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Melbourne Tram Museum
Domestic object - China Cup, C. R. Hose Glassware Pty Ltd, "Malvern Depot - 85 years", 1995
Black China cup or mug with black handle, gold rim and gold line under the rim and a line drawing of a W class tram No. 777 front, with destination "University" with the words "Malvern Tram Depot" around the top and "85 Years" along the bottom. Has the C. R. Hose label as manufacturers and decorators on the base of the cup. Made to celebrate the 85th Anniversary of Malvern Depot - 1995trams, tramways, crockery, malvern depot -
Bendigo Historical Society Inc.
Book - BENDIGO: VICTORIA'S GOLDEN CITY
Coloured booklet of various scenes and buildings in and around Bendigo, titled Bendigo Victoria's Golden City. The front cover has a scene of Charing Cross looking towards Pall Mall. Inside the front cover is a very brief history and some Historical Buildings are mentioned. They are: Fortuna, Shamrock Hotel, Gold Mines Hotel, City Hall, Post Office, Law Courts, the Home for the Aged, Sacred Heart Cathedral, St. Paul's, Specimen Cottage, Log Lock-up and the Chinese Joss House. The coloured pictures inside are: The Central Deborah Gold Mine, Fortuna, Miner's Cottage, The Gold Mines Hotel, Victoria Hill, Bendigo Law Courts, Eaglehawk Log Lock-up, Look-out Tower Rosalind Park, Alexandra Fountain - Charing Cross, Conservatory Gardens with Law Courts in background, Inside the Conservatory, Bendigo Home & Hospital for the Aged - Victoria's 'White House', Sacred Heart Cathedral, Chinese Joss House, Chinese Joss House - Interior of the Main Temple, Bendigo Pottery - Potter at work, Bendigo Municipal Offices, Bendigo Institute of Technology at Flora Hill, Mt. Alvernia Hospital, Cobb & Co Coach, R Class Locomotive, Bendigo Tramcar, Lake Weeroona and Lake Eppalock Pumping Station. Some more attractions are mentioned inside the back cover. On the back cover is the Cenotaph - the only scale replica of the Whitehall Cenotaph - and Alexandra Fountain by night.Nucolorvue Productions Pty Ltdbendigo, tourism, photographs of bendigo icons, bendigo - victoria's golden city, fortuna, shamrock hotel, gold mines hotel, city hall, post office, law courts, home for the aged, victoria's 'white house', sacred heart cathedral, st paul's, specimen cottage, log lock-up, chinese joss house, charing cross, cenotaph, alexandra fountain, centra deborah gold mine, army cartographic unit, miner's cottage, harvey town, victoria hill, look-out tower rosalind park, conservatory gardens, conservatory, bendigo pottery, bendigo municipal offices, bendigo institute of technology, mt alvernia hospital, cobb & co coach, r class locomotive, bendigo railway station, bendigo tramcar, lake weeroona, lake eppalock pumping station, art gallery, historical museum eaglehawk, melville's caves, whitehall cenotaph, nucolorvue productins pty ltd, national library of australia -
Bendigo Historical Society Inc.
Photograph - 1853 Bendigo Goldfields Petition, abt 1990-2019
The Red Ribbon Movement of 1853 represented a significant series of events in the history of Bendigo. During that year there was much agitation on the Bendigo gold fields, particularly during July and August of 1853, directed against the payment of what the miners called a tax - a licence fee of thirty shillings ($3) a month for the right to search for gold on what was declared Crown land. They had to pay the licence whether they found gold or not. The miners, or diggers as they were called, also resented the means used by the authorities at the time to collect the gold licence - through so-called 'digger hunts'. The miners were expected to carry their licences with them, and the police, who were often untrained, used harsh methods to check these licences. In Bendigo, the miners took to wearing a red ribbon ‘as a symbol of their protest against the licence. Red was a very common colour in items such as shirts, so was readily available. Shopkeepers too tied red ribbons to their premises as a sign of support for the miners. It should be remembered at that time virtually everyone was a miner. The diggers also had their own banner, designed by William Dexter, a china painter from Devon. This flag showed the pick, shovel and cradle representing labour, the scales representing justice, the Roman bundle of sticks meaning unity and the kangaroo and emu of Australia Many thousands of Bendigo miners signed a petition to La Trobe, the Governor of Victoria, protesting against the licence fee. When the Governor rejected the petition, thousands of diggers marched in peaceful protest. Miners from White Hills, Eaglehawk, Golden Square, Kangaroo Flat as well as from Bendigo Flat, converged on what is now Pall Mall and View Point, surrounding the ~government camp on Camp Hill. The camp had been reinforced with soldiers of the 40 Regiment, as the Government feared bloodshed. The miners then gathered on the hill behind View Point to hear from their leaders - among them George Thomson, Captain Harrison, Captain Brown and W.D.C. Denovan. They resolved to pay a token fee often shillings ($1) for the September licence, whenthey met with Commissioners Panton and Wright on Camp Hill. Although Wright and Panton were sympathetic to the miners, the offer was rejected, but no licence fees were collected for September. Thus a possible bloody conflict was averted by the common sense shown by the miners' leaders and the commissioners. It was a truly democratic protest against arbitrary government and preceded the Eureka Stockade Incident by over a year. Bendigo Historical Society Committee on a Tram, two photos, one of five people standing behind a display cabinet, and the second one a Banner stretched across the tram. On the rear of the photo is "L-R Jim Evans, Terry Davidson, Ron Monro." Second from left is Jim Evans (President) and fourth from the left is possibly Ron Munro (Vice President). Wilma Meggs and /Dawn Colbourne may be in the photo In the cabinet is the 1853 Bendigo Goldfields Petition (Red Ribbon Rebellion) The society holds the petition in digital form. The diggers had their own banner, designed by William Dexter, a china painter from Devon. This flag showed the pick, shovel and cradle representing labour, the scales representing justice, the Roman bundle of sticks meaning unity and the kangaroo and emu of Australia history, bendigo, tram, 1853 bendigo goldfields petition, red ribbon rebellions -
Eltham District Historical Society Inc
Document - Property Binder, 1040 Main Road, Eltham
Formerly the Grand Garden Chinese Restaurant which ran all the way through from Main Road to Commercial Place.Later Franco's Pizza Restaurant. Newspaper advertisement: Venus and Mars clothes shop Eltham, The Weekly Review, 13 May 2015. Newspaper article: It's time to move on after 18 years, Diamond Valley News, 14 February 2018, Venus and Mars clothes shop to close, interview of owner Jackie Marangoudis.Jackie MarangoudisJackie Marangoudismain road, eltham, shops, businesses, venus and mars clothes shop eltham, jackie marangoudis, grand garden chinese restaurant, franco's pizzeria -
Flagstaff Hill Maritime Museum and Village
Photograph - Vessel, H.M.A.S. Bendigo J187, post WWII
This photograph depicts the Royal Australian Navy's ship HMAS Bendigo (J187), one of 30 sips commissioned by the RAN for defence purposes in World War II. The ship was named after the City of Bendigo in Victoria. The corvette ship was a Bathurst class minesweeper, built by Cockatoo Docks and Engineering Company, at Cockatoo Island, Sydney. The ship was launched in March 1941, commissioned May 1941, decommissioned September 1946, and sold to a Chinese company as a civilian vessel.This photograph is significant for its association with the Royal Australian Navy and Australia's maritime and naval history. Black and white photograph of steamship H.M.A.S. Bendigo,, Bathurst class minesweeper J187.flagstaff hill, maritime village, maritime museum, warrnambool, shipwreck coast, cockatoo docks and engineering company, h.m.a.s. bendigo, hmas bendigo, hmas bendigo i, j187, world war ii, bathurst class corvette, royal australian navy, sydney built ship, sea mine patrol, mine sweeper, mine clearance, photograph, maritime photograph, minesweeper -
The Beechworth Burke Museum
Photograph - Photograph - Reproduction
The photograph is a reproduction of a postcard from the Rocky Mountain Mining Company. In 1875, the Rocky Mountain Extended Gold Sluicing Company Ltd was created, utilising the previous Rocky Mountain claim for the area near Lake Sambell. The company employed A.L Martin to survey an area for a tunnel underneath Beechworth and Johnson Stephens to dig it. The tunnel was built at a rate of 40 feet a month and eventually measured 800 metres. The tunnel was a true accomplishment both in the present and during the 19th century. It was considered to be a marvelous engineering feat. Beechworth is renowned for its hydraulic sluice method of mining. This involved soil being exposed to torrents of water from high-pressure hoses. From 1876 until its closure in 1921, the mine produced an astounding 47,926 ozs of gold. Companies like this were the source of income for many Chinese gold-diggers who sought to make their fortune on the goldfields of Beechworth. During the height of the rush, the town had around 7,000 Chinese inhabitants living on the outskirts of town as they were not permitted to live within Beechworth itself.This image of the Rocky Mountain mine is historically significant as the mining complex is now non-existent, with the only remains being the tunnel built in 1880 by the company, which was considered one of the greatest engineering feats of the time. The image also provides a first-hand look into the social and cultural networks at play during the 19th century with racial segregation of the Chinese at the 'Chinese Camp', as well as an insight into Beechworth's origins during the Gold Rush.Black and white rectangular reproduced photograph printed on paperbeechworth, rocky mountain mine, sluicing, gold rush, mining, gold -
Brighton Historical Society
Clothing - Dress, Fancy dress, circa 1911
This dress is a 'Dolly Varden' or 'shepherdess" style costume worn by Ida Annie Wallace (1890-1976) on a sea voyage to China accompanying her parents in 1911. The BHS has a photo of Ida wearing this dress when she was a guest at a dance for young people given by the Lord Mayor of Melbourne (possibly T. J. Davey). This party may have been held on the ship or it may have been a seperate event. This style dress was a popular choice for fancy dress in the late 1890s and early 1900s. The style is named after the character Dolly Varden in Charles Dickens, 'Barnaby Rudge' 1841. Around 1872, Dolly Varden-inspired costumes and paraphernalia were very a popular craze. Family information states that the silk for this dress was purchased by Ida and Marjorie's grandfather's sister (great aunt) in England circa 1840. The dress was donated by Marjorie Wallace (1901-1999), Ida's sister. Marjorie did not accompany the family to China, but stayed home with a governess. Marjorie lived in Brighton between 1923 and circa 1950 and attended Firbank Church of England Girls Grammar School.A dress consisting of bodice (.1) and skirt (.2). The bodice is made from beige silk with sprays of red and blue flowers and originally laced down the centre front with pink ribbon. The lower part of the bodice is modelled on a late 18th century polonaise design. The bodice is boned and features waist tapes. The elbow length sleeves are finished with beige hand made Maltese lace featuring Maltese crosses. The mid calf length skirt is made from pale pink silk which has been quilted and lined to create a stiffened form. Also with the dress is a piece of scrap floral fabric (.3) that is the same as the bodice fabric.dolly varden, marjorie wallace, barnaby rudge, charles dickens, fancy dress, ida annie wallace -
Federation University Historical Collection
Photograph - Colour, Jarrod Watt, A thousand protestors surround Hong Kong's main police headquarters on Arsenal Street in Wan Chai on June 26th 2019, 21/06/2019
Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerMore than a thousand protestors surround Hong Kong's main police headquarters on Arsenal Street in Wan Chai on June 26th following a peaceful rally at Edinburgh Place in Central. Doors to the complex were barricaded by protestors, who left after a six hour siege in protest at police violence at a prtest held earlier on 12 June 2019. Protesters ended a six-hour siege of Hong Kong’s police headquarters – their second in a week over the now-suspended extradition bill – early on Thursday morning. More than 1,000 were involved at the height of the protest, which began after 10pm on Wednesday. Around 100 were left at the end and dispersed without a fight when officers with riot shields emerged from the building in Wan Chai at 4am on Thursday. After a peaceful rally attended by thousands earlier at Edinburgh Place in the Central business district, hundreds descended on Arsenal Street, blocking the junction with Lockhart Road to all traffic and sealing the entrances to the police base. (https://www.scmp.com/news/hong-kong/politics/article/3016238/hong-kong-police-under-siege-again-protesters-surround )carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, protest, protestors -
Federation University Historical Collection
Photograph - Photograph - Colour, Jarrod Watt, Seven police officers stand guard in front of Hong Kong's main police headquarters on Arsenal Street in Wan Chai, 2019, 21/06/2019
Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerSeven police officers stand guard in front of Hong Kong's main police headquarters on Arsenal Street in Wan Chai as an estimated one thousand protestors surround on 26 June 2019. Protestors take turns to step up and hurl abuse at the officers, in a protest lasting 6 hours before peacefully dispersing. The protesters chanted 'Release the martyrs' and 'Stop police violence' in reference to violent clashes with police in the days previous. ( https://www.scmp.com/news/hong-kong/politics/article/3016238/hong-kong-police-under-siege-again-protesters-surround)carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, protest, protestors, police, wan chai -
Federation University Historical Collection
Photograph - Photograph - Colour, Jarrod Watt, Street Protests in Hong Kong against proposed extradition laws, 2019, 17/06/2019
Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerPhotograph of a crowd or protestors against proposed extradition laws gathering on the streets of Causeway Bay, Hong Kong, leading down to the gathering area. carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, protest, protestors -
Federation University Historical Collection
Photograph - Colour, Jarrod Watt, Street Protests in Hong Kong against proposed extradition laws, 2019, 17/06/2019
Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerPhotograph of a crowd on the streets of Hong Kong to protest against proposed extradition laws, heading towards Admiralty. carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, protest, protestors, admiralty -
Glenelg Shire Council Cultural Collection
Souvenir - Coffee Mug - Portland souvenir, G.R. Hose Glassware Pty Ltd, c. 1994
'Loreto past pupils reunion Portland' 19-11-1994White ceramic coffee mug. Double gold band on rim. Decal Loreto Convent gold logo. Measurements 9.6 x 10.7 x Diameter 8.3cmFront: 'LORETO PAST PUPIL'S REUNION PORTLAND' 19-11-1994' - gold, beneath logo Back: Base - Makers stamp 'Designed & Decorated in Australia C.R. Hose Glassware Pty Ltd Glass & Ceramic Decorators Est. 1945 Blank made in China -
Warrnambool and District Historical Society Inc.
Artefact, Shaving mug, Early 20th century
This is a shaving mug which, together with shaving cream, hot water, a shaver with a razor blade and a razor strop, were the items used by men to shave faces and/or beards. Today these items have been replaced by the use of an electric razor or a plastic holder containing a razor blade. This item is retained as an attractive example of the mugs used by men for shaving purposes up to the 1950s and 60s. This is a white china shaving mug with a circular base, a handle, a wide-lipped opening and a top bowl with three drainage holes at the bottom. The sides of the mug have coloured painted flowers. On the base of the mug is an article from a newspaper regarding the disappearance of the shaving mug from general use (pasted on) and some handwriting, part of which is indecipherable. The handle and the rims of the mug have originally been gilt-edged. ‘Shaving Mug’ ‘This is quite an antique – used by all the 3 R….’ men’s accessories, warrnambool, history of warrnambool -
Clunes Museum
Document - NEWSPAPER ARTICLES, CLUNES RIOT
LOCAL HISTORY, CLUNES RIOTNEWSPAPER ARTICLES ABOUT CLUNES RIOT (PHOTOCOPIES) .1 BALLARAT COURIER '100 YEARS AGO TOMORROW THEY RIOTED IN CLUNES' 8/12/1973 .2 THE EVENING POST BALLARAT 10/12/1873 'THE TOWN IS QUIET' .3 10/12/1873 'MINERS, WIVES AND CHILDREN RESISTING THE INTRODUCTION OF CHINESE LABOR .4 VIC. PARLIAMENT NOTICE TAKEN FROM BALLARAT POST 11/12/1873clunes riot newspaper articles, local mining history -
Ballarat Tramway Museum
Domestic Object - China Vase, Devon Ware Fieldings, c1910
Yields information about the appearance through a drawing of Sturt St in the mid 1920's and yields information about the manufacture of china items with images on the outside of the vase.Black colour external china vase with handles, white interior with a gold rim, three small legs at base with a transferred image of Sturt St from Grenville St early 1910's with an ESCo tram arriving at the Grenville St terminus and with another tram in the view. Looks west along Sturt St. Produced by Devon Ware Fieldings, Stoke on Trent England - marked on the base of the object. tramways, trams, crockery, sturt st, esco -
Ballarat Tramway Museum
Newspaper, The Courier Ballarat, "Tourist Trams for Bendigo", 24/10/1972 12:00:00 AM
Newspaper Clipping possibly from The Courier, Ballarat, 24/10/1972 about questions to be asked in the Legislative Assembly today by Mr. Floyd (Labour Williamstown) about the running of the trams in Bendigo for tourists and running of trams in Ballarat. Item notes that approved the service between the North Deborah mine and the Chinese Joss House. Item possibly from the Courier as it has Ballarat people funeral notices on the rear."24/10/72" in top right hand corner in black ink.trams, tramways, bendigo, parliamentary questions, mr. floyd, mr. v. wilcox -
Melbourne Tram Museum
Decorative Object - China Cup, Mt Atken Estates, "Kew Tram Depot 75th Celebrations 1991", 1991
Cream China cup with cream handle with a line drawing in brown of the outer part of the PMTT logo with an A class tram inside with the destination of Kew Depot. Has a brief history of the Kew Tram depot, its place in Melbourne's public transport and that it is an A Class depot. Has the manufacturers detail on the base of the cup - "National Ceramics Australia 03-5552777" on the base. Made to celebrate the 75th Anniversary of Malvern Depot - 1991.trams, tramways, crockery, kew depot, pmtt, anniversary -
Warrnambool and District Historical Society Inc.
Book, Reflection in Jamaica, 1926
This is a novel written by Mary Gaunt (1861-1942). She was an Australian writer who published over 20 novels, many travel books, short stories and magazine articles and achieved an international reputation as an author and intrepid traveller, especially in Africa and China. From 1894 to 1900 she lived in Warrnambool (she was married to Dr H. L. Miller) and continued to write while she was resident in the town, using local places and situations in some of her writings. This is a significant book as it is an original copy of one of Mary Gaunt’s novels. As a resident of Warrnammbool for some time and as a significant Australia author she has her place in Warrnambool’s history. The inscription in the book does not have any known significance. This is a hard cover book of 314 pages. The cover is light brown with black printing on the front cover and spine and an image of a tropical island scene on the front cover. There are a signature in black ink and an inscription in pencil on the first page. The cover is very stained and the spine has a number ‘46’ on white paper glued on. ‘Charles R. Boucher’ ‘Dec. 25 1928, Charley from Ethel and Forest’. ‘46’ mary gaunt, history of warrnambool, australian literature -
Bendigo Historical Society Inc.
Book - SOUVENIR OF MY SECOND TOUR OF THE WORLD 1924, 1925
My Second Tour of the World. 1924. By G.A. Pethard Printed by The Cambridge Press, Bendigo. 1925. Includes b/w photographs and a handrawn map. Travel book to "...afford much information on subjects and places not generally known and help readers to better appreciate the marvels of other lands'' (taken from the preface) Countries visited: Ceylon (Sri Lanka) India Malaya (Malaysia) Batavia, Java (Indonesia) China Hong Kong Japan Manchuria (China and Russia) Siberia (Russia) Russia Finland Sweden Norway England (England and Scotland and Wales) Teneriffe (Canary Islands, Spain) South Africa (South Africa and Zimbabwe) Item note: With the author's compliments... [handwritten] Mr J. Thomas, Golden Square As the pages are not numbered, it is uncertain if any pages are missing from the front of the book. The first page talks about Ceylon. It makes no mention of Fremantle. However, Fremantle is noted on the map. 3 copiesG. A. Pethardbiography, highlights of a world tour. -
Eltham District Historical Society Inc
Photograph, Jim Connor, Queenstown Cemetery Burial Register 1861-1981, Queenstown Cemetery, Smiths Gully Road, St Andrews, 8 March 2023
Installed by the Queenstown Cemetery Trust December 2009 The discovery of gold in Smyth's Creek in 1854 and subsequent gold rush to the Caledonia diggings led to the establishment of Queenstown (present day St Andrews). The first recorded burial was July 31st, 1861 and it was officially declared a Cemetery Reserve in 1866. Many graves are unmarked and unrecorded including many Chinese and other itinerant miners. The cemetery was closed for new burials in 1851. The last recorded burial was in 1981 in an existing family grave.jim connor collection, 2023-03-08, queenstown cemetery, smiths gully road, st andrews -
Flagstaff Hill Maritime Museum and Village
Ceramic - Two plates, Broadhurst Staffordshire Ironstone Pottery, 1950-1960
Broadhurst China was established in 1862 the firm was based at the Crown Pottery, Longton, Staffordshire until 1870 where James Broadhurst made a range of gold and silver lusterwares. In 1870 the firm moved to the Portland Pottery at Fenton, Staffordshire and continued to produce good quality earthenware. In 1897 "& Sons" was added to the company name and "Ltd" from C.1922. The full name, James Broadhurst & Sons Ltd. appears from 1957. In 1984 James Broadhurst & Sons Ltd became Churchill Tableware Ltd.Items made around 1950s or slightly later that are now collectors items made by one of the founders of ironstone pottery in England.Two Staffordshire ironstone dinner plates willow patternThe back is stamped "WILLOW BROADHURST STAFFORDSHIRE IRONSTONE Made in England Detergent and Dishwasher Proof"flagstaff hill museum, ceramics, pottery, plates, domestic items, kitchen ware, dinner sets, staffordshire ironstone pottery, staffordshire england -
Flagstaff Hill Maritime Museum and Village
Ceramic - Bowl, Broadhurst Staffordshire Ironstone Pottery, 1950s - 1960s
Broadhurst China was established in 1862 the firm was based at the Crown Pottery, Longton, Staffordshire until 1870 where James Broadhurst made a range of gold and silver lusterwares. In 1870 the firm moved to the Portland Pottery at Fenton, Staffordshire and continued to produce good quality earthenware. In 1897 "& Sons" was added to the company name and "Ltd" from C.1922. The full name, James Broadhurst & Sons Ltd. appears from 1957. In 1984 James Broadhurst & Sons Ltd became Churchill Tableware Ltd.Items made around 1950s or slightly later that are now collectors items made by one of the founders of ironstone pottery in England.Small ironstone willow pattern bowlThe back is stamped "WILLOW BROADHURST STAFFORDSHIRE IRONSTONE Made in England Detergent and Dishwasher Proof" Mass produce, Ceramic, Potteryironstone pottery, staffordshire pottery, flagstaff hill museum, crockery, dinner set, willow pattern -
City of Moorabbin Historical Society (Operating the Box Cottage Museum)
Manufactured Objects, 5 x Penknives, c1930
Richardson Sheffield is a major supplier of kitchen knives and scissors to the United Kingdom market. Established in 1839, the company is headquartered in Sheffield, England but the products are imported from China. It is now owned by the Dutch Amefa group A penknife is a small pocketknife consisting of a small knife with a blade which folds into the hand and often incorporates other tools such as corkscrews, tweezers These penknives c 1930 were used by George Reed who was a draftsman who lived in Bentleigh , City of Moorabbin in mid 20th C These penknives are typical of the type used by residents of City of Moorabbin c19304 x Penknives and 1 hooka) MADE / RICHARDS / SHEFFIELD / ENGLANDpenknives, cuttlery, knives, camping gear, city of moorabbin, bentleigh, highett, ormond, moorabbin, cheltenham, post world war 2 estates, reed george, reed gladys, -
The Beechworth Burke Museum
Geological specimen - Native Sulphur, unknown
Native Sulphur in its solid form is a yellow crystalline mineral that forms near volcanic vents and fumaroles where it is the solid form of hot gases. It is also frequently found in the subsurface as a by-product of sulphide ore mineralization. In all its forms, sulphur is one of the most commonly occurring minerals on the planet, especially in natural gases, and is key to the make-up of a range of other minerals. It is essential to continuing life on earth, and was used in ancient societies as part of medical care, religious rites, and entertainment, and was key to the invention of gunpowder by the Chinese. Native Sulphur in its solid form is a yellow crystalline mineral that forms near volcanic vents and fumaroles where it is the solid form of hot gases. It is also frequently found in the subsurface as a by-product of sulphide ore mineralization. In all its forms, sulphur is one of the most commonly occurring minerals on the planet, especially in natural gases, and is key to the make-up of a range of other minerals. It is essential to continuing life on earth and was used in ancient societies as part of medical care, religious rites, and entertainment, and was key to the invention of gunpowder by the Chinese. The exact site of extraction for this specimen is unknown, but it was probably collected in New Zealand in the 1850s. Sulphur is significant both for its historical and current uses, and for its nature as one of the most abundant minerals on the planet. Sulphur's importance comes both from its abundance and its role in ensuring survival, creating other minerals, and daily human life. This specimen is significant as representative of sulphur's solid properties. This specimen is part of a larger collection of geological and mineral specimens collected from around Australia (and some parts of the world) and donated to the Burke Museum between 1868-1880. A large percentage of these specimens were collected in Victoria as part of the Geological Survey of Victoria that begun in 1852 (in response to the Gold Rush) to study and map the geology of Victoria. Collecting geological specimens was an important part of mapping and understanding the scientific makeup of the earth. Many of these specimens were sent to research and collecting organisations across Australia, including the Burke Museum, to educate and encourage further study.A solid, small, crystalline mineral specimen that is largely bright yellow, with some darker spotting. geological specimen, geology, geology collection, burke museum, beechworth, sulphur, native sulphur, new zealand, native sulphur specimen, sulphur specimen -
Warrnambool and District Historical Society Inc.
Crockery, Hotel Criterion Plates, Mid 20th century
These dinner plates were used at the Criterion Hotel in Kepler Street, Warrnambool, about the mid 1900s. The Criterion Hotel was opened in 1872 with the first licensee, John Tate. The Humm family was associated with the hotel from the 1880s to 1919 and members of the McGennan family were licensees and owners of the hotel for over 50 years in the 20th century. The hotel closed in 2008 and the building was demolished in 2013.These plates are of great interest as excellent examples of the dinner plates used at the Warrnambool Criterion Hotel in the mid 20th century. The Criterion Hotel was a Warrnambool landmark for over 130 years.These are two white vitrified china plates. One is slightly smaller than the other but they are both dinner –plate size and made for hotel use. They are circular in shape with a wide outer band and the base or body of the plates slightly recessed. The name of the hotel is printed in red on the side of the plates in an oval decorative pattern. Details of the manufacturer and supplier are printed on the bottom of the plates. There are few stains or markings on the plates, suggesting they have been little used‘Criterion Hotel Warrnambool’ ‘Globe Pottery Co. Ltd. Cobridge England Vitrified’ ‘John Dynon & Sons Melbourne’criterion hotel, warrnambool, history of warrnambool -
Bendigo Historical Society Inc.
Document - NATIONAL TRUST COLLECTION: CHINESE MASONIC HALL, 1968-1974
Chinese Masonic Hall Data Form Letter to the Survey Identification Committee, National Trustr of Australia (Vic) from W. Sou San re that the building is not a Joss house but is a Masonic Formerly a Chineese Grocery Store Three Letters from the National Trust to Mrs R.R. Adams re the building Letter from the National Trust to Mr Denis O'Hoy Various letters between the Bendigo Town Clerk and the National Trustbendigo, buildings, chinese -
Ballarat Tramway Museum
Domestic Object - China dish, Shelley, c1910
Yields information about the appearance through a drawing of Sturt St in the mid 1920's and yields information about the manufacture of china dishes with images in the bowl of the dish.White china dish, detailed curved and decorated edges with a transferred image of Sturt St from Grenville St early 1920's with an ESCo tram arriving at the Grenville St terminus and two other trams in the view. Looks west along Sturt St. See Reg Item 4764 for another example of a similar dish made by the same manufacturer for a series of dishes made for R. Tunbridge and Sons by Shelley, England. tramways, trams, crockery, sturt st, esco -
Bendigo Historical Society Inc.
Slide - DIGGERS & MINING. GOLD, c1850s
Diggers & Mining. Gold. The Chinese soon became very unpopular with the white diggers on the goldfields. (1) Much of the hostility to them was the result of sheer prejudice directed against people who were alien in race, religion, and language; whose standard of living, by European criteria, was low; and who did not mix with other diggers, but lived - preforce - in separate camps in the diggings. Markings: 22 994.GOL. Used as a teaching aid.hanimounteducation, tertiary, goldfields -
Linton and District Historical Society Inc
Photograph, Jimmy Lee Ching, Linton, circa 1900
Black and white image of a man with moustache, wearing working clothes and boots. Bundles of twigs propped against fence post and rail behind him. The clothing appears quite ragged in appearance. His trousers are held up by rope tied at his waist. Jimmy was said to be the last Chinese miner to live in the Linton area. The photograph shows Jimmy in his market garden on Snake Valley Road, Linton, circa1900.jimmy lee ching, chinese, miners, linton -
Melbourne Tram Museum
Postcard, Biscay Greetings, Four views of Melbourne including SW5 725, late1980's
Colour postcard divided back, four photo panels - Biscay Greetings, 1. - SW5 725 in Collins St, route 9, Northcote 2 - Elizabeth St 3 - A fruit vendors cart 4 - China Town Back has space for name and address, stamp and a message and details of the postcard. Produced by Biscay Greetings, possibly mid 1980's. Card No. BG814 Has title "from Melbourne Australia - impressions"trams, tramways, collins st, tourism, sw5 class, elizabeth st, tram 252