the first community sourced collection representing the places and people of the Shire's first one hundred years.Digital image 4 x 5 inch B&W Neg Original print 10.5 x 16.5 cmFor postcard print: Inscribed on envelope: "Return to Mrs H. Butherway, 22 Bridge St, Eltham." Also "Photo Mrs Clark Hampton (nee Smart), original Smart's house - Bridge Street, 95 years ago." Also "Right - Mrs Clark's grandmother Mrs J Smart Left - Her daughter Ruby dies soon after photo taken. Brother Alf Smart died about 6 years ago." Inscribed on back of photo "247 Vincent St, Leederville" It is believed that this inscription may be somewhat mixed up.sepp, shire of eltham pioneers photograph collection, eltham, bridge street, alexander wilson smart, bigamy, bush cottage, early settlers, houses, jane bailey (nee matthews), mary jane smart (nee bailey), murder, ruby jane bertha smart, smart family home, smart home

Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerPhotograph of a street art poster taken on the streets of Hong Kong during the protests against legislation to allow Hong Kong suspects to be extradited to mainland Chinese carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, poster art, posters

Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerMore than a thousand protestors surround Hong Kong's main police headquarters on Arsenal Street in Wan Chai on June 26th following a peaceful rally at Edinburgh Place in Central. Doors to the complex were barricaded by protestors, who left after a six hour siege in protest at police violence at a prtest held earlier on 12 June 2019. Protesters ended a six-hour siege of Hong Kong’s police headquarters – their second in a week over the now-suspended extradition bill – early on Thursday morning. More than 1,000 were involved at the height of the protest, which began after 10pm on Wednesday. Around 100 were left at the end and dispersed without a fight when officers with riot shields emerged from the building in Wan Chai at 4am on Thursday. After a peaceful rally attended by thousands earlier at Edinburgh Place in the Central business district, hundreds descended on Arsenal Street, blocking the junction with Lockhart Road to all traffic and sealing the entrances to the police base. (https://www.scmp.com/news/hong-kong/politics/article/3016238/hong-kong-police-under-siege-again-protesters-surround )carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, protest, protestors

Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerSeven police officers stand guard in front of Hong Kong's main police headquarters on Arsenal Street in Wan Chai as an estimated one thousand protestors surround on 26 June 2019. Protestors take turns to step up and hurl abuse at the officers, in a protest lasting 6 hours before peacefully dispersing. The protesters chanted 'Release the martyrs' and 'Stop police violence' in reference to violent clashes with police in the days previous. ( https://www.scmp.com/news/hong-kong/politics/article/3016238/hong-kong-police-under-siege-again-protesters-surround)carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, protest, protestors, police, wan chai

Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerPhotograph crowds gathering on June 16 on the streets of Causeway Bay before an estimated 2 million people take part in march protesting the government's push for extradition laws to China and demanding an apology from the chief executrive Carrie Lam. Nearly 2 million’ people take to streets, forcing public apology from Hong Kong leader Carrie Lam as suspension of controversial extradition bill fails to appease protesters. (https://www.scmp.com/news/hong-kong/politics/article/3014737/nearly-2-million-people-take-streets-forcing-public-apology )carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, protest, protestors

Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerPhotograph of a crowd or protestors against proposed extradition laws gathering on the streets of Causeway Bay, Hong Kong, leading down to the gathering area. carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, protest, protestors

Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerPhotograph of a crowd on the streets of Hong Kong to protest against proposed extradition laws, heading towards Admiralty. carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, protest, protestors, admiralty

Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerCrowds mass on Queens Way in Hong Kong as an estimated 2 million people march in protest at the government's refusal to withdraw a controverisal law allowing people to be extradited to mainland China. Chants demanded the chief executive apologise and the legislation be withdrawn, while many held signs protesting police violence. Nearly 2 million protesters flooded the streets of Hong Kong on Sunday, organisers claimed, delivering a stunning repudiation of Chief Executive Carrie Lam Cheng Yuet-ngor’s governance and forcing a public apology out of the city’s leader over her campaign to bulldoze a controversial extradition bill through the legislature. A day after Lam suspended her push for the bill, expecting it to defuse a crisis that has seen violent clashes between mostly young protesters and police, the centre of Hong Kong was brought to a complete standstill as the masses marched to chastise her for refusing to withdraw the bill or apologise when first asked to, and declaring that nothing short of her resignation would satisfy them now. (https://www.scmp.com/news/hong-kong/politics/article/3014737/nearly-2-million-people-take-streets-forcing-public-apology ) carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, protest, protestors, admiralty