Prior to carrying out a detailed condition report of the cetacean skeletons, it is useful to have an understanding of the materials we are likely to encounter, in terms of structure and chemistry. This entry invites you to join in learning about the composition of whale bone and oil. Whale bone (Cetacean) bone is comprised of a composite structure of both an inorganic matrix of mainly hydroxylapatite (a calcium phosphate mineral), providing strength and rigidity, as well as an organic protein ‘scaffolding’ of mainly collagen, facilitating growth and repair (O’Connor 2008, CCI 2010). Collagen is also the structural protein component in cartilage between the whale vertebrae and attached to the fins of both the Killer Whale and the Dolphin. Relative proportions in the bone composition (affecting density), are linked with the feeding habits and mechanical stresses typically endured by bones of particular whale types. A Sperm Whale (Physeter macrocephalus Linnaeus, 1758) skeleton (toothed) thus has a higher mineral value (~67%) than a Fin Whale (Balaenoptera physalus Linnaeus, 1758) (baleen) (~60%) (Turner Walker 2012). The internal structure of bone can be divided into compact and cancellous bone. In whales, load-bearing structures such as mandibles and upper limb bones (e.g. humerus, sternum) are largely composed of compact bone (Turner Walker 2012). This consists of lamella concentrically deposited around the longitudinal axis and is permeated by fluid carrying channels (O’Connor 2008). Cancellous (spongy) bone, with a highly porous angular network of trabeculae, is less stiff and thus found in whale ribs and vertebrae (Turner Walker 2012). Whale oil Whales not only carry a thick layer of fat (blubber) in the soft tissue of their body for heat insulation and as a food store while they are alive, but also hold large oil (lipid) reserves in their porous bones. Following maceration of the whale skeleton after death to remove the soft tissue, the bones retain a high lipid content (Higgs et. al 2010). Particularly bones with a spongy (porous) structure have a high capacity to hold oil-rich marrow. Comparative data of various whale species suggests the skull, particularly the cranium and mandible bones are particularly oil rich. Along the vertebral column, the lipid content is reduced, particularly in the thoracic vertebrae (~10-25%), yet greatly increases from the lumbar to the caudal vertebrae (~40-55%). The chest area (scapula, sternum and ribs) show a mid-range lipid content (~15-30%), with vertically orientated ribs being more heavily soaked lower down (Turner Walker 2012, Higgs et. al 2010). Whale oil is largely composed of triglycerides (molecules of fatty acids attached to a glycerol molecule). In Arctic whales a higher proportion of unsaturated, versus saturated fatty acids make up the lipid. Unsaturated fatty acids (with double or triple carbon bonds causing chain kinks, preventing close packing (solidifying) of molecules), are more likely to be liquid (oil), versus solid (fat) at room temperature (Smith and March 2007). Objects Made From the Whaling Industry We all know that men set forth in sailing ships and risked their lives to harpoon whales on the open seas throughout the 1800s. And while Moby Dick and other tales have made whaling stories immortal, people today generally don't appreciate that the whalers were part of a well-organized industry. The ships that set out from ports in New England roamed as far as the Pacific in hunt of specific species of whales. Adventure may have been the draw for some whalers, but for the captains who owned whaling ships, and the investors which financed voyages, there was a considerable monetary payoff. The gigantic carcasses of whales were chopped and boiled down and turned into products such as the fine oil needed to lubricate increasing advanced machine tools. And beyond the oil derived from whales, even their bones, in an era before the invention of plastic, was used to make a wide variety of consumer goods. In short, whales were a valuable natural resource the same as wood, minerals, or petroleum we now pump from the ground. Oil From Whale’s Blubber Oil was the main product sought from whales, and it was used to lubricate machinery and to provide illumination by burning it in lamps. When a whale was killed, it was towed to the ship and its blubber, the thick insulating fat under its skin, would be peeled and cut from its carcass in a process known as “flensing.” The blubber was minced into chunks and boiled in large vats on board the whaling ship, producing oil. The oil taken from whale blubber was packaged in casks and transported back to the whaling ship’s home port (such as New Bedford, Massachusetts, the busiest American whaling port in the mid-1800s). From the ports it would be sold and transported across the country and would find its way into a huge variety of products. Whale oil, in addition to be used for lubrication and illumination, was also used to manufacture soaps, paint, and varnish. Whale oil was also utilized in some processes used to manufacture textiles and rope. Spermaceti, a Highly Regarded Oil A peculiar oil found in the head of the sperm whale, spermaceti, was highly prized. The oil was waxy, and was commonly used in making candles. In fact, candles made of spermaceti were considered the best in the world, producing a bright clear flame without an excess of smoke. Spermaceti was also used, distilled in liquid form, as an oil to fuel lamps. The main American whaling port, New Bedford, Massachusetts, was thus known as "The City That Lit the World." When John Adams was the ambassador to Great Britain before serving as president he recorded in his diary a conversation about spermaceti he had with the British Prime Minister William Pitt. Adams, keen to promote the New England whaling industry, was trying to convince the British to import spermaceti sold by American whalers, which the British could use to fuel street lamps. The British were not interested. In his diary, Adams wrote that he told Pitt, “the fat of the spermaceti whale gives the clearest and most beautiful flame of any substance that is known in nature, and we are surprised you prefer darkness, and consequent robberies, burglaries, and murders in your streets to receiving as a remittance our spermaceti oil.” Despite the failed sales pitch John Adams made in the late 1700s, the American whaling industry boomed in the early to mid-1800s. And spermaceti was a major component of that success. Spermaceti could be refined into a lubricant that was ideal for precision machinery. The machine tools that made the growth of industry possible in the United States were lubricated, and essentially made possible, by oil derived from spermaceti. Baleen, or "Whalebone" The bones and teeth of various species of whales were used in a number of products, many of them common implements in a 19th century household. Whales are said to have produced “the plastic of the 1800s.” The "bone" of the whale which was most commonly used wasn’t technically a bone, it was baleen, a hard material arrayed in large plates, like gigantic combs, in the mouths of some species of whales. The purpose of the baleen is to act as a sieve, catching tiny organisms in sea water, which the whale consumes as food. As baleen was tough yet flexible, it could be used in a number of practical applications. And it became commonly known as "whalebone." Perhaps the most common use of whalebone was in the manufacture of corsets, which fashionable ladies in the 1800s wore to compress their waistlines. One typical corset advertisement from the 1800s proudly proclaims, “Real Whalebone Only Used.” Whalebone was also used for collar stays, buggy whips, and toys. Its remarkable flexibility even caused it to be used as the springs in early typewriters. The comparison to plastic is apt. Think of common items which today might be made of plastic, and it's likely that similar items in the 1800s would have been made of whalebone. Baleen whales do not have teeth. But the teeth of other whales, such as the sperm whale, would be used as ivory in such products as chess pieces, piano keys, or the handles of walking sticks. Pieces of scrimshaw, or carved whale's teeth, would probably be the best remembered use of whale's teeth. However, the carved teeth were created to pass the time on whaling voyages and were never a mass production item. Their relative rarity, of course, is why genuine pieces of 19th century scrimshaw are considered to be valuable collectibles today. Reference: McNamara, Robert. "Objects Made From the Whaling Industry." ThoughtCo, Jul. 31, 2021, thoughtco.com/products-produced-from-whales-1774070.Whale bone was an important commodity, used in corsets, collar stays, buggy whips, and toys.Whale bone piece. Advanced stage of calcification as indicated by deep pitting. Off white to grey.None.flagstaff hill, warrnambool, shipwrecked-coast, flagstaff-hill, flagstaff-hill-maritime-museum, maritime-museum, shipwreck-coast, flagstaff-hill-maritime-village, whales, whale bone, corsets, toys, whips

Prior to carrying out a detailed condition report of the cetacean skeletons, it is useful to have an understanding of the materials we are likely to encounter, in terms of structure and chemistry. This entry invites you to join in learning about the composition of whale bone and oil. Whale bone (Cetacean) bone is comprised of a composite structure of both an inorganic matrix of mainly hydroxylapatite (a calcium phosphate mineral), providing strength and rigidity, as well as an organic protein ‘scaffolding’ of mainly collagen, facilitating growth and repair (O’Connor 2008, CCI 2010). Collagen is also the structural protein component in cartilage between the whale vertebrae and attached to the fins of both the Killer Whale and the Dolphin. Relative proportions in the bone composition (affecting density), are linked with the feeding habits and mechanical stresses typically endured by bones of particular whale types. A Sperm Whale (Physeter macrocephalus Linnaeus, 1758) skeleton (toothed) thus has a higher mineral value (~67%) than a Fin Whale (Balaenoptera physalus Linnaeus, 1758) (baleen) (~60%) (Turner Walker 2012). The internal structure of bone can be divided into compact and cancellous bone. In whales, load-bearing structures such as mandibles and upper limb bones (e.g. humerus, sternum) are largely composed of compact bone (Turner Walker 2012). This consists of lamella concentrically deposited around the longitudinal axis and is permeated by fluid carrying channels (O’Connor 2008). Cancellous (spongy) bone, with a highly porous angular network of trabeculae, is less stiff and thus found in whale ribs and vertebrae (Turner Walker 2012). Whale oil Whales not only carry a thick layer of fat (blubber) in the soft tissue of their body for heat insulation and as a food store while they are alive, but also hold large oil (lipid) reserves in their porous bones. Following maceration of the whale skeleton after death to remove the soft tissue, the bones retain a high lipid content (Higgs et. al 2010). Particularly bones with a spongy (porous) structure have a high capacity to hold oil-rich marrow. Comparative data of various whale species suggests the skull, particularly the cranium and mandible bones are particularly oil rich. Along the vertebral column, the lipid content is reduced, particularly in the thoracic vertebrae (~10-25%), yet greatly increases from the lumbar to the caudal vertebrae (~40-55%). The chest area (scapula, sternum and ribs) show a mid-range lipid content (~15-30%), with vertically orientated ribs being more heavily soaked lower down (Turner Walker 2012, Higgs et. al 2010). Whale oil is largely composed of triglycerides (molecules of fatty acids attached to a glycerol molecule). In Arctic whales a higher proportion of unsaturated, versus saturated fatty acids make up the lipid. Unsaturated fatty acids (with double or triple carbon bonds causing chain kinks, preventing close packing (solidifying) of molecules), are more likely to be liquid (oil), versus solid (fat) at room temperature (Smith and March 2007). Objects Made From the Whaling Industry We all know that men set forth in sailing ships and risked their lives to harpoon whales on the open seas throughout the 1800s. And while Moby Dick and other tales have made whaling stories immortal, people today generally don't appreciate that the whalers were part of a well-organized industry. The ships that set out from ports in New England roamed as far as the Pacific in hunt of specific species of whales. Adventure may have been the draw for some whalers, but for the captains who owned whaling ships, and the investors which financed voyages, there was a considerable monetary payoff. The gigantic carcasses of whales were chopped and boiled down and turned into products such as the fine oil needed to lubricate increasing advanced machine tools. And beyond the oil derived from whales, even their bones, in an era before the invention of plastic, was used to make a wide variety of consumer goods. In short, whales were a valuable natural resource the same as wood, minerals, or petroleum we now pump from the ground. Oil From Whale’s Blubber Oil was the main product sought from whales, and it was used to lubricate machinery and to provide illumination by burning it in lamps. When a whale was killed, it was towed to the ship and its blubber, the thick insulating fat under its skin, would be peeled and cut from its carcass in a process known as “flensing.” The blubber was minced into chunks and boiled in large vats on board the whaling ship, producing oil. The oil taken from whale blubber was packaged in casks and transported back to the whaling ship’s home port (such as New Bedford, Massachusetts, the busiest American whaling port in the mid-1800s). From the ports it would be sold and transported across the country and would find its way into a huge variety of products. Whale oil, in addition to be used for lubrication and illumination, was also used to manufacture soaps, paint, and varnish. Whale oil was also utilized in some processes used to manufacture textiles and rope. Spermaceti, a Highly Regarded Oil A peculiar oil found in the head of the sperm whale, spermaceti, was highly prized. The oil was waxy, and was commonly used in making candles. In fact, candles made of spermaceti were considered the best in the world, producing a bright clear flame without an excess of smoke. Spermaceti was also used, distilled in liquid form, as an oil to fuel lamps. The main American whaling port, New Bedford, Massachusetts, was thus known as "The City That Lit the World." When John Adams was the ambassador to Great Britain before serving as president he recorded in his diary a conversation about spermaceti he had with the British Prime Minister William Pitt. Adams, keen to promote the New England whaling industry, was trying to convince the British to import spermaceti sold by American whalers, which the British could use to fuel street lamps. The British were not interested. In his diary, Adams wrote that he told Pitt, “the fat of the spermaceti whale gives the clearest and most beautiful flame of any substance that is known in nature, and we are surprised you prefer darkness, and consequent robberies, burglaries, and murders in your streets to receiving as a remittance our spermaceti oil.” Despite the failed sales pitch John Adams made in the late 1700s, the American whaling industry boomed in the early to mid-1800s. And spermaceti was a major component of that success. Spermaceti could be refined into a lubricant that was ideal for precision machinery. The machine tools that made the growth of industry possible in the United States were lubricated, and essentially made possible, by oil derived from spermaceti. Baleen, or "Whalebone" The bones and teeth of various species of whales were used in a number of products, many of them common implements in a 19th century household. Whales are said to have produced “the plastic of the 1800s.” The "bone" of the whale which was most commonly used wasn’t technically a bone, it was baleen, a hard material arrayed in large plates, like gigantic combs, in the mouths of some species of whales. The purpose of the baleen is to act as a sieve, catching tiny organisms in sea water, which the whale consumes as food. As baleen was tough yet flexible, it could be used in a number of practical applications. And it became commonly known as "whalebone." Perhaps the most common use of whalebone was in the manufacture of corsets, which fashionable ladies in the 1800s wore to compress their waistlines. One typical corset advertisement from the 1800s proudly proclaims, “Real Whalebone Only Used.” Whalebone was also used for collar stays, buggy whips, and toys. Its remarkable flexibility even caused it to be used as the springs in early typewriters. The comparison to plastic is apt. Think of common items which today might be made of plastic, and it's likely that similar items in the 1800s would have been made of whalebone. Baleen whales do not have teeth. But the teeth of other whales, such as the sperm whale, would be used as ivory in such products as chess pieces, piano keys, or the handles of walking sticks. Pieces of scrimshaw, or carved whale's teeth, would probably be the best remembered use of whale's teeth. However, the carved teeth were created to pass the time on whaling voyages and were never a mass production item. Their relative rarity, of course, is why genuine pieces of 19th century scrimshaw are considered to be valuable collectibles today. Reference: McNamara, Robert. "Objects Made From the Whaling Industry." ThoughtCo, Jul. 31, 2021, thoughtco.com/products-produced-from-whales-1774070.Whale bone was an important commodity, used in corsets, collar stays, buggy whips, and toys.Whale bone vertebrae. Advanced stage of calcification as indicated by deep pitting. Off white to grey.Noneflagstaff hill, warrnambool, shipwrecked-coast, flagstaff-hill, flagstaff-hill-maritime-museum, maritime-museum, shipwreck-coast, flagstaff-hill-maritime-village, whales, whale bone, corsets, toys, whips, whalebone

Prior to carrying out a detailed condition report of the cetacean skeletons, it is useful to have an understanding of the materials we are likely to encounter, in terms of structure and chemistry. This entry invites you to join in learning about the composition of whale bone and oil. Whale bone (Cetacean) bone is comprised of a composite structure of both an inorganic matrix of mainly hydroxylapatite (a calcium phosphate mineral), providing strength and rigidity, as well as an organic protein ‘scaffolding’ of mainly collagen, facilitating growth and repair (O’Connor 2008, CCI 2010). Collagen is also the structural protein component in cartilage between the whale vertebrae and attached to the fins of both the Killer Whale and the Dolphin. Relative proportions in the bone composition (affecting density), are linked with the feeding habits and mechanical stresses typically endured by bones of particular whale types. A Sperm Whale (Physeter macrocephalus Linnaeus, 1758) skeleton (toothed) thus has a higher mineral value (~67%) than a Fin Whale (Balaenoptera physalus Linnaeus, 1758) (baleen) (~60%) (Turner Walker 2012). The internal structure of bone can be divided into compact and cancellous bone. In whales, load-bearing structures such as mandibles and upper limb bones (e.g. humerus, sternum) are largely composed of compact bone (Turner Walker 2012). This consists of lamella concentrically deposited around the longitudinal axis and is permeated by fluid carrying channels (O’Connor 2008). Cancellous (spongy) bone, with a highly porous angular network of trabeculae, is less stiff and thus found in whale ribs and vertebrae (Turner Walker 2012). Whale oil Whales not only carry a thick layer of fat (blubber) in the soft tissue of their body for heat insulation and as a food store while they are alive, but also hold large oil (lipid) reserves in their porous bones. Following maceration of the whale skeleton after death to remove the soft tissue, the bones retain a high lipid content (Higgs et. al 2010). Particularly bones with a spongy (porous) structure have a high capacity to hold oil-rich marrow. Comparative data of various whale species suggests the skull, particularly the cranium and mandible bones are particularly oil rich. Along the vertebral column, the lipid content is reduced, particularly in the thoracic vertebrae (~10-25%), yet greatly increases from the lumbar to the caudal vertebrae (~40-55%). The chest area (scapula, sternum and ribs) show a mid-range lipid content (~15-30%), with vertically orientated ribs being more heavily soaked lower down (Turner Walker 2012, Higgs et. al 2010). Whale oil is largely composed of triglycerides (molecules of fatty acids attached to a glycerol molecule). In Arctic whales a higher proportion of unsaturated, versus saturated fatty acids make up the lipid. Unsaturated fatty acids (with double or triple carbon bonds causing chain kinks, preventing close packing (solidifying) of molecules), are more likely to be liquid (oil), versus solid (fat) at room temperature (Smith and March 2007). Objects Made From the Whaling Industry We all know that men set forth in sailing ships and risked their lives to harpoon whales on the open seas throughout the 1800s. And while Moby Dick and other tales have made whaling stories immortal, people today generally don't appreciate that the whalers were part of a well-organized industry. The ships that set out from ports in New England roamed as far as the Pacific in hunt of specific species of whales. Adventure may have been the draw for some whalers, but for the captains who owned whaling ships, and the investors which financed voyages, there was a considerable monetary payoff. The gigantic carcasses of whales were chopped and boiled down and turned into products such as the fine oil needed to lubricate increasing advanced machine tools. And beyond the oil derived from whales, even their bones, in an era before the invention of plastic, was used to make a wide variety of consumer goods. In short, whales were a valuable natural resource the same as wood, minerals, or petroleum we now pump from the ground. Oil From Whale’s Blubber Oil was the main product sought from whales, and it was used to lubricate machinery and to provide illumination by burning it in lamps. When a whale was killed, it was towed to the ship and its blubber, the thick insulating fat under its skin, would be peeled and cut from its carcass in a process known as “flensing.” The blubber was minced into chunks and boiled in large vats on board the whaling ship, producing oil. The oil taken from whale blubber was packaged in casks and transported back to the whaling ship’s home port (such as New Bedford, Massachusetts, the busiest American whaling port in the mid-1800s). From the ports it would be sold and transported across the country and would find its way into a huge variety of products. Whale oil, in addition to be used for lubrication and illumination, was also used to manufacture soaps, paint, and varnish. Whale oil was also utilized in some processes used to manufacture textiles and rope. Spermaceti, a Highly Regarded Oil A peculiar oil found in the head of the sperm whale, spermaceti, was highly prized. The oil was waxy, and was commonly used in making candles. In fact, candles made of spermaceti were considered the best in the world, producing a bright clear flame without an excess of smoke. Spermaceti was also used, distilled in liquid form, as an oil to fuel lamps. The main American whaling port, New Bedford, Massachusetts, was thus known as "The City That Lit the World." When John Adams was the ambassador to Great Britain before serving as president he recorded in his diary a conversation about spermaceti he had with the British Prime Minister William Pitt. Adams, keen to promote the New England whaling industry, was trying to convince the British to import spermaceti sold by American whalers, which the British could use to fuel street lamps. The British were not interested. In his diary, Adams wrote that he told Pitt, “the fat of the spermaceti whale gives the clearest and most beautiful flame of any substance that is known in nature, and we are surprised you prefer darkness, and consequent robberies, burglaries, and murders in your streets to receiving as a remittance our spermaceti oil.” Despite the failed sales pitch John Adams made in the late 1700s, the American whaling industry boomed in the early to mid-1800s. And spermaceti was a major component of that success. Spermaceti could be refined into a lubricant that was ideal for precision machinery. The machine tools that made the growth of industry possible in the United States were lubricated, and essentially made possible, by oil derived from spermaceti. Whalebone The bones and teeth of various species of whales were used in a number of products, many of them common implements in a 19th century household. Whales are said to have produced “the plastic of the 1800s.” The bone of the whale which was most commonly used wasn’t technically a bone, it was baleen, a hard material arrayed in large plates, like gigantic combs, in the mouths of some species of whales. The purpose of the baleen is to act as a sieve, catching tiny organisms in sea water, which the whale consumes as food. As baleen was tough yet flexible, it could be used in a number of practical applications. And it became commonly known as whalebone. Perhaps the most common use of whalebone was in the manufacture of corsets, which fashionable ladies in the 1800s wore to compress their waistlines. One typical corset advertisement from the 1800s proudly proclaims, “Real Whalebone Only Used.” Whalebone was also used for collar stays, buggy whips, and toys. Its remarkable flexibility even caused it to be used as the springs in early typewriters. The comparison to plastic is apt. Think of common items which today might be made of plastic, and it's likely that similar items in the 1800s would have been made of whalebone. Baleen whales do not have teeth. But the teeth of other whales, such as the sperm whale, would be used as ivory in such products as chess pieces, piano keys, or the handles of walking sticks. Pieces of scrimshaw, or carved whale's teeth, would probably be the best remembered use of whale's teeth. However, the carved teeth were created to pass the time on whaling voyages and were never a mass production item. Their relative rarity, of course, is why genuine pieces of 19th century scrimshaw are considered to be valuable collectibles today. Reference: McNamara, Robert. "Objects Made From the Whaling Industry." ThoughtCo, Jul. 31, 2021, thoughtco.com/products-produced-from-whales-1774070.Whale bone during the 17th, 18th, 19th and early 20th centuries was an important industry providing an important commodity. Whales from these times provided everything from lighting & machine oils to using the animal's bones for use in corsets, collar stays, buggy whips, and many other everyday items then in use.Whale bone Vertebrae with advanced stage of calcification as indicated by deep pitting. Off white to grey.None.warrnambool, flagstaff-hill, flagstaff-hill-maritime-museum, maritime-museum, shipwreck-coast, flagstaff-hill-maritime-village, whale bones, whale skeleton, whales, whale bone, corsets, toys, whips, whaleling industry, maritime fishing, whalebone

Prior to carrying out a detailed condition report of the cetacean skeletons, it is useful to have an understanding of the materials we are likely to encounter, in terms of structure and chemistry. This entry invites you to join in learning about the composition of whale bone and oil. Whale bone (Cetacean) bone is comprised of a composite structure of both an inorganic matrix of mainly hydroxylapatite (a calcium phosphate mineral), providing strength and rigidity, as well as an organic protein ‘scaffolding’ of mainly collagen, facilitating growth and repair (O’Connor 2008, CCI 2010). Collagen is also the structural protein component in cartilage between the whale vertebrae and attached to the fins of both the Killer Whale and the Dolphin. Relative proportions in the bone composition (affecting density), are linked with the feeding habits and mechanical stresses typically endured by bones of particular whale types. A Sperm Whale (Physeter macrocephalus Linnaeus, 1758) skeleton (toothed) thus has a higher mineral value (~67%) than a Fin Whale (Balaenoptera physalus Linnaeus, 1758) (baleen) (~60%) (Turner Walker 2012). The internal structure of bone can be divided into compact and cancellous bone. In whales, load-bearing structures such as mandibles and upper limb bones (e.g. humerus, sternum) are largely composed of compact bone (Turner Walker 2012). This consists of lamella concentrically deposited around the longitudinal axis and is permeated by fluid carrying channels (O’Connor 2008). Cancellous (spongy) bone, with a highly porous angular network of trabeculae, is less stiff and thus found in whale ribs and vertebrae (Turner Walker 2012). Whale oil Whales not only carry a thick layer of fat (blubber) in the soft tissue of their body for heat insulation and as a food store while they are alive, but also hold large oil (lipid) reserves in their porous bones. Following maceration of the whale skeleton after death to remove the soft tissue, the bones retain a high lipid content (Higgs et. al 2010). Particularly bones with a spongy (porous) structure have a high capacity to hold oil-rich marrow. Comparative data of various whale species suggests the skull, particularly the cranium and mandible bones are particularly oil rich. Along the vertebral column, the lipid content is reduced, particularly in the thoracic vertebrae (~10-25%), yet greatly increases from the lumbar to the caudal vertebrae (~40-55%). The chest area (scapula, sternum and ribs) show a mid-range lipid content (~15-30%), with vertically orientated ribs being more heavily soaked lower down (Turner Walker 2012, Higgs et. al 2010). Whale oil is largely composed of triglycerides (molecules of fatty acids attached to a glycerol molecule). In Arctic whales a higher proportion of unsaturated, versus saturated fatty acids make up the lipid. Unsaturated fatty acids (with double or triple carbon bonds causing chain kinks, preventing close packing (solidifying) of molecules), are more likely to be liquid (oil), versus solid (fat) at room temperature (Smith and March 2007). Objects Made From the Whaling Industry We all know that men set forth in sailing ships and risked their lives to harpoon whales on the open seas throughout the 1800s. And while Moby Dick and other tales have made whaling stories immortal, people today generally don't appreciate that the whalers were part of a well-organized industry. The ships that set out from ports in New England roamed as far as the Pacific in hunt of specific species of whales. Adventure may have been the draw for some whalers, but for the captains who owned whaling ships, and the investors which financed voyages, there was a considerable monetary payoff. The gigantic carcasses of whales were chopped and boiled down and turned into products such as the fine oil needed to lubricate increasing advanced machine tools. And beyond the oil derived from whales, even their bones, in an era before the invention of plastic, was used to make a wide variety of consumer goods. In short, whales were a valuable natural resource the same as wood, minerals, or petroleum we now pump from the ground. Oil From Whale’s Blubber Oil was the main product sought from whales, and it was used to lubricate machinery and to provide illumination by burning it in lamps. When a whale was killed, it was towed to the ship and its blubber, the thick insulating fat under its skin, would be peeled and cut from its carcass in a process known as “flensing.” The blubber was minced into chunks and boiled in large vats on board the whaling ship, producing oil. The oil taken from whale blubber was packaged in casks and transported back to the whaling ship’s home port (such as New Bedford, Massachusetts, the busiest American whaling port in the mid-1800s). From the ports it would be sold and transported across the country and would find its way into a huge variety of products. Whale oil, in addition to be used for lubrication and illumination, was also used to manufacture soaps, paint, and varnish. Whale oil was also utilized in some processes used to manufacture textiles and rope. Spermaceti, a Highly Regarded Oil A peculiar oil found in the head of the sperm whale, spermaceti, was highly prized. The oil was waxy, and was commonly used in making candles. In fact, candles made of spermaceti were considered the best in the world, producing a bright clear flame without an excess of smoke. Spermaceti was also used, distilled in liquid form, as an oil to fuel lamps. The main American whaling port, New Bedford, Massachusetts, was thus known as "The City That Lit the World." When John Adams was the ambassador to Great Britain before serving as president he recorded in his diary a conversation about spermaceti he had with the British Prime Minister William Pitt. Adams, keen to promote the New England whaling industry, was trying to convince the British to import spermaceti sold by American whalers, which the British could use to fuel street lamps. The British were not interested. In his diary, Adams wrote that he told Pitt, “the fat of the spermaceti whale gives the clearest and most beautiful flame of any substance that is known in nature, and we are surprised you prefer darkness, and consequent robberies, burglaries, and murders in your streets to receiving as a remittance our spermaceti oil.” Despite the failed sales pitch John Adams made in the late 1700s, the American whaling industry boomed in the early to mid-1800s. And spermaceti was a major component of that success. Spermaceti could be refined into a lubricant that was ideal for precision machinery. The machine tools that made the growth of industry possible in the United States were lubricated, and essentially made possible, by oil derived from spermaceti. Baleen, or "Whalebone" The bones and teeth of various species of whales were used in a number of products, many of them common implements in a 19th century household. Whales are said to have produced “the plastic of the 1800s.” The "bone" of the whale which was most commonly used wasn’t technically a bone, it was baleen, a hard material arrayed in large plates, like gigantic combs, in the mouths of some species of whales. The purpose of the baleen is to act as a sieve, catching tiny organisms in sea water, which the whale consumes as food. As baleen was tough yet flexible, it could be used in a number of practical applications. And it became commonly known as "whalebone." Perhaps the most common use of whalebone was in the manufacture of corsets, which fashionable ladies in the 1800s wore to compress their waistlines. One typical corset advertisement from the 1800s proudly proclaims, “Real Whalebone Only Used.” Whalebone was also used for collar stays, buggy whips, and toys. Its remarkable flexibility even caused it to be used as the springs in early typewriters. The comparison to plastic is apt. Think of common items which today might be made of plastic, and it's likely that similar items in the 1800s would have been made of whalebone. Baleen whales do not have teeth. But the teeth of other whales, such as the sperm whale, would be used as ivory in such products as chess pieces, piano keys, or the handles of walking sticks. Pieces of scrimshaw, or carved whale's teeth, would probably be the best remembered use of whale's teeth. However, the carved teeth were created to pass the time on whaling voyages and were never a mass production item. Their relative rarity, of course, is why genuine pieces of 19th century scrimshaw are considered to be valuable collectibles today. Reference: McNamara, Robert. "Objects Made From the Whaling Industry." ThoughtCo, Jul. 31, 2021, thoughtco.com/products-produced-from-whales-1774070.Whale bone during the 17th, 18th, 19th and early 20th centuries was an important industry providing an important commodity. Whales from these times provided everything from lighting & machine oils to using the animal's bones for use in corsets, collar stays, buggy whips, and many other everyday items then in use.Whale jaw bone one side, long & curved with advanced stage of calcification off white to grey.None.warrnambool, flagstaff-hill, flagstaff-hill-maritime-museum, maritime-museum, shipwreck-coast, flagstaff-hill-maritime-village, whale bones, whale skeleton, whales, whale bone, corsets, toys, whips, whaleling industry, maritime fishing, whalebone

Prior to carrying out a detailed condition report of the cetacean skeletons, it is useful to have an understanding of the materials we are likely to encounter, in terms of structure and chemistry. This entry invites you to join in learning about the composition of whale bone and oil. Whale bone (Cetacean) bone is comprised of a composite structure of both an inorganic matrix of mainly hydroxylapatite (a calcium phosphate mineral), providing strength and rigidity, as well as an organic protein ‘scaffolding’ of mainly collagen, facilitating growth and repair (O’Connor 2008, CCI 2010). Collagen is also the structural protein component in cartilage between the whale vertebrae and attached to the fins of both the Killer Whale and the Dolphin. Relative proportions in the bone composition (affecting density), are linked with the feeding habits and mechanical stresses typically endured by bones of particular whale types. A Sperm Whale (Physeter macrocephalus Linnaeus, 1758) skeleton (toothed) thus has a higher mineral value (~67%) than a Fin Whale (Balaenoptera physalus Linnaeus, 1758) (baleen) (~60%) (Turner Walker 2012). The internal structure of bone can be divided into compact and cancellous bone. In whales, load-bearing structures such as mandibles and upper limb bones (e.g. humerus, sternum) are largely composed of compact bone (Turner Walker 2012). This consists of lamella concentrically deposited around the longitudinal axis and is permeated by fluid carrying channels (O’Connor 2008). Cancellous (spongy) bone, with a highly porous angular network of trabeculae, is less stiff and thus found in whale ribs and vertebrae (Turner Walker 2012). Whale oil Whales not only carry a thick layer of fat (blubber) in the soft tissue of their body for heat insulation and as a food store while they are alive, but also hold large oil (lipid) reserves in their porous bones. Following maceration of the whale skeleton after death to remove the soft tissue, the bones retain a high lipid content (Higgs et. al 2010). Particularly bones with a spongy (porous) structure have a high capacity to hold oil-rich marrow. Comparative data of various whale species suggests the skull, particularly the cranium and mandible bones are particularly oil rich. Along the vertebral column, the lipid content is reduced, particularly in the thoracic vertebrae (~10-25%), yet greatly increases from the lumbar to the caudal vertebrae (~40-55%). The chest area (scapula, sternum and ribs) show a mid-range lipid content (~15-30%), with vertically orientated ribs being more heavily soaked lower down (Turner Walker 2012, Higgs et. al 2010). Whale oil is largely composed of triglycerides (molecules of fatty acids attached to a glycerol molecule). In Arctic whales a higher proportion of unsaturated, versus saturated fatty acids make up the lipid. Unsaturated fatty acids (with double or triple carbon bonds causing chain kinks, preventing close packing (solidifying) of molecules), are more likely to be liquid (oil), versus solid (fat) at room temperature (Smith and March 2007). Objects Made From the Whaling Industry We all know that men set forth in sailing ships and risked their lives to harpoon whales on the open seas throughout the 1800s. And while Moby Dick and other tales have made whaling stories immortal, people today generally don't appreciate that the whalers were part of a well-organized industry. The ships that set out from ports in New England roamed as far as the Pacific in hunt of specific species of whales. Adventure may have been the draw for some whalers, but for the captains who owned whaling ships, and the investors which financed voyages, there was a considerable monetary payoff. The gigantic carcasses of whales were chopped and boiled down and turned into products such as the fine oil needed to lubricate increasing advanced machine tools. And beyond the oil derived from whales, even their bones, in an era before the invention of plastic, was used to make a wide variety of consumer goods. In short, whales were a valuable natural resource the same as wood, minerals, or petroleum we now pump from the ground. Oil From Whale’s Blubber Oil was the main product sought from whales, and it was used to lubricate machinery and to provide illumination by burning it in lamps. When a whale was killed, it was towed to the ship and its blubber, the thick insulating fat under its skin, would be peeled and cut from its carcass in a process known as “flensing.” The blubber was minced into chunks and boiled in large vats on board the whaling ship, producing oil. The oil taken from whale blubber was packaged in casks and transported back to the whaling ship’s home port (such as New Bedford, Massachusetts, the busiest American whaling port in the mid-1800s). From the ports it would be sold and transported across the country and would find its way into a huge variety of products. Whale oil, in addition to be used for lubrication and illumination, was also used to manufacture soaps, paint, and varnish. Whale oil was also utilized in some processes used to manufacture textiles and rope. Spermaceti, a Highly Regarded Oil A peculiar oil found in the head of the sperm whale, spermaceti, was highly prized. The oil was waxy, and was commonly used in making candles. In fact, candles made of spermaceti were considered the best in the world, producing a bright clear flame without an excess of smoke. Spermaceti was also used, distilled in liquid form, as an oil to fuel lamps. The main American whaling port, New Bedford, Massachusetts, was thus known as "The City That Lit the World." When John Adams was the ambassador to Great Britain before serving as president he recorded in his diary a conversation about spermaceti he had with the British Prime Minister William Pitt. Adams, keen to promote the New England whaling industry, was trying to convince the British to import spermaceti sold by American whalers, which the British could use to fuel street lamps. The British were not interested. In his diary, Adams wrote that he told Pitt, “the fat of the spermaceti whale gives the clearest and most beautiful flame of any substance that is known in nature, and we are surprised you prefer darkness, and consequent robberies, burglaries, and murders in your streets to receiving as a remittance our spermaceti oil.” Despite the failed sales pitch John Adams made in the late 1700s, the American whaling industry boomed in the early to mid-1800s. And spermaceti was a major component of that success. Spermaceti could be refined into a lubricant that was ideal for precision machinery. The machine tools that made the growth of industry possible in the United States were lubricated, and essentially made possible, by oil derived from spermaceti. Baleen, or "Whalebone" The bones and teeth of various species of whales were used in a number of products, many of them common implements in a 19th century household. Whales are said to have produced “the plastic of the 1800s.” The "bone" of the whale which was most commonly used wasn’t technically a bone, it was baleen, a hard material arrayed in large plates, like gigantic combs, in the mouths of some species of whales. The purpose of the baleen is to act as a sieve, catching tiny organisms in sea water, which the whale consumes as food. As baleen was tough yet flexible, it could be used in a number of practical applications. And it became commonly known as "whalebone." Perhaps the most common use of whalebone was in the manufacture of corsets, which fashionable ladies in the 1800s wore to compress their waistlines. One typical corset advertisement from the 1800s proudly proclaims, “Real Whalebone Only Used.” Whalebone was also used for collar stays, buggy whips, and toys. Its remarkable flexibility even caused it to be used as the springs in early typewriters. The comparison to plastic is apt. Think of common items which today might be made of plastic, and it's likely that similar items in the 1800s would have been made of whalebone. Baleen whales do not have teeth. But the teeth of other whales, such as the sperm whale, would be used as ivory in such products as chess pieces, piano keys, or the handles of walking sticks. Pieces of scrimshaw, or carved whale's teeth, would probably be the best remembered use of whale's teeth. However, the carved teeth were created to pass the time on whaling voyages and were never a mass production item. Their relative rarity, of course, is why genuine pieces of 19th century scrimshaw are considered to be valuable collectibles today. Reference: McNamara, Robert. "Objects Made From the Whaling Industry." ThoughtCo, Jul. 31, 2021, thoughtco.com/products-produced-from-whales-1774070.Whale bone during the 17th, 18th, 19th and early 20th centuries was an important industry providing an important commodity. Whales from these times provided everything from lighting & machine oils to using the animal's bones for use in corsets, collar stays, buggy whips, and many other everyday items then in use.Whale rib bone with advanced stage of calcification as indicated by brittleness. None.warrnambool, flagstaff-hill, flagstaff-hill-maritime-museum, maritime-museum, shipwreck-coast, flagstaff-hill-maritime-village, whale bones, whale skeleton, whales, whale bone, corsets, toys, whips, whaleling industry, maritime fishing, whalebone

"ST. PETER'S DAYLESFORD. General Communion and Breakfast. On Sunday November 9, a general Communion of the men; of the parish will be held in St Peter's Church, Daylesford. A communion breakfast will subsequently take place." Melbourne Advocate, 30 October 1930. "General Communion and Breakfast, Daylesford War Memorial Protest by Rev. Dr. Collins Rights of Catholics Ignored THE splendid Catholicity of the Daylesford parish was demonstrated on Sunday morning last when a general Communion of the men of the parish took place at the 8 o'clock Mass at St. Peter's Church. This proud and edifying demonstration of faith concluded a very successful mission in the parish, conducted by the Rev. Fr. O'Flynn, C.SS.R., and Rev. Fr. Frean, C.SS.R., Daylesford parish is fairly scattered, and from every corner of it came men to take their part in the general Communion. The missioners and the Rev. W. M. Collins. D.D., P.P.. have reason to be deeply gratified at the result of the mission. His Grace the Archbishop of Melbourne (Most Rev. Dr. Mannix) was the celebrant of the Mass. He was assisted in administering the Sacrament by Rev. Dr. Collins. At the close of the Mass the hymn, "Faith of Our Fathers." was sung. The breakfast was served in the Daylesford Town Hall, the men marching there from the church. More than 250 partook of breakfast. In the balcony were lady parishioners who wished to listen to the speeches. His Grace the Archbishop was at the head table, and with him were Rev. W. M. Collins, P.P.; Crs. Bolton and Gleeson (Shire of Glenlyon), and Courtney (Shire of Davlesford); Messrs. Cleary and Egan (Blampied). Mr. J. T. Murphy. Mr. Considine, and Mr. O'Donnell (BuIIarto). Several selections were played by the Holy Cross Convent orchestra, Daylesford, and the catering was admirably carried out by Mrs. Mann. It was a well-organised and successful function, and the general arrangements reflected the highest credit on the Rev. Dr. Collins and those associated with him. Much favourable comment was made upon the great success achieved. A WAR MEMORIAL SERVICE. Strong Protest by Rev. Dr. Collins. The Rev. Dr. Collins said it was no exaggeration for him to say that he was a proud pastor that day. He had reason to be proud of the magnificent demonstration of faith made by the Catholic men of the parish at St. Peter's Church. It was promoted by a supernatural motive, and the men were sure to get their reward. He knew that many men had attended at great sacrifice, and that numbers had to grope about in the early hours to get everything in readiness at their farms and dairies. He was deeply thankful for the fine response made by the men to his invitation, and no greater encouragement could be given to him in his work in the parish. They had made a creditable demonstration before the people of Daylesford, whose good opinion they valued and wanted to retain. Catholics were part of the community, and the community's troubles were their troubles. Generally they had a few of their own troubles, but they were not wanting in helping the community to bear its troubles. Just now they were passing through a difficult time. The surrounding shires seemed to be better off than Daylesford, but the municipal fathers at Daylesford had spent a lot of money wisely in attracting tourists to the beautiful district. The money spent, he was certain, would come back a hundredfold. They appreciated the good work done by the municipal authorities, and were prepared to do their part in shoulder-ing their civic obligations. A Frankly Protestant Memorial Service. He could not let the occasion pass without calling the attention of the Daylesford people to an injustice that was being done the Catholic body, unwittingly he believed. Hie referred to the ceremony for the unveiling of the Soldiers' Memorial. It had been decided to adopt a frankly Protestant service. Catholics could not take part in a non-Catholic service, and that was not due in any way to any recent whim or caprice. Catholics had made common sacrifices, and the war memorial should stand for the Catholic boys who had fallen as well as non-Catholic soldiers. Catholics had contributed towards the cost of the memorial, and yet a programme had been adopted on the occasion of the public unveiling that excluded Catholics from taking part. They had a right to be at the ceremony, but it was asking them too much to shed their principles in order to be present. Their forefathers did not shed their principles when there was much more at stake, and they did not intend to shed theirs. They took that stand for Faith, and were still loyal citizens of Australia. The great majority, he was certain, did not realise the difficulties of Catholics, and that the stand taken was a matter of principle. There was always a minority, however, who were ever ready to score a victory over Rome at any price. Thanks to Non-Catholics. Having made his protest, he would not be honest if he did not express his gratitude to many non-Catholics in Daylesford for their help. In the Boxing Day carnival, which was their principal effort on behalf of the schools, non-Catholics gave splendid support, which he very much appreciated. The success of the carnival was dependent to a large extent on the generous help of Protestants. He trusted that the Catholic men generally would take note of what he said, and turn over a new leaf, as so many new leaves had been turned over since the mission. Missioners and Nuns Thanked. The work of the Redemptorist Fathers had been fruitful of results in the parish, and what they had done had paved the way for the magnificent men's demonstration. He wished heartily to thank the Fathers, and his thanks were also due to the Holy Cross Convent. If the Faith were strong in Daylesford, it was largely due to the Catholic schools in the district. They should never forget the Presentation nuns, and should be prepared to help them in every possible way. He was very thankful to the Rev. Mother for her kindness in entertaining many at the convent, and also for providing the orchestra at the Communion breakfast. A Splendid Success. He was greatly delighted at the presence of his Grace the Archbishop. When he started to talk about the breakfast, many told him it would not be a success. First of all, it was intended to hold the breakfast in the schoolroom, but the response was so good that it was considered they should get the Rex Theatre. Finally, they were compelled to take the Town Hall in order to accommodate the large number who purchased tickets. The presence of his Grace gave additional lustre to the successful demonstration. He was proud of the men of the parish, and hoped God would bless them and their families. (Applause.) The first toast honoured was that of "The Pope and the King." WELCOME TO HIS GRACE Proposing the toast of "His Grace the Archbishop," Cr. J. Bolton said he wished to congratulate the Rev. Dr. Collins on the wonderful success of the two functions. All parts of the parish were represented at the general Communion in St. Peter's Church, and it was an inspiring spectacle. It showed that the Faith was deep and strong in Daylesford. A great privilege had been given to them, and they owed grateful thanks to the Rev. Dr. Collins. He wished to welcome his Grace the Archbishop, and he trusted that he would enjoy his visit to the district. The country was passing through a difficult time at present, and it required plenty of clear thinking and acting to put things right again. He hoped his Grace would touch on the situation, and give them the benefit of his thoughtful and wellreasoned views. Whatever his Grace said would be worth listening to. (Applause.) THE ARCHBISHOP CONGRATULATES PASTOR AND PEOPLE. DAYLESFORD A MODEL PARISH. His Grace the Archbishop said he need not assure them that he came to Daylesford with great pleasure. His visits to Daylesford were always pleasant, but the present visit was additionally pleasant and memorable because he had the opportunity of assisting at one of the most inspiring functions that it had ever been his good fortune to attend. He was really touched to the heart when he stood on the altar and saw the beautiful St. Peter's Church—there were few churches to compare with it in the country—filled with the men of Daylesford and of the surrounding districts. Practically all the Catholic men in the parish were present at the general Communion, and it gave him very deep satisfaction and genuine pleasure to be amongst them. As the Rev. Dr. Collins and Cr. Bolton had said, it was a proof of the depth and soundness of the Faith of the Catholic people of the parish. He wished to congratulate the Rev. Dr. Collins upon the magnificent success that had attended his efforts since he came to Daylesford. He thought the Rev. Dr. Collins had been a very happy man since he took up work in the parish. He came to Daylesford more or less broken in health, and his best friends were doubtful whether his health would stand the strain of parochial duty. However, he had never looked back. He doubted if Dr. Collins would care to leave Daylesford, unless he were appointed Prefect of Propaganda, Rome, or some very high distinction was conferred on him. At all events, things had gone on well with Dr. Collins since he came to Daylesford, and he could see some of the reason for it in looking at the fine gathering before him. The Rev. Dr. Collins was a very zealous and spiritual man, and his lot had been cast amongst people who had responded to his labours. ... (Melbourne Advocate, 13 November 1930) Black and white photograph taken in Daylesford Town Hall depicting numerous men standing, and sitting at tables during the St Peter's Catholic Church Communion Breakfast. Arch Bishop Daniel Mannix stands centre back.st peter's catholic church, daylesford, communion breakfast, daylesford town hall, daniel mannix, george gervasoni, gus gervasoni

'Whose Ethics?':Codifying and enacting ethics in research settings Bringing ethics up to date? A review of the AIATSIS ethical guidelines Michael Davis (Independent Academic) A revision of the AIATSIS Guidelines for Ethical Research in Indigenous Studies was carried out during 2009-10. The purpose of the revision was to bring the Guidelines up to date in light of a range of critical developments that have occurred in Indigenous rights, research and knowledge management since the previous version of the Guidelines was released in 2000. In this paper I present an outline of these developments, and briefly discuss the review process. I argue that the review, and the developments that it responded to, have highlighted that ethical research needs to be thought about more as a type of behaviour and practice between engaged participants, and less as an institutionalised, document-focused and prescriptive approach. The arrogance of ethnography: Managing anthropological research knowledge Sarah Holcombe (ANU) The ethnographic method is a core feature of anthropological practice. This locally intensive research enables insight into local praxis and culturally relative practices that would otherwise not be possible. Indeed, empathetic engagement is only possible in this close and intimate encounter. However, this paper argues that this method can also provide the practitioner with a false sense of his or her own knowing and expertise and, indeed, with arrogance. And the boundaries between the anthropologist as knowledge sink - cultural translator and interpreter - and the knowledge of the local knowledge owners can become opaque. Globalisation and the knowledge ?commons?, exemplified by Google, also highlight the increasing complexities in this area of the governance and ownership of knowledge. Our stronghold of working in remote areas and/or with marginalised groups places us at the forefront of negotiating the multiple new technological knowledge spaces that are opening up in the form of Indigenous websites and knowledge centres in these areas. Anthropology is not immune from the increasing awareness of the limitations and risks of the intellectual property regime for protecting or managing Indigenous knowledge. The relevance of the Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples in opening up a ?rights-based? discourse, especially in the area of knowledge ownership, brings these issues to the fore. For anthropology to remain relevant, we have to engage locally with these global discourses. This paper begins to traverse some of this ground. Protocols: Devices for translating moralities, controlling knowledge and defining actors in Indigenous research, and critical ethical reflection Margaret Raven (Institute for Sustainability and Technology Policy (ISTP), Murdoch University) Protocols are devices that act to assist with ethical research behaviour in Indigenous research contexts. Protocols also attempt to play a mediating role in the power and control inherent in research. While the development of bureaucratically derived protocols is on the increase, critiques and review of protocols have been undertaken in an ad hoc manner and in the absence of an overarching ethical framework or standard. Additionally, actors implicated in research networks are seldom theorised. This paper sketches out a typology of research characters and the different moral positioning that each of them plays in the research game. It argues that by understanding the ways actors enact research protocols we are better able to understand what protocols are, and how they seek to build ethical research practices. Ethics and research: Dilemmas raised in managing research collections of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander materials Grace Koch (AIATSIS) This paper examines some of the ethical dilemmas for the proper management of research collections of Indigenous cultural materials, concentrating upon the use of such material for Native Title purposes. It refers directly to a number of points in the draft of the revised AIATSIS Guidelines for Ethical Research in Indigenous Studies and draws upon both actual and hypothetical examples of issues that may arise when requests are made for Indigenous material. Specific concerns about ethical practices in collecting data and the subsequent control of access to both the data itself and to published works based upon it are raised within the context of several types of collections, including those held by AIATSIS and by Native Title Representative Bodies. Ethics or social justice? Heritage and the politics of recognition Laurajane Smith (ANU) Nancy Fraser?s model of the politics of recognition is used to examine how ethical practices are interconnected with wider struggles for recognition and social justice. This paper focuses on the concept of 'heritage' and the way it is often uncritically linked to 'identity' to illustrate how expert knowledge can become implicated in struggles for recognition. The consequences of this for ethical practice and for rethinking the role of expertise, professional discourses and disciplinary identity are discussed. The ethics of teaching from country Michael Christie (CDU), with the assistance of Yi?iya Guyula, Kathy Gotha and Dh�?gal Gurruwiwi The 'Teaching from Country' program provided the opportunity and the funding for Yol?u (north-east Arnhem Land Aboriginal) knowledge authorities to participate actively in the academic teaching of their languages and cultures from their remote homeland centres using new digital technologies. As two knowledge systems and their practices came to work together, so too did two divergent epistemologies and metaphysics, and challenges to our understandings of our ethical behaviour. This paper uses an examination of the philosophical and pedagogical work of the Yol?u Elders and their students to reflect upon ethical teaching and research in postcolonial knowledge practices. Closing the gaps in and through Indigenous health research: Guidelines, processes and practices Pat Dudgeon (UWA), Kerrie Kelly (Australian Indigenous Psychologists Association) and Roz Walker (UWA) Research in Aboriginal contexts remains a vexed issue given the ongoing inequities and injustices in Indigenous health. It is widely accepted that good research providing a sound evidence base is critical to closing the gap in Aboriginal health and wellbeing outcomes. However, key contemporary research issues still remain regarding how that research is prioritised, carried out, disseminated and translated so that Aboriginal people are the main beneficiaries of the research in every sense. It is widely acknowledged that, historically, research on Indigenous groups by non-Indigenous researchers has benefited the careers and reputations of researchers, often with little benefit and considerably more harm for Indigenous peoples in Australia and internationally. This paper argues that genuine collaborative and equal partnerships in Indigenous health research are critical to enable Aboriginal and Torres Islander people to determine the solutions to close the gap on many contemporary health issues. It suggests that greater recognition of research methodologies, such as community participatory action research, is necessary to ensure that Aboriginal people have control of, or significant input into, determining the Indigenous health research agenda at all levels. This can occur at a national level, such as through the National Health and Medical Research Council (NHMRC) Road Map on Indigenous research priorities (RAWG 2002), and at a local level through the development of structural mechanisms and processes, including research ethics committees? research protocols to hold researchers accountable to the NHMRC ethical guidelines and values which recognise Indigenous culture in all aspects of research. Researching on Ngarrindjeri Ruwe/Ruwar: Methodologies for positive transformation Steve Hemming (Flinders University) , Daryle Rigney (Flinders University) and Shaun Berg (Berg Lawyers) Ngarrindjeri engagement with cultural and natural resource management over the past decade provides a useful case study for examining the relationship between research, colonialism and improved Indigenous wellbeing. The Ngarrindjeri nation is located in south-eastern Australia, a ?white? space framed by Aboriginalist myths of cultural extinction recycled through burgeoning heritage, Native Title, natural resource management ?industries?. Research is a central element of this network of intrusive interests and colonising practices. Government management regimes such as natural resource management draw upon the research and business sectors to form complex alliances to access funds to support their research, monitoring, policy development, management and on-ground works programs. We argue that understanding the political and ethical location of research in this contemporary management landscape is crucial to any assessment of the potential positive contribution of research to 'Bridging the Gap' or improving Indigenous wellbeing. Recognition that research conducted on Ngarrindjeri Ruwe/Ruwar (country/body/spirit) has impacts on Ngarrindjeri and that Ngarrindjeri have a right and responsibility to care for their lands and waters are important platforms for any just or ethical research. Ngarrindjeri have linked these rights and responsibilities to long-term community development focused on Ngarrindjeri capacity building and shifts in Ngarrindjeri power in programs designed to research and manage Ngarrindjeri Ruwe/Ruwar. Research agreements that protect Ngarrindjeri interests, including cultural knowledge and intellectual property, are crucial elements in these shifts in power. A preliminary review of ethics resources, with particular focus on those available online from Indigenous organisations in WA, NT and Qld Sarah Holcombe (ANU) and Natalia Gould (La Trobe University) In light of a growing interest in Indigenous knowledge, this preliminary review maps the forms and contents of some existing resources and processes currently available and under development in the Northern Territory, Queensland and Western Australia, along with those enacted through several cross-jurisdictional initiatives. A significant majority of ethics resources have been developed in response to a growing interest in the application of Indigenous knowledge in land and natural resource management. The aim of these resources is to ?manage? (i.e. protect and maintain) Indigenous knowledge by ensuring ethical engagement with the knowledge holders. Case studies are drawn on from each jurisdiction to illustrate both the diversity and commonality in the approach to managing this intercultural engagement. Such resources include protocols, guidelines, memorandums of understanding, research agreements and strategic plans. In conducting this review we encourage greater awareness of the range of approaches in practice and under development today, while emphasising that systematic, localised processes for establishing these mechanisms is of fundamental importance to ensuring equitable collaboration. Likewise, making available a range of ethics tools and resources also enables the sharing of the local and regional initiatives in this very dynamic area of Indigenous knowledge rights.b&w photographs, colour photographsngarrindjeri, ethics, ethnography, indigenous research, social justice, indigenous health

Brad ‘Nails’ Sholl Born: 10/11/1972 From: Geelong College via North Melb Height: 184cm Weight: 84kg Natural kicking foot: Right Guernsey number: 12 First senior match for Geelong: Round 1, 1995 v Melbourne at Kardinia Park The attacking small defender delighted fans with his adventurous attacks on the ball and dashes out of the danger area. He was an excellent mark for his size and lacked nothing in courage and determination. His ability to rush to space to create a viable target for a team-mate was another of his trademarks. Occasionally, he was moved forward with success, where he took great delight in booting important goals. Total Brownlow Medal votes for Geelong: 54 Runner-up in club B&F count: 1996 Fourth in club B&F count: 1997, 1998, 2000 Fifth in club B&F count: 1995 Seventh in club B&F count: 1999 GFC Hall of Fame inductee (2002) GFC Life Membership (2001) Career span for Geelong: 1995-2002 Total matches for Geelong: Premiership 169, Night/Pre-Season Series 12, Interstate 1 Total goals for Geelong: Premiership 46, Night/Pre-Season Series 5, Interstate 0 Finals matches for Geelong: 7 Finals goals for Geelong: 0 Last senior match for Geelong: Round 19, 2002 v St Kilda at Docklands Stadium Jason Snell Born: 27/07/1977 From: Upwey-Tecoma/Eastern U18 Height: 181cm Weight: 81kg Natural kicking foot: Right Guernsey numbers: 25 (1996-97) & 4 (1998-2001) First senior match: Round 1, 1996 v Melbourne at the MCG The courageous mid-fielder/small forward possessed sound skills and an excellent football brain. Opposition coaches experienced difficulty in finding suitable match-up opponents to counter him. In a match at Kardinia Park against Port Adelaide in 1997 he scored a match-winning five goals after spending the first half on the bench. He won the club most improved player award in 1999. Tragically, a shocking leg injury sustained at the MCG prematurely terminated his highly promising career. Total Brownlow Medal votes: 5 Career span: 1996-2001 Total matches: Premiership 68, Night/Pre-Season Series 8 Total goals: Premiership 62, Night/Pre-Season Series 3 Finals matches: 3 Finals goals: 1 Last senior match: Round 3, 2001 v Melbourne at the MCG Glenn ‘Killer’ Kilpatrick Born: 29/08/1972 From: Studfield via North Melb Reserves, West Adelaide (SA) & Essendon Height: 184cm Weight: 85kg Natural kicking foot: Right Guernsey number: 13 First senior match for Geelong: Round 5, 1996 v Richmond at Kardinia Park No-one could accuse the dogged half-back flanker and mid-fielder of not giving his all in every match that he played. He used courage and determination to win the ball, negate an opponent or block for a team-mate. Often, his repeated efforts would inspire his fellow Cats. Although effective disposal by foot did not come easy for him, he worked hard on the training track to improve. Total Brownlow Medal votes for Geelong: 27 Runner-up in club B&F count: 1997 Seventh in club B&F count: 2000 Eighth in club B&F count: 1999 (equal) Career span for Geelong: 1996-2002 Total matches for Geelong: Premiership 120, Night/Pre-Season Series 12 Total goals for Geelong: Premiership 31, Night/Pre-Season Series 1 Finals matches for Geelong: 3 Finals goals for Geelong: 0 Last senior match for Geelong: Round 20, 2002 v Fremantle at Subiaco Garry ‘Buddha’ Hocking Born: 08/10/1968 From: Cobram Height: 182cm Weight: 84kg Natural kicking foot: Right Guernsey numbers: 51 (1987) & 32 (1988-2001) First senior match: Round 3, 1987 v Melbourne at Kardinia Park As one of football’s genuine tough and skilful performers, he gave the Cats magnificent service. Undoubtedly, he became one of the code’s all-time greats. His ability to make perfect position, fix eyes on the ball at all costs, seize the ball in packs, mark with vice-like fingers and dispose by hand and foot on either side of his body to bring team-mates into the play made him a nightmare opponent. He delighted in applying gorilla-like tackles and bone-shattering bumps to open up opportunities for his allies. During the last few seasons of his career a severely damaged knee saw him ignore agonizing pain to continue to contribute. He just loved footy! Total Brownlow Medal votes: 133 Captain: 21 matches (1994-95; 1999) Third in Brownlow Medal count: 1991, 1994 Club Best & Fairest: 1991, 1993, 1994, 1996 Runner-up in club B&F count: 1990, 1998 Sixth in club B&F count: 1989, 2000 Seventh in club B&F count: 1997 Ninth in club B&F count: 1995 Tenth in club B&F count: 1992 All Australian selection: 1991, 1993, 1994, 1996 GFC Team of the Century selection (ruck-rover) GFC Hall of Fame inductee (2002) GFC Hall of Fame Legend GFC Life Membership (1995) Career span: 1987-2001 Total matches: Premiership 274, Night/Pre-Season Series 19, Interstate 8 Total goals: Premiership 243, Night/Pre-Season Series 6, Interstate 10 Finals matches: 21 Finals goals: 21 Last senior match: Round 22, 2001 v Carlton at Princes Park Liam Pickering Born: 09/09/1968 From: Stawell via North Melb Height: 184cm Weight: 85kg Natural kicking foot: Right Guernsey number: 23 First senior match for Geelong: Round 3, 1993 v North Melb at Kardinia Park After being unable to command regular senior selection with the Kangaroos, the dogged mid-fielder quickly gained the respect of Geelong coaching staff and team-mates with his faultless reading of the play and ability to bring others into the game. Although not fleet of foot, he was capable of instant decision-making and quick, accurate disposal. He knew how to restrict talented opponents with disciplined manning-up, while having a positive influence on play himself. A series of injuries terminated his career prematurely. Total Brownlow Medal votes for Geelong: 12 Captain: 3 matches (1996-97) Club Best & Fairest: 1997 Third in club B&F count: 1995 Eighth in club B&F count: 1994 Career span for Geelong: 1993-99 Total matches for Geelong: Premiership 102, Night/Pre-Season Series 3, Interstate 1 Total goals for Geelong: Premiership 46, Night/Pre-Season Series 1, Interstate 0 Finals matches for Geelong: 9 Finals goals for Geelong: 8 Last senior match for Geelong: Round 20, 1999 v Carlton at the MCG Peter Riccardi Born: 17/12/1972 From: West St Peters Height: 183cm Weight: 89kg Natural kicking foot: Left Guernsey number: 15 First senior match: Round 4, 1992 v West Coast at Subiaco Few players with more natural pace have represented the club. He is a crisp ball-handler, a safe mark and a long raking left-foot kick. Many of his goals have been registered in spectacular fashion from a long way out, on the run. His versatility as a mid-fielder/forward has been a valuable asset. In recent season he has improved his team-play by improving his tackling and chasing techniques. Total Brownlow Medal votes: 60 Club Best & Fairest: 1998 Runner-up in club B&F count: 1999 Third in club B&F count: 2002 Fifth in club B&F count: 1996 Sixth in club B&F count: 1995 Ninth in club B&F count: 2000 GFC Hall of Fame inductee (2002) GFC Life Membership (1999) Career span: 1992-2006 Total matches: Premiership 288, Night/Pre-Season Series 26, Interstate 2 Total goals: Premiership 286, Night/Pre-Season Series 24, Interstate 1 Finals matches: 19 Finals goals: 13 Last senior match: Round 19, 2006 v St Kilda at Docklands Stadium Leigh ‘Spider’ Colbert Born: 07/06/1975 From: Golden Square Height: 192cm Weight: 92kg Natural kicking foot: Right Guernsey numbers: 35 (1993) & 2 (1994-98) First senior match for Geelong: Round 7, 1993 v West Coast at Kardinia Park Although not strongly built, he was a fearless competitor who performed well at centre half-back. His versatility allowed him to be effective anywhere on the field. Reliable marking, sure ball handling and accurate disposals were features of his play. In 1999 he was appointed captain but a serious knee injury sustained in a pre-season practice match caused him to miss that season. He left the club in controversial circumstances. Total Brownlow Medal votes for Geelong: 10 Captain: 3 matches (1998) Third in club B&F count: 1996 Fifth in club B&F count: 1997 Sixth in club B&F count: 1998 Career span for Geelong: 1993-98 Total matches for Geelong: Premiership 105, Night/Pre-Season Series 7, Interstate 3 Total goals for Geelong: Premiership 50, Night/Pre-Season Series 3, Interstate 1 Finals matches for Geelong: 10 Finals goals for Geelong: 4 Last senior match for Geelong: Round 22, 1998 v Essendon at the MCG Transferred to North Melb in 2000 Tim ‘Bluey’ McGrath Born: 07/10/1970 From: North Dandenong via North Melb Height: 190cm Weight: 94kg Natural kicking foot: Right Guernsey number: 17 First senior match for Geelong: Round 1, 1992 v Hawthorn at Waverley Park He has been one of several players recruited from the Kangaroos to give the club excellent service. His first match for the Cats was a hectic one at full-back opposed to a rampant Jason Dunstall. The selectors showed faith in the strong red-headed defender and he rewarded them with a long string of highly serviceable performances. His determination, safe marking, sound defensive skills and leadership qualities were great assets. Often, he was able to outpoint champion opponents. Around the club he was a valuable role-model with his general attitude. Total Brownlow Medal votes for Geelong: 26 Captain: 8 matches (1999) Runner-up in club B&F count: 1998 Third in club B&F count: 1993, 1999 Seventh in club B&F count: 1998 Eighth in club B&F count: 1995, 1997 Ninth in club B&F count: 2001 Tenth in club B&F count: 1996 GFC Hall of Fame inductee (2002) GFC Life Membership (1998) Career span for Geelong: 1992-2002 Total matches for Geelong: Premiership 219, Night/Pre-Season Series 15, Interstate 1 Total goals for Geelong: Premiership 18, Night/Pre-Season Series 3, Interstate 0 Finals matches for Geelong: 14 Finals goals for Geelong: 1 Last senior match for Geelong: Round 2, 2002 v Adelaide at Football Park Barry Stoneham Born: 09/02/1968 From: St Josephs (VCFL) Height: 194cm Weight: 98kg Natural kicking foot: Right Guernsey numbers: 53 (R 6, 1986) & 26 (R 7, 1986-2000) First senior match: Round 6, 1986 v Footscray at Kardinia Park A fanatical Geelong supporter all his life, the determined big man was in his element at centre half-forward. Excellent positioning, agility, magnificent marking, a mean streak and endless determination were his trademarks. He was able to bring crumbing team-mates into the play and score goals regularly. He was sufficiently versatile to play successfully in any key position or as a relief ruckman. Tragically, in 1994 a badly broken leg severely restricted his mobility and kicking power. Despite such restrictions, he retained his effectiveness by developing additional team skills. Total Brownlow Medal votes: 21 Captain: 59 matches (1991-93; 1996-98) Club Best & Fairest: 1990 Runner-up in club B&F count: 1989 Third in club B&F count: 1992 Fourth in club B&F count: 1991, 1993 Tenth in club B&F count: 1997, 1999 All Australian selection: 1989, 1992 GFC Hall of Fame inductee (2002) GFC Life Membership (1994) Career span: 1986-94; 1996-2000 Total matches: Premiership 241, Night/Pre-Season Series 21, Interstate 7 Total goals: Premiership 223, Night/Pre-Season Series 14, Interstate 2 Finals matches: 15 Finals goals: 14 Last senior match: First Elimination Final, 2000 v Hawthorn at Docklands Stadium Michael Mansfield Born: 08/08/1971 From: St Josephs (VCFL) Height: 183cm Weight: 85kg Natural kicking foot: Left Guernsey numbers: 49 (1990) & 21 (1991-99) First senior match for Geelong: Round 18, 1990 v Essendon at Kardinia Park The well-balanced performer played mostly as an attacking half-back flanker but was capable of being used effectively on the forward line. His exceptional strength, reliable marking and considerable mobility made him a difficult opponent who did not lack courage. His performances in finals matches were outstanding. Total Brownlow Medal votes for Geelong: 28 Captain: 9 matches (1997-99) Third in club B&F count: 1994, 1997 Fourth in club B&F count: 1995 Sixth in club B&F count: 1996 Eighth in club B&F count: 1998 GFC Hall of Fame inductee (2002) GFC Life Membership (1998) Career span for Geelong: 1990-99 Total matches for Geelong: Premiership 181, Night/Pre-Season Series 10, Interstate 4 Total goals for Geelong: Premiership 100, Night/Pre-Season Series 0, Interstate 1 Finals matches for Geelong: 15 Finals goals for Geelong: 9 Last senior match for Geelong: Round 22, 1999 v Fremantle at Kardinia Park Transferred to Carlton in 2000 Historical information provided by GFC Historian Col Hutchinson The print consists of ten player photographs and a Geelong Cat Mascot in the top centre of the print with the words - GEELONG/CATS - below the picture. In the top left are action photographs of Sholl and Snell. In the top right corner are action photographs of Kilpatrick and Hocking. Along the bottom of the print from left to right are action photographs of Pickering, Riccardi, Colbert, McGrath, Stoneham and Mansfield. Each photograph has the player's surname in white text in the bottom left hand corner. Has a wire along the back for hanging. 1990s players Sholl, Brad: Snell, Jason: Kilpatrick, Glenn: Hocking, Garry: Pickering, Liam: Riccardi, Peter: Colbert, Leigh: McGrath, Tim: Stoneham, Barry: Mansfield, Michael.

THE DISCOVERY OF STAINLESS STEEL Harry Brearley Since the dawn of man colonies have raced against each other to uncover new technologies, to be the first to stamp their names on a discovery, and although we’ve evolved over millions of years, the urge to be the first remains at the very core of our nature. This sense of passion and pride can lead some of the more unscrupulous humans to claim others discoveries as their own. Of course many breakthroughs are genuinely made in tandem, or are simultaneously occurring, but unless you can categorically prove that you were the pioneer of these incredible findings, then the other party involved will always dispute the fact. And so we come to stainless steel. The first point to note is that ‘inventor’ is a very ambiguous term. Is this the first person to think, to document, to patent, or to produce? The second point is that stainless steel wasn’t truly defined until 1911, so are we to cast aside those chromium-iron alloys that don’t quite meet the minimum requirement of 10.5% chromium? It seems like anyone and everyone has a different claim to being labelled the ‘inventor’ of stainless steel; from Britain, Germany, France, Poland, the U.S.A., and even Sweden. The cogs were set in motion by Englishmen Stoddart and Faraday circa 1820 and Frenchman Pierre Berthier in 1821. These scientists, among others, noted that iron-chromium alloys were more resistant to attack by certain acids, but tests were only carried out on low chromium content alloys. Attempts to produce higher chromium alloys failed primarily because of scientists not understanding the importance of low carbon content. In 1872 another pair of Englishmen, Woods and Clark, filed for patent of an acid and weather resistant iron alloy containing 30-35% chromium and 2% tungsten, effectively the first ever patent on what would now be considered a stainless steel. However, the real development came in 1875 when a Frenchman named Brustlein detailed the importance of low carbon content in successfully making stainless steel. Brustlein pointed out that in order to create an alloy with a high percentage of chromium, the carbon content must remain below around 0.15%. Thus ensued two decades of stagnation for the development of stainless steel, and while many scientists attempted to create a low carbon stainless steel, none succeeded. Hans Goldschmidt It wasn’t until 1895, when Hans Goldschmidt of Germany developed the aluminothermic reduction process for producing carbon-free chromium, that development of stainless steels became a reality. In 1904 French Scientist Leon Guillet undertook extensive research on many iron-chromium alloys. Guillet’s work included studies on the composition of what would now be known as 410, 420, 442, 446 and 440-C. In 1906 Guillet went on to analyse iron-nickel-chrome alloys, which would now be considered the basics of the 300 series. However, while noting the chemical composition of his alloys, Guillet failed to acknowledge the potential corrosion resistance of his materials. Albert Portevin In 1909 Englishman Giesen published an in-depth work regarding chromium-nickel steels, while the French national, Portevin, studied what is now regarded as 430 stainless steel. However, it wasn’t until 1911 that the importance of a minimum chromium content was discovered by Germans P. Monnartz and W. Borchers. Monnartz and Borchers discovered the correlation between chromium content and corrosion resistance, stating that there was a significant boost in corrosion resistance when at least 10.5% chromium was present. The pair also published detailed works on the effects of molybdenum on corrosion resistance. It is at this point we introduce Harry Brearley, born in Sheffield, England in 1871, he was appointed lead researcher at Brown Firth Laboratories in 1908. In 1912 Brearley was given a task by a small arms manufacturer who wished to prolong the life of their gun barrels which were eroding away too quickly. Brearley set out to create an erosion resistant steel, not a corrosion resistant one, and began experimenting with steel alloys containing chromium. During these experiments Brearley made several variations of his alloys, ranging from 6% to 15% chromium with differing levels of carbon. On the 13th August 1913 Brearley created a steel with 12.8% chromium and 0.24% carbon, argued to be the first ever stainless steel. The circumstances in which Brearley discovered stainless steel are covered in myth; some enchanted tales of Brearley recite him tossing his steel into the rubbish, only to notice later that the steel hadn’t rusted to the extent of its counterparts, much like Alexander Fleming’s experience 15 years later. Other more plausible, (but less attractive), accounts claim it was necessary for Brearley to etch his steels with nitric acid and examine them under a microscope in order to analyse their potential resistance to chemical attack. Brearley found that his new steel resisted these chemical attacks and proceeded to test the sample with other agents, including lemon juice and vinegar. Brearley was astounded to find that his alloys were still highly resistant, and immediately recognised the potential for his steel within the cutlery industry. The Half Moon Brearley struggled to win the support of his employers, instead choosing to produce his new steel at local cutler R. F. Mosley. He found difficulty producing knife blades in the new steel that did not rust or stain and turned to his old school friend, Ernest Stuart, Cutlery Manager at Mosley’s Portland Works, for help. Within 3 weeks, Stuart had perfected the hardening process for knives. Brearley had initially decided to name his invention ‘Rustless Steel’, but Stuart, dubbed it ‘Stainless Steel’ after testing the material in a vinegar solution, and the name stuck. And that’s how Harry Brearley discovered stainless steel…. well, not quite… During the 5 year period between 1908 and Brearley’s discovery in 1913 many other scientists and metallurgists have potential claims to Brearley’s title. In 1908 the Germans entered the fray, the Krupp Iron Works in Germany produced a chrome-nickel steel for the hull of the Germania yacht. The Half Moon, as the yacht is now known, has a rich history and currently lies on the seabed off the east coast of Florida. Whether the steel contains the minimum 10.5% chromium content remains inconclusive. Employees of the Krupp works, Eduard Maurer and Benno Strauss, also worked from 1912-1914 on developing austenitic steels using <1% carbon, <20% nickel and 15-40% chromium. Not happy with Europe hogging the glory, the USA got in on the act. Firstly, Elwood Haynes, after becoming disenchanted at his rusty razor, set out to create a corrosion resistant steel, which he supposedly succeeded in doing during 1911. Two other Americans, Becket and Dantsizen, worked on ferritic stainless steels, containing 14-16% chromium and 0.07-0.15% carbon, in the years 1911-1914. Elwood Haynes During 1912 Max Mauermann of Poland is rumoured to have created the first stainless steel, which he later presented to the public during the Adria exhibition in Vienna, 1913. Finally, a recently discovered article, which was published in a Swedish hunting and fishing magazine in 1913, discusses a steel used for gun barrels, (sound familiar?), which seems to resemble stainless steel. Although this is purely speculation, the Swedes have still made an audacious claim that they were in fact responsible for the first practical application for stainless steel. That concludes the shambolic discovery of stainless steel! Although there is much mystery and speculation behind the discovery of this wonderful material, there is no question that without the combined effort of all the above scientists and metallurgists, (and all the many more that were not mentioned), we would not have such a rich and versatile metal at our fingertips. https://bssa.org.uk/bssa_articles/the-discovery-of-stainless-steel/#:~:text=On%20the%2013th%20August%201913,the%20first%20ever%20stainless%20steel. This stainless steel container was donated to Flagstaff Hill Maritime Village by the family of Doctor William Roy Angus, Surgeon and Oculist. It is part of the “W.R. Angus Collection” that includes historical medical equipment, surgical instruments and material once belonging to Dr Edward Ryan and Dr Thomas Francis Ryan, (both of Nhill, Victoria) as well as Dr Angus’ own belongings. The Collection’s history spans the medical practices of the two Doctors Ryan, from 1885-1926 plus that of Dr Angus, up until 1969. ABOUT THE “W.R.ANGUS COLLECTION” Doctor William Roy Angus M.B., B.S., Adel., 1923, F.R.C.S. Edin.,1928 (also known as Dr Roy Angus) was born in Murrumbeena, Victoria in 1901 and lived until 1970. He qualified as a doctor in 1923 at University of Adelaide, was Resident Medical Officer at the Royal Adelaide Hospital in 1924 and for a period was house surgeon to Sir (then Mr.) Henry Simpson Newland. Dr Angus was briefly an Assistant to Dr Riddell of Kapunda, then commenced private practice at Curramulka, Yorke Peninsula, SA, where he was physician, surgeon and chemist. In 1926, he was appointed as new Medical Assistant to Dr Thomas Francis Ryan (T.F. Ryan, or Tom), in Nhill, Victoria, where his experiences included radiology and pharmacy. In 1927 he was Acting House Surgeon in Dr Tom Ryan’s absence. Dr Angus had become engaged to Gladys Forsyth and they decided he would take time to further his studies overseas in the UK in 1927. He studied at London University College Hospital and at Edinburgh Royal Infirmary and in 1928, was awarded FRCS (Fellow from the Royal College of Surgeons), Edinburgh. He worked his passage back to Australia as a Ship’s Surgeon on the on the Australian Commonwealth Line’s T.S.S. Largs Bay. Dr Angus married Gladys in 1929, in Ballarat. (They went on to have one son (Graham 1932, born in SA) and two daughters (Helen (died 12/07/1996) and Berenice (Berry), both born at Mira, Nhill ) Dr Angus was a ‘flying doctor’ for the A.I.M. (Australian Inland Ministry) Aerial Medical Service in 1928 . The organisation began in South Australia through the Presbyterian Church in that year, with its first station being in the remote town of Oodnadatta, where Dr Angus was stationed. He was locum tenens there on North-South Railway at 21 Mile Camp. He took up this ‘flying doctor’ position in response to a call from Dr John Flynn; the organisation was later known as the Flying Doctor Service, then the Royal Flying Doctor Service. A lot of his work during this time involved dental surgery also. Between 1928-1932 he was surgeon at the Curramulka Hospital, Yorke Peninsula, South Australia. In 1933 Dr Angus returned to Nhill where he’d previously worked as Medical Assistant and purchased a share of the Nelson Street practice and Mira hospital from Dr Les Middleton one of the Middleton Brothers, the current owners of what was once Dr Tom Ryan’s practice. Dr L Middleton was House Surgeon to the Nhill Hospital 1926-1933, when he resigned. [Dr Tom Ryan’s practice had originally belonged to his older brother Dr Edward Ryan, who came to Nhill in 1885. Dr Edward saw patients at his rooms, firstly in Victoria Street and in 1886 in Nelson Street, until 1901. The Nelson Street practice also had a 2 bed ward, called Mira Private Hospital ). Dr Edward Ryan was House Surgeon at the Nhill Hospital 1884-1902 . He also had occasions where he successfully performed veterinary surgery for the local farmers too. Dr Tom Ryan then purchased the practice from his brother in 1901. Both Dr Edward and Dr Tom Ryan work as surgeons included eye surgery. Dr Tom Ryan performed many of his operations in the Mira private hospital on his premises. He too was House Surgeon at the Nhill Hospital 1902-1926. Dr Tom Ryan had one of the only two pieces of radiology equipment in Victoria during his practicing years – The Royal Melbourne Hospital had the other one. Over the years Dr Tom Ryan gradually set up what was effectively a training school for country general-practitioner-surgeons. Each patient was carefully examined, including using the X-ray machine, and any surgery was discussed and planned with Dr Ryan’s assistants several days in advance. Dr Angus gained experience in using the X-ray machine there during his time as assistant to Dr Ryan. Dr Tom Ryan moved from Nhill in 1926. He became a Fellow of the Royal Australasian College of Surgeons in 1927, soon after its formation, a rare accolade for a doctor outside any of the major cities. He remained a bachelor and died suddenly on 7th Dec 1955, aged 91, at his home in Ararat. Scholarships and prizes are still awarded to medical students in the honour of Dr T.F. Ryan and his father, Dr Michael Ryan, and brother, John Patrick Ryan. ] When Dr Angus bought into the Nelson Street premises in Nhill he was also appointed as the Nhill Hospital’s Honorary House Surgeon 1933-1938. His practitioner’s plate from his Nhill surgery states “HOURS Daily, except Tuesdays, Fridays and Saturday afternoons, 9-10am, 2-4pm, 7-8pm. Sundays by appointment”. This plate is now mounted on the doorway to the Port Medical Office at Flagstaff Hill Maritime Village, Warrnambool. Dr Edward Ryan and Dr Tom Ryan had an extensive collection of historical medical equipment and materials spanning 1884-1926 and when Dr Angus took up practice in their old premises he obtained this collection, a large part of which is now on display at the Port Medical Office at Flagstaff Hill Maritime Village in Warrnambool. During his time in Nhill Dr Angus was involved in the merging of the Mira Hospital and Nhill Public Hospital into one public hospital and the property titles passed on to Nhill Hospital in 1939. In 1939 Dr Angus and his family moved to Warrnambool where he purchased “Birchwood,” the 1852 home and medical practice of Dr John Hunter Henderson, at 214 Koroit Street. (This property was sold in1965 to the State Government and is now the site of the Warrnambool Police Station. ). The Angus family was able to afford gardeners, cooks and maids; their home was a popular place for visiting dignitaries to stay whilst visiting Warrnambool. Dr Angus had his own silk worm farm at home in a Mulberry tree. His young daughter used his centrifuge for spinning the silk. Dr Angus was appointed on a part-time basis as Port Medical Officer (Health Officer) in Warrnambool and held this position until the 1940’s when the government no longer required the service of a Port Medical Officer in Warrnambool; he was thus Warrnambool’s last serving Port Medical Officer. (The duties of a Port Medical Officer were outlined by the Colonial Secretary on 21st June, 1839 under the terms of the Quarantine Act. Masters of immigrant ships arriving in port reported incidents of diseases, illness and death and the Port Medical Officer made a decision on whether the ship required Quarantine and for how long, in this way preventing contagious illness from spreading from new immigrants to the residents already in the colony.) Dr Angus was a member of the Australian Medical Association, for 35 years and surgeon at the Warrnambool Base Hospital 1939-1942, He served as a Surgeon Captain during WWII1942-45, in Ballarat, Victoria, and in Bonegilla, N.S.W., completing his service just before the end of the war due to suffering from a heart attack. During his convalescence he carved an intricate and ‘most artistic’ chess set from the material that dentures were made from. He then studied ophthalmology at the Royal Melbourne Eye and Ear Hospital and created cosmetically superior artificial eyes by pioneering using the intrascleral cartilage. Angus received accolades from the Ophthalmological Society of Australasia for this work. He returned to Warrnambool to commence practice as an ophthalmologist, pioneering in artificial eye improvements. He was Honorary Consultant Ophthalmologist to Warrnambool Base Hospital for 31 years. He made monthly visits to Portland as a visiting surgeon, to perform eye surgery. He represented the Victorian South-West subdivision of the Australian Medical Association as its secretary between 1949 and 1956 and as chairman from 1956 to 1958. In 1968 Dr Angus was elected member of Spain’s Barraquer Institute of Barcelona after his research work in Intrasclearal cartilage grafting, becoming one of the few Australian ophthalmologists to receive this honour, and in the following year presented his final paper on Living Intrasclearal Cartilage Implants at the Inaugural Meeting of the Australian College of Ophthalmologists in Melbourne In his personal life Dr Angus was a Presbyterian and treated Sunday as a Sabbath, a day of rest. He would visit 3 or 4 country patients on a Sunday, taking his children along ‘for the ride’ and to visit with him. Sunday evenings he would play the pianola and sing Scottish songs to his family. One of Dr Angus’ patients was Margaret MacKenzie, author of a book on local shipwrecks that she’d seen as an eye witness from the late 1880’s in Peterborough, Victoria. In the early 1950’s Dr Angus, painted a picture of a shipwreck for the cover jacket of Margaret’s book, Shipwrecks and More Shipwrecks. She was blind in later life and her daughter wrote the actual book for her. Dr Angus and his wife Gladys were very involved in Warrnambool’s society with a strong interest in civic affairs. Their interests included organisations such as Red Cross, Rostrum, Warrnambool and District Historical Society (founding members), Wine and Food Society, Steering Committee for Tertiary Education in Warrnambool, Local National Trust, Good Neighbour Council, Housing Commission Advisory Board, United Services Institute, Legion of Ex-Servicemen, Olympic Pool Committee, Food for Britain Organisation, Warrnambool Hospital, Anti-Cancer Council, Boys’ Club, Charitable Council, National Fitness Council and Air Raid Precautions Group. He was also a member of the Steam Preservation Society and derived much pleasure from a steam traction engine on his farm. He had an interest in people and the community He and his wife Gladys were both involved in the creation of Flagstaff Hill, including the layout of the gardens. After his death (28th March 1970) his family requested his practitioner’s plate, medical instruments and some personal belongings be displayed in the Port Medical Office surgery at Flagstaff Hill Maritime Village, and be called the “W. R. Angus Collection”. The W.R. Angus Collection is significant for still being located at the site it is connected with, Doctor Angus being the last Port Medical Officer in Warrnambool. The collection of medical instruments and other equipment is culturally significant, being an historical example of medicine from late 19th to mid-20th century. Dr Angus assisted Dr Tom Ryan, a pioneer in the use of X-rays and in ocular surgery. Medical box; rectangular stainless steel base and separate lid, from the W.R. Angus Collection.warrnambool, flagstaff hill maritime museum, great ocean road, dr w r angus, dr ryan, surgical instrument, t.s.s. largs bay, warrnambool base hospital, nhill base hospital, mira hospital, flying doctor, medical treatment, stainless steel medical container, medical container, stainless steel

Ill, p.64.non-fictionAt the outset of World War I the British had some 110 assorted aircraft, used mostly for the visual reconnaissance role. With the advent of faster and more agile single-seaters, the Allies and their adversaries raced to outdo each other in the creation of genuinely effective fighters with fixed forward-firing machine gun armament. It was not until 1917 that the British developed a truly effective interrupter gear, which paved the way for excellent single seaters such as the Sopwith Triplane Camel and the RAF S.E.5., later joined by the Bristol F.2B - the war's best two-seat fighter. This volume traces the rapid development of the fighter in World War I and the amazing exploits of the British and Empire aces who flew them.worls war 1914-1918 - aerial operations - britain, fighter pilots - british empire

Sensitive, moral, compelling...a book of genuine greatness and largeness of spirit.vietnamese conflict, 1961-1975 - united states

Presented to Carlton FC secretary H O Bell in recognition of Carlton's 1947 premiershipThe awarded trophy although for the 1947 season was passed onto former Carlton player Cyril Mann who missed selection for the 1945 Grand Final (The Blood Bath) victory over South Melbourne. Cyril Mann's maternal Grandfather William Cooper "is remembered as the Australian Aboriginal political activist, much-respected community leader and genuine man of stature whose extraordinary lifetime achievements cannot be properly acknowledged in the limited space available here". Tony De Bolfo 2013.Comprises stainless steel & bronze. Small bronze medallion sits atop ash tray on a small pedestal."Awarded to H O Bell Secretary Carlton Football Club 1947 PREMIERS" The VFL emblem is depicted on one side of the medallion.

John Goold double Premiership PlayerA scrap Book dedicated to twice Premiership Player 1968 - 1970 John Goold Career : 1963 - 1970 Debut : Round 7, 1963 vs Footscray, aged 21 years, 338 days Carlton Player No. 754 Games : 108 Goals : 3 Last Game : Grand Final, 1970 vs Collingwood, aged 29 years, 90 days Guernsey No. 11 Height : 184 cm (6 ft ½ in.) Weight : 76 kg (12 stone, 0 lbs.) DOB : June 27, 1941 Premiership Player 1968, 1970 Carlton Hall of Fame All Australian 1966 A brilliant, flamboyant, two-time Premiership player for Carlton during the Barassi years in the ‘swingin’ sixties,’ John William Crosbie Goold became almost as famous for his dapper appearance off the field, as for his exploits on it. At the height of his football career, he was also a prominent ladies fashion designer – which led to him being dubbed ‘Mr Elegance’ by leading football commentator Lou Richards. Supporters and team-mates however, called him ‘Rags’ or ‘Ragsy,’ because of his involvement in the clothing, or ‘rag’ trade. Goold first came under notice as an outstanding junior athlete at Melbourne Grammar School. A true all-round sportsman, he shone at tennis, athletics, football and cricket. He was also a keen horseman who loved the game of polo and the rough and tumble of fox hunting. While at school he was a fervent Melbourne supporter, but strangely, never had much confidence in his football ability. “If I thought I was good enough, I would certainly have gone to Melbourne,” he said many years later. “But I honestly didn’t think I would ever amount to anything in this game. Cricket and tennis were the games that really interested me.’ However, after graduating from MGS, Goold went home to Healesville to star in the Bloods’ 1962 Yarra Valley Football Association Premiership team – an achievement that brought tempting offers from more than one VFL club. “Incentives were offered elsewhere,” he recalled, “but I gravitated to Carlton – partly because the deep blue of their guernsey attracted me, but mostly because of the good advice I got from people who even then were longsighted enough to predict that big things were ahead for this club.” The Blues were confident enough in Goold’s potential to offer him the guernsey number 11 previously worn with distinction by the likes of Jack Hale, Jim Knight, Ron Hines and Laurie Kerr, and his first senior game came in round 7, 1963 against Footscray at the Western Oval. He played on a half-forward flank alongside Brownlow Medallists Gordon Collis and John James on that Saturday afternoon, and kicked his first career goal in an 8-point win. Little did he know though, that it would be another six seasons before he would again experience the thrill of sending a football spinning between the big posts, because his future lay in defence. By his own admission, Goold struggled to find his feet in VFL football during his first two seasons, until the shock appointment of Ron Barassi as captain-coach of Carlton in 1965 began steering his career back on track. “I think you could say that 1965 was my first year of League football,” he said, “That’s the way I felt - that’s the way I reacted to Barassi.” Under Barassi, Goold rapidly developed into a superb running half-back flanker. Tenacious, and an often freakish high mark, he was unmistakable on the field thanks to his mane of dark hair, his loping running style and somewhat awkward kicking action. Furthermore, he had boundless courage. There is no doubt that he would have played many more games had he not been regularly pole-axed under the high ball – a fact he later freely admitted. “I was always getting knocked out,” he said, “and spent half my bloody time in hospital.” In the second half of 1965, an injury to centre half-back Gordon Collis forced Barassi to use Goold in the key defensive post. While it curtailed his rebounding instincts somewhat, ‘Ragsy’ rose to the challenge and rarely lowered his colours. Testament to his improvement, he finished third behind John Nicholls and Sergio Silvagni in Carlton’s 1965 Best and Fairest award, and followed up by being selected in the Victorian team for the 1966 Hobart Carnival. There, he had a superb series in which he was runner-up to West Australian Barry Cable in voting for the Tassie Medal, and capped it off by being named on a half-back flank in the All Australian team. Barassi’s influence at Carlton bore fruit in his third year, when the Blues returned to finals football at last. Richmond, Carlton, Geelong and Collingwood fought out the 1967 Premiership, and Ragsy Goold won the hearts of the Carlton faithful with two lion-hearted performances. Although Carlton was knocked out of contention by successive losses to Richmond and Geelong, Goold was tireless throughout both games, and it was obvious that he thrived on the added pressure of finals football. Precisely twelve months later, the bitter taste of those defeats was washed away when Barassi’s Blues edged out Essendon by 3 points in the 1968 Grand Final, and ended 21 years of despair at Princes Park. To win Carlton’s ninth VFL flag, the Blues had had to defeat the minor premier Bombers twice during the finals – and did so, thanks to a watertight defence led by Goold, and a dominant ruck division headed by John Nicholls. In round 5, 1969, Carlton hosted South Melbourne at Princes Park in a match significant for a number of reasons. As he regularly did, Ron Barassi swung his team around prior to the opening bounce, and Goold found himself in the unaccustomed role of ruck-rover. While the Blues set about establishing a good break on the scoreboard, Ragsy relished the freedom to kick two first half goals - his first majors for 78 games. Just before half-time however, he was flattened in a pack, concussed again, and replaced during the long break by Barry Gill. Alex Jesaulenko was substituted at the same time – by a shy, ambitious youngster named Bruce Doull, making his senior debut for Carlton in guernsey number 4. In September, 1969 the Navy Blues began their third straight finals campaign with an impressive 6-goal Semi Final win over Collingwood in front of more than 108,000 fans at the MCG. A fortnight later, Richmond stunned the flag favourites with a withering last quarter in the Grand Final, and knocked Carlton out of the Premiership race again at the last hurdle. Half-way through the year, Carlton's club doctor discovered that Goold had been playing with shin splints in both of his lower legs. The pain they caused was considerable, but Ragsy soldiered on and held down centre half-back throughout the season. John Goold’s VFL career at Carlton culminated in the fabled 1970 Grand Final triumph over Collingwood. What is not so well known is that Ragsy was only cleared to play in that game on the morning of the match. After narrowly losing to Collingwood in the second Semi Final, the Navy Blues destroyed St Kilda by 62 points in the Preliminary Final, and earned another shot at the Magpies in the decider. But one of Carlton’s problems was that Goold had been kicked on a shin against St Kilda, causing a burst blood vessel and serious swelling. Despite the best efforts of the club medical staff, Ragsy had only a slim chance of playing in the Grand Final right up until game day, when his worried coach reluctantly allowed him to take his place in the side. Later, Barassi justified his decision by saying that in his opinion, a less than fully fit Goold was still worth his place in the team. By half time in the Grand Final however, he was probably questioning that judgement - because Carlton had been totally outplayed, and trailed an impressive, cohesive Collingwood by 44 points. Therefore, Carlton’s magnificent comeback – orchestrated by Barassi, and sparked by the fairytale exploits of 19th man Ted Hopkins – is one of the greatest of all football stories. Against enormous odds, the Navy Blues fought their way back into the contest, and eventually, rolled over the top of the frantic Magpies to snatch victory by 10 points in the last few minutes of the match. Hopkins ended up with four goals, Barassi was hailed a genius, and Ragsy Goold was carted off to hospital immediately after the game to have further urgent treatment. While there, he decided that there was no better time to end his VFL career – especially because his burgeoning business interests were demanding more and more of his time. In the years after his football career ended, John Goold created a remarkably successful business empire. In 1971 he sold his fashion label and took up farming at Mortlake in western Victoria, where he coached the local football team for three seasons. Later, he formed a diversified pastoral company, and purchased a magnificent complex called Ballangeich Run at nearby Ellerslie. While his passion for farming and livestock grew, he began breeding top quality polo ponies, and represented Australia in international competition. During the 1997 and 1998 seasons, John's son Ed Goold played reserve grade football for Carlton. MEMORIES.... Ragsy Goold; the name stirs memories form my long ago childhood. Ragsy, with his unique kicking style, where he'd hold the ball (always a drop punt - in a time when the drop kick and the torpedo punt still reigned supreme) at the point of the ball, elbows bent and he'd lavishly drop the ball, his right arm then flinging back and up dramatically. That was the thing about Ragsy (so named because he worked in the clothing, or 'rag' trade), he was always dramatic. He always ensured his ankle guards and wrist guard were glowing white to match the great white CFC monogram he wore proudly on his chest, and with his long flowing locks, cut a dynamic figure through a young boy's mind. Ragsy was my idol. I loved his dashes from half back, his long accurate drop punts, most of all I loved his flair for the game. Ragsy played the game as an entertainer as well as a sportsman - he leapt high to punch or mark, and always seemed to have a bit of the thoroughbred about him - which is probably why after he retired, he took up fox chasing, polo, and riding his beloved thoroughbreds across the paddocks and over the fences of his property, I think he may have even represented Australia at the sport – really, that’s sort of how he played as a footballer. All sinewy muscle, long legs and famous leaps for the saving punch. Ragsy was part of the great backline that helped revive Carlton's fortunes. Legendary players Wes Lofts, Ian Collins, Kevin 'Racehorse' Hall, Vinnie Waite among them. All great teams have a great defence and the defence that Ragsy was an integral part of was no different. Where others provided the biffo, the muscle or the defensive pressure, Ragsy provided the dash, the flair, the sense of adventure that all great backlines must have. AND MORE.... I have had many favourite players while following the Blues, but there will always be a special spot for Ragsy Goold - running the lines, all long hair and flashing white guards. As a young man I moved to Carlton and began acting in a place called one-c-one. One night after a play, I was walking home. It was winter, and I was wearing my favouritte overcoat, a genuine ankle length tweed affair I had picked up in an Op Shop in Oakleigh for three dollars. As I strutted across Lygon Street, a deep male voice behind me called, 'hey laddie, how much for the overcoat?' I turned, and there was my childhood idol, Ragsy Goold, two beautiful women in tow, smiling and waiting for my answer. I loved that coat too much to part with it, even to Ragsy, so I shook my head - and he smiled, then walked off. I stood for a moment in the middle of the street shaking my head in disbelief. Ragsy bloody Goold had just offered to buy my overcoat! I knew at that point, as a young man of about twenty three, that life was going to be full of surprises and very entertaining - a bit like John ‘Ragsy’ Goold. ONE MORE.... A cold, wet day in the mid 1960's at the MCG and Victoria were playing South Australia (?) The ball that day was like a piece of soap, with players finding it impossible to mark. Just before half time a long kick sailed toward the mud heap that was the centre of the ground, and the pack rose to meet it. From this group of players an arm shot straight up, and the ball instantly came to a dead stop. The footy stuck in the player's palm as if the hand was coated in Tarzan's Grip. After all these years, it's the only recollection I have of that match, and that player was 'Mr. Elegance' John Goold. HUMOROUS HUNGRY.... Former opponent Richmond's Kevin Bartlett on Radio SEN in 2012 received a phone call from John. After the call Kevin told his listeners how "Mr Elegance" would always be dressed in a nice suit, shirt-tie and highly polished shoes. He then cracked a joke saying something like; "You know, John was so 'posh' that he used to play football wearing a cravat!" Milestones 50 Games: Round 15, 1967 vs Melbourne 100 Games: Round 13, 1970 vs Geelong Career Highlights 1965 - Percy Bentley Trophy - 3rd Best & Fairest 1966 - 5th Best & Fairest 1967 - Maurie Sankey Memorial Trophy - 4th Best & Fairest (on count back) 1968 - Premiership Player 1970 - 7th Best & Fairest 1970 - Premiership PlayerFoolscap Scrap Book