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Ringwood and District Historical Society
Book, City of Ringwood, City of Ringwood 1994 Report & Community Guide, 1994
The City of Ringwood and the City of Croydon merged in December 1994 and became the City of Maroondah.Community information book issued by City of Ringwood for 1994 - covering the facilities and activities of the Ringwood Council and other local organisations and associations. Includes Ringwood Public Golf Course discount vouchers and two Ringwood Aquatic Centre bonus entry vouchers.CONTENTS: (page no.) Contents A Message from the Mayor - Cr. Margaret Cheevers 3 Your Council 4 Local State and Federal MPs 5 Council Meetings and Elections 6 History of Ringwood 7 City Manager's Report 8 Organisational structure 9 Human Services 10-19 Environmental Health 20-21 Ringwood Library 22 Parks and Gardens 23 Ringwood's Parks and Reserves 24 Building 25 Engineering Planning Services 26-28 Waste Management 29 Town Planning 30 Traffic and Local Laws 31-33 Roads, Drainage and Major Works 38-39 Halls and Facilities 40-41 Aquatic Centre 42 Convention Centre/Karralika Theatre 43 Golf Course 44 Free Swim & Golf Discount Vouchers 45 Community Organisations 46-64 Finance 65-66 Administration 67 Community Liaison 68 Information Systems 69 Personnel 70-71 Risk Management 71 Rates and Valuations 72 rinx -
4th/19th Prince of Wales's Light Horse Regiment Unit History Room
Instrument - Trumpet, Cavalry, Couesnon Cie, 1901 (exact)
The 2nd Light Horse Regiment was raised at Enoggera in Queensland on 18 August 1914. Its recruits came mainly from Queensland but some hailed from the northern rivers district of New South Wales. The 2nd was one of three regiments of the 1st Light Horse Brigade – the first Australian mounted formation raised by Australia during the First World War. The regiment sailed from Brisbane on 25 September and disembarked in Egypt on 9 December. The 2nd Light Horse Regiment deployed to Gallipoli without its horses and landed there on 12 May 1915, joining the New Zealand and Australian Division. It played a defensive role for most of the campaign but did attack the Turkish trenches opposite Quinn’s Post, one of the most contested positions along the ANZAC Line. The first assault wave was mown down and fortunately the officer commanding the attack had the wisdom and courage to call it off. The 2nd was withdrawn from the front line in September and left the peninsula on 18 December. Back in Egypt, the 2nd Light Horse joined the ANZAC Mounted Division. Between January and May 1916, the regiment was deployed to protect the Nile valley from bands of pro-Turkish Senussi Arabs. On 18 May, as part of its parent brigade, it joined the forces defending the Suez Canal. The 1st Light Horse Brigade played a significant role in turning back the Turkish advance on the canal at the battle of Romani on 4 August. In ensuing days the regiments of the brigade participated in the immediate follow-up of the defeated Turks, but were soon withdrawn to rest. The 2nd Light Horse Regiment rejoined the Allied advance across the Sinai in November and was subsequently involved in the fighting to secure the Turkish outposts on the Palestine frontier – Maghdaba on 23 December 1916 and Rafa on 9 January 1917. A stint of protective duty along the line of communications through the Sinai followed. The 2nd’s next major engagement was the abortive second battle of Gaza on 19 April. Gaza finally fell on 7 November, after a wide outflanking move via Beersheba, in which the 1st Light Horse Brigade played a part. With the capture of Gaza, the Turkish position in southern Palestine collapsed. The 2nd Light Horse Regiment participated in the advance to Jaffa that followed, and was then committed to operations to clear and occupy the west bank of the Jordan River. It was involved in the Amman (24–27 February) and Es Salt (30 April–4 May) raids and the repulse of a major German and Turkish attack on 14 July 1918. The final British offensive of the campaign was launched along the Mediterranean coast on 19 September 1918, with the ANZAC Mounted Division taking part in a subsidiary effort east of the Jordan aimed at Amman. Turkey surrendered on 30 October 1918. The 2nd Light Horse Regiment sailed for Australia on 13 March 1919 without their horses, which were either shot or transferred to Indian cavalry units. Events in the daily routine of the soldier were signalled by bugle and trumpet calls. This trumpet is signicant because historically, it was issued to the 2nd Australian Light Horse Regiment in 1912. This Regiment served with distinction in Gallipoli and Palestine in World War 1. It is probable, but not confirmed, that tthe trumpet was used by the Regiment during these operations. Each light horse regiment was divided into four squadrons. Each squadron had a trumpeter sergeant, equipped with a cavalry trumpet, who was employed at the Squadron Headquarters Technically called a cavalry trumpet, this brass instrument can be described as a "simple trumpet" ie. the direct forerunner of the modern valve trumpet. It is in E flat not B flat as is the bugle. Both were carried slung over the player's body by means of green tasselled cords.Crest with inscription: "Exposition Universelle De Paris" with circular logo with inscribed "1900". "Hors Concours Membre De Jury". Logo formed of initials (not deciphered). "Couesnon Cie 94 Rue Dangouleme Paris". Bomb burst type logo with "01" in centre. "W H Paling & Co Ltd Sydney NSW Brisbane" On bell: "Mounted Rifles (2nd ALH)" trumpet, cavalry, musical instrument, 2nd light horse, mounted rifles -
Bendigo Historical Society Inc.
Photograph - EAGLEHAWK STATE SCHOOL 1925, 1928
Two black and white photographs mounted on a board. Top photo - large group of girls with teachers. Bottom photo - large group of boys with teachers. Both photographed outside brick building with three windows and timber addition at R with one window. These photos appear to be cut from the 'Back to Eaglehawk, October 199298 Souvenir booklet'. Inscriptions: on front - printed in red ink 'Eaglehawk State School 1928'. Rubber stamp 'HJG Biggs, Health Inspector'. Printed at CT 'Oct 1928, Back to Eaglehawk'. Printed under top photo 'Eaglehawk State School. The total attendance at the Eaglehawk State is 37-, with 180 boys and 190 girls. The staff consists of the head teacher, one male assistant, seven female assistants, and three junior teachers. The head teacher, Mr GP Hibberd, has just been transferred to the Central School Bendigo, and Mr Charles F Tilson is in charge temporarily'. Printed under bottom photo 'Eaglehawk State School. Mr CF Tilson, who is now at the head of the Eaglehawk School temporarily, has been in charge of the central classes for some time. Miss E Trewavis is the first female assistant, in charge of the infant department. There is also an 'opportunity class for backward pupils. Miss M Esposito in charge'. History: Previous Acc. No. MP 108.person, group, eaglehawk state school -
Federation University Art Collection
Painting - Artwork - Drawing, 'Professor Shirley Randell,' 1989 by Geoffrey Mainwaring, 1989
Geoffrey MAINWARING (29 October 1912-13 April 2000) Born Adelaide South Australia Geoffrey Mainwaring studied at the South Australian School of Arts and Crafts before becoming an art teacher at Thebarton Technical School (1928-36). Mainwaring was adept at depicting a variety of subjects, from landscapes to portraits, and was very competent using a variety of media, including pencil, oils, and watercolour. He was a confident draftsperson, and completed many sensitively rendered portraits that give an insight into the character of the sitter. In June 1941 Geoffrey Mainwaring (SX13471) joined the 2nd Australian Imperial Force, and after five months was transferred to the Engineers and employed as a Sergeant-Instructor, specialising in demolitions. In late 1942, he was sent to New Guinea as an Australian army artist on probation. On 27 May 1947, Mainwaring was discharged from the Army, having served for five and a half years. He was appointed as an artist on a civilian basis until his paintings were completed in March 1948. In 1949 he was appointed Head of the Art School at the Ballarat School of Mines (now Federation University Australia). He continued to paint commissioned portraits for the Australian War Memorial until the late 1950s. Geoffrey Mainwaring died at Ballarat in April 2000. This item is part of the Federation University Art Collection. The Art Collection features over 2000 works and was listed as a 'Ballarat Treasure' in 2007.A framed and triple mounted pastel portrait of Professor Shirley Randell. Shirley Randell is a long-time activist for gender equality and women's empowerment in education, employment, public service and civil society in Australia, the Pacific, Asia and Africa. She was the first female dean at Ballarat College of Advanced Education (later Federation University Australia). Her appointment as Dean of Academic Affairs made her the first woman to hold a senior management position at the college. In 2019 Shirley Randell is a Member of the Order of Australia, having received the Officer of the Order (AO) award in 2010 for her services to international relations through education, public sector, institutional reform and economic empowerment of women in Australia, the Pacific, Asia and Africa. She is a member of many important boards and committees including the Australian Government Women’s Alliance – Economic Security for Women and the indigo foundation. An Ambassador of Dignity Ltd, the Australian Centre for Leadership for Women, Women’s International Cricket League/FairBreak and The International Alliance for Women, Shirley Randell is also a member of the Independent Scholars Association of Australia Council, Graduate Women International Projects Committee, and sits on the several editorial boards including the BioMedical-Central Women’s Health Journal. Gift of Professor Shirley Kaye Randell, AO, PhD, Hon.DLitt, FACE, FAICD, FIML, first woman in the Executive Team of the Ballarat College of Advanced Education as Dean of Academic Affairs, 1989- 1990signature bottom right - "G. R. Mainwaring 1989."art, artwork, available, geoff mainwaring, geoffrey mainwaring, mainwarring, pastel, drawing, portrait, portraiture, woman, professor shirley randell, ballarat, g. r. mainwaring, shirley randell -
Federation University Historical Collection
Photograph - Colour, Jarrod Watt, Hong Kong Street Flyer by an unknown artist, 2019, 06/2019
Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerPhotograph of a street art poster taken on the streets of Hong Kong during the protests against legislation to allow Hong Kong suspects to be extradited to mainland Chinese carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, poster art, posters -
Federation University Historical Collection
Photograph - Colour, Jarrod Watt, A thousand protestors surround Hong Kong's main police headquarters on Arsenal Street in Wan Chai on June 26th 2019, 21/06/2019
Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerMore than a thousand protestors surround Hong Kong's main police headquarters on Arsenal Street in Wan Chai on June 26th following a peaceful rally at Edinburgh Place in Central. Doors to the complex were barricaded by protestors, who left after a six hour siege in protest at police violence at a prtest held earlier on 12 June 2019. Protesters ended a six-hour siege of Hong Kong’s police headquarters – their second in a week over the now-suspended extradition bill – early on Thursday morning. More than 1,000 were involved at the height of the protest, which began after 10pm on Wednesday. Around 100 were left at the end and dispersed without a fight when officers with riot shields emerged from the building in Wan Chai at 4am on Thursday. After a peaceful rally attended by thousands earlier at Edinburgh Place in the Central business district, hundreds descended on Arsenal Street, blocking the junction with Lockhart Road to all traffic and sealing the entrances to the police base. (https://www.scmp.com/news/hong-kong/politics/article/3016238/hong-kong-police-under-siege-again-protesters-surround )carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, protest, protestors -
Federation University Historical Collection
Photograph - Photograph - Colour, Jarrod Watt, Seven police officers stand guard in front of Hong Kong's main police headquarters on Arsenal Street in Wan Chai, 2019, 21/06/2019
Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerSeven police officers stand guard in front of Hong Kong's main police headquarters on Arsenal Street in Wan Chai as an estimated one thousand protestors surround on 26 June 2019. Protestors take turns to step up and hurl abuse at the officers, in a protest lasting 6 hours before peacefully dispersing. The protesters chanted 'Release the martyrs' and 'Stop police violence' in reference to violent clashes with police in the days previous. ( https://www.scmp.com/news/hong-kong/politics/article/3016238/hong-kong-police-under-siege-again-protesters-surround)carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, protest, protestors, police, wan chai -
Federation University Historical Collection
Photograph - Colour, Jarrod Watt, Crowds Gather on June 16 on the Streets of Causeway Bay, 2019, 17/06/2019
Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerPhotograph crowds gathering on June 16 on the streets of Causeway Bay before an estimated 2 million people take part in march protesting the government's push for extradition laws to China and demanding an apology from the chief executrive Carrie Lam. Nearly 2 million’ people take to streets, forcing public apology from Hong Kong leader Carrie Lam as suspension of controversial extradition bill fails to appease protesters. (https://www.scmp.com/news/hong-kong/politics/article/3014737/nearly-2-million-people-take-streets-forcing-public-apology )carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, protest, protestors -
Federation University Historical Collection
Photograph - Photograph - Colour, Jarrod Watt, Street Protests in Hong Kong against proposed extradition laws, 2019, 17/06/2019
Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerPhotograph of a crowd or protestors against proposed extradition laws gathering on the streets of Causeway Bay, Hong Kong, leading down to the gathering area. carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, protest, protestors -
Federation University Historical Collection
Photograph - Colour, Jarrod Watt, Street Protests in Hong Kong against proposed extradition laws, 2019, 17/06/2019
Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerPhotograph of a crowd on the streets of Hong Kong to protest against proposed extradition laws, heading towards Admiralty. carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, protest, protestors, admiralty -
Federation University Historical Collection
Photograph - Colour Photograph, Street Protests in Hong Kong against proposed extradition laws, 2019, 17/06/2019
Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerCrowds mass on Queens Way in Hong Kong as an estimated 2 million people march in protest at the government's refusal to withdraw a controverisal law allowing people to be extradited to mainland China. Chants demanded the chief executive apologise and the legislation be withdrawn, while many held signs protesting police violence. Nearly 2 million protesters flooded the streets of Hong Kong on Sunday, organisers claimed, delivering a stunning repudiation of Chief Executive Carrie Lam Cheng Yuet-ngor’s governance and forcing a public apology out of the city’s leader over her campaign to bulldoze a controversial extradition bill through the legislature. A day after Lam suspended her push for the bill, expecting it to defuse a crisis that has seen violent clashes between mostly young protesters and police, the centre of Hong Kong was brought to a complete standstill as the masses marched to chastise her for refusing to withdraw the bill or apologise when first asked to, and declaring that nothing short of her resignation would satisfy them now. (https://www.scmp.com/news/hong-kong/politics/article/3014737/nearly-2-million-people-take-streets-forcing-public-apology ) carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, protest, protestors, admiralty -
Federation University Historical Collection
Photograph, Dana Street, Ballarat During Covid-19 State of Emergency, 13/04/2020
On 12 January, the World Health Organization (WHO) confirmed that a novel coronavirus was the cause of a respiratory illness in a cluster of people in Wuhan City, Hubei Province, China, who had initially come to the attention of the WHO on 31 December 2019. On 3 March, the Reserve Bank of Australia became the first central bank to cut interest rates in response to the outbreak. Official interest rates were cut by 0.25% (25 base points) to a record low of 0.5%. On 12 March, the Federal Government announced a A$17.6 billion stimulus package, the first since the 2008 GFC. he package consists of multiple parts, a one-off A$750 payment to around 6.5 million welfare recipients as early as 31 March 2020, small business assistance with 700,000 grants up to $25,000 and a 50% wage subsidy for 120,000 apprenticies or trainees for up to 9 months, 1 billion to support economically impacted sectors, regions and communities, and $700 million to increase tax write off and $3.2 billion to support short-term small and medium-sized business investment. On 16 March, Premier Dan Andrews and Minister for Health Jenny Mikakos declared a state of emergency for Victoria for at least four weeks. On 19 March, the Reserve Bank again cut interest rates by a further 0.25% to 0.25%, the lowest in Australian history. On 22 March, the government announced a second stimulus package of A$66bn, increasing the amount of total financial package offered to A$89bn. This included several new measures like doubling income support for individuals on Jobseeker's allowance, granting A$100,000 to small and medium-sized businesses and A$715 million to Australian airports and airlines. It also allowed individuals affected by the outbreak to access up to A$10,000 of their superannuation during 2019–2020 and also being able to take an additional same amount for the next year. on the same day Victorian Premier Daniel Andrews announced on 22 March that the state will bring the school holiday forwards to 24 March from 27 March. On 30 March, the Australian Federal Government announced a $130 billion "JobKeeper" wage subsidy program offering to pay employers up to $1500 a fortnight per full-time, part-time or casual employee that has worked for that business for over a year. For a business to be eligible, they must have lost 30% of turnover after 1 March of annual revenue up to and including $1 billion. For businesses with a revenue of over $1 billion, turnover must have decreased by 50%. Businesses are then required by law to pay the subsidy to their staff, in lieu of their usual wages. This response came after the enormous job losses seen just a week prior when an estimated 1 million Australians lost their jobs. This massive loss in jobs caused the myGov website to crash and lines out of Centrelink offices to run hundreds of metres long.The program was backdated to 1 March, to aim at reemploying the many people who had just lost their jobs in the weeks before. Businesses would receive the JobKeeper subsidy for six months. * On 12 April 2020 Victorian Premier Daniel Andrews Extended the State of Emergency until midnight on May 11. On this day the world has 1,604,900 cases of coronavirus, with 95,738 deaths. America has 468,887 cases of covid19, with 1,900 Americans dying in the last 24 hours. The UK has 65,077 cases. 881 people died in the last 24 hours. Australia has 6,292 cases. 58 people have died to date.Colour photographs of Ballarat's usually very busy Dana Street during Covid-19 Social Isoliation. The photographs were taken at 4.00pm. dana street, ballarat, covid19, corona virus, pandemic, state of emergency -
Federation University Historical Collection
Photograph - Photograph - Colour, Eyre Street, Ballarat During Covid-19 State of Emergency, 13/04/2020
On 12 January, the World Health Organization (WHO) confirmed that a novel coronavirus was the cause of a respiratory illness in a cluster of people in Wuhan City, Hubei Province, China, who had initially come to the attention of the WHO on 31 December 2019. On 3 March, the Reserve Bank of Australia became the first central bank to cut interest rates in response to the outbreak. Official interest rates were cut by 0.25% (25 base points) to a record low of 0.5%. On 12 March, the Federal Government announced a A$17.6 billion stimulus package, the first since the 2008 GFC. he package consists of multiple parts, a one-off A$750 payment to around 6.5 million welfare recipients as early as 31 March 2020, small business assistance with 700,000 grants up to $25,000 and a 50% wage subsidy for 120,000 apprenticies or trainees for up to 9 months, 1 billion to support economically impacted sectors, regions and communities, and $700 million to increase tax write off and $3.2 billion to support short-term small and medium-sized business investment. On 16 March, Premier Dan Andrews and Minister for Health Jenny Mikakos declared a state of emergency for Victoria for at least four weeks. On 19 March, the Reserve Bank again cut interest rates by a further 0.25% to 0.25%, the lowest in Australian history. On 22 March, the government announced a second stimulus package of A$66bn, increasing the amount of total financial package offered to A$89bn. This included several new measures like doubling income support for individuals on Jobseeker's allowance, granting A$100,000 to small and medium-sized businesses and A$715 million to Australian airports and airlines. It also allowed individuals affected by the outbreak to access up to A$10,000 of their superannuation during 2019–2020 and also being able to take an additional same amount for the next year. on the same day Victorian Premier Daniel Andrews announced on 22 March that the state will bring the school holiday forwards to 24 March from 27 March. On 30 March, the Australian Federal Government announced a $130 billion "JobKeeper" wage subsidy program offering to pay employers up to $1500 a fortnight per full-time, part-time or casual employee that has worked for that business for over a year. For a business to be eligible, they must have lost 30% of turnover after 1 March of annual revenue up to and including $1 billion. For businesses with a revenue of over $1 billion, turnover must have decreased by 50%. Businesses are then required by law to pay the subsidy to their staff, in lieu of their usual wages. This response came after the enormous job losses seen just a week prior when an estimated 1 million Australians lost their jobs. This massive loss in jobs caused the myGov website to crash and lines out of Centrelink offices to run hundreds of metres long.The program was backdated to 1 March, to aim at reemploying the many people who had just lost their jobs in the weeks before. Businesses would receive the JobKeeper subsidy for six months. * On 12 April 2020 Victorian Premier Daniel Andrews Extended the State of Emergency until midnight on May 11. On this day the world has 1,604,900 cases of coronavirus, with 95,738 deaths. America has 468,887 cases of covid19, with 1,900 Americans dying in the last 24 hours. The UK has 65,077 cases. 881 people died in the last 24 hours. Australia has 6,292 cases. 58 people have died to date.Colour photographs of Ballarat's usually very busy Eyre Street during Covid-19 Social Isoliation. The photographs were taken at 4.00pm. ballarat, covid19, corona virus, pandemic, state of emergency, eyre street -
The Beechworth Burke Museum
Photograph, Bayless C. - Manager, 1875
In this photo, taken in around 1875, is depicted the exterior of the Beechworth Mental Asylum buildings, with the administration buildings far right of the photo. A sunken boundary wall in the foreground and some people in view, sitting at the pavillion in the centre of the image. The two-storey buildings, designed in Italianate style, and the three-storey towers at the front, influenced by the asylum at Colney Hatch in England. The architecture of the buildings shares key features with other contemporary institutions, like Aradale at Ararat, and its design is attributed to the Public Works Department architect, J.J. Clark, whose name is connected with the construction of many other important public buildings, such as the Asylums at Kew and Ararat, the front block of the Royal Mint, Melbourne and the Melbourne Customs House. The Mayday Hills Hospital was constructed between 1864 and 1867, with buildings created in a number of periods. It formally opened on 24 October 1867 and, along with the Ovens Hospital and the Benevolent Asylum, made Beechworth a prominent social welfare centre in Victoria. Large masses of granite were excavated for its foundation and around 250 workmen were employed for its construction. The building, divided into six sections, was comprised of dormitories, doctors` rooms and plenty ancillary rooms and facilities, such as laundries, reading rooms, a concert hall and cooking areas. The site was chosen for its panoramic view of the countryside, the hilltop atmosphere and the native fauna, all contributing to the cure of patients. The Hospital was originally named the “Ovens Lunatic Asylum” but during the centenary celebrations in 1967 the name was officially changed to “Mayday Hills Hospital”, showing the gradual shift in the perception and understanding of mental health conditions over the last decades. The Hospital lies on the traditional land of the Kulin Nation.This photograph is historically significant as it provides an insight into the location, surroundings and the exterior of the Mayday Hills Hospital at the end of the 19th century. It also contributes to the understanding of the district`s development and its importance to the course of Victoria`s history and is acknowledged as a unique construction, being one of three identified as the largest of their kind.Black and white rectangular photograph printed on matte photographic paper mounted on board.Reverse: 37/ 3443/ Beechworth Asylum about 1875/ American & Australasian/Photographic Company/Victoria Branch./C.Bayless, Manager./ No./beechworth mental asylum, aradale, public works department, j.j. clark, melbourne customs house, colney hatch, italianate style, mayday hills hospital, royal mint, granite, benevolent asylum, dormitories, ovens lunatic asylum, ancillary rooms, centenary celebrations, three-storey towers, countryside, mental health conditions, kulin nation, concert hall -
Eltham District Historical Society Inc
Photograph, Peter Pidgeon, Grave of David George and Elizabeth Clark, Eltham Cemetery, Victoria, 5 April 2021
David George Clark was the first and longest-serving headmaster at Eltham State School No. 209 (Eltham Primary) in Dalton Street, Eltham. David (then aged 26) and his sister Catherine first established their ‘private’ school which began in 1855 and was held in the Wesleyan Chapel in Henry Street, a slab built, shed-like building on land acquired by the Church in January 1855. Parents lobbied the Government to establish an official school, and a School Inspector came out to investigate. He found that the Clarks were of good moral and religious character (David taught Sunday School at St. Margaret's later on) and gave them his endorsement despite some perceived technical shortcomings. In 1856 a small stone building of 40 feet by 16 feet was erected on the school's present site at the corner of Main Road and Dalton Street. Half of the building was the school, the other half was the residence of David and Catherine and their mother, also Catherine. It appears that they were well respected by the local community: David constantly battled with the authorities to have facilities (such as toilets) at the school improved. As enrolment gradually increased, over-crowding became an issue. As well, David married Elizabeth in 1863. Needing to move out of the schoolhouse, in 1866 the Clarks bought a block of land in Metery Road next to the school and built the house "Shoestring" (which still exists albeit with significant modifications). Catherine retired in 1887 followed by David in 1889 after a period of ill health and was succeeded as Head Teacher by John Brown. David died in 1911 and is buried with his wife Elizabeth in Eltham Cemetery. In Loving Memory Of D. G. & E. ClarkBorn Digitaleltham cemetery, gravestones, david george clark, elizabeth clark, eltham primary school, eltham wesleyan chapel, state school no. 209 -
Eltham District Historical Society Inc
Photograph, David Potts (Latrobe University), Koornong School collection, c.1940-c.1945
Photos include: Log building which the students constructed and used as a co-operative shop, Primary Class, Science class outside their classroom, Government meeting held in the outdoor theatre, Janet and Lawrence Nield. "Koornung School, Warrandyte was established by Clive and Janet Blake Nield in 1939, after they had visited progressive schools in Europe and America. They believed children should be given freedom to grow while learning to accept responsibility; that school should be a miniature democracy and education not a preparation for life but experience of life itself. A government of children and all staff (whatever their jobs in the school) met regularly, made the rules and dealt out punishment for breaking them. The few rules set down by staff related to health and safety, for instance, no pupils were allowed to go into the river without supervision. The school could not have been started at a worse time. Food rationing and coupons, petrol shortages and men at war limiting teaching staff made difficulties. It was an expensive school to run. Financial difficulties became more serious and eventually the school had to close in 1946. Efforts by the children and a Board of Management of notable people failed to save it. Janet Nield (M.A., Dip Ed.) was an inspired teacher of history. She was one of the few women at Melbourne University at that time to gain a Masters degree in history. The Nields left Melbourne to live in Sydney, Clive to work at Sydney University in lecturing in Education and particularly interested in Colombo Plan students. Janet devoted herself to children as a Lay Analyst. She was awarded the title of Training Analyst by a meeting of international psychoanalysts in Europe. - Pat Scott (Mrs Wynne Scott), a former member of staff at Koornung School Collection of five black and white photographs a, letter and descriptive material relating to Koornong School, Warrandyte showing various teachers and students and Connie and Alec Smith's studio.schools, koornong, warrandyte, danila vassilieff, lorna carter, adrian rawlins, teachers, janet nield, clive nield -
Eltham District Historical Society Inc
Negative - Photograph, Eltham War Memorial Obelisk 1914-1918, cnr. Main Road and Bridge Street, c.1925
Located on what was referred to as Obelisk Corner, improvements have been been made since the unveiling in August 1919 with the provision of a stone retaining wall topped with a chain link and granite stone boundary, most likely in conjunction with improvements to the intersection into Main Road. Along with the use of the name Obelisk Corner, the Bridge Street bridge was also known as Obelisk Bridge. The Eltham Obelisk was originally located at the corner of Bridge and Main Roads in 1919. In 1943 (WW2) the local community commenced plans to establish the Eltham War Memorial, a living memorial to benefit the children as opposed to a one in stone as per the obelisk. The Eltham War Memorial Trust was established in 1945. In 1947 the Trust intended for the Obelisk to be relocated from Bridge Street and Main Road to the Garden of Remembrance which was planned as part of the Baby Health Centre which was to be the first of three buildings of the Eltham War Memorial to be built in 1951. In 1951 the Eltham RSL was invited to be represented on the Eltham War Memorial Trust. Around this time, with pending roadworks, the obelisk was relocated to the front garden of the Eltham RSL sub branch on Main Road for safe keeping. In 2007, a suggestion was proposed by Harry Gilham (President, EDHS) to John Cohen (ERSL) to claim a special site along with the historic Shillinglaw trees on the now vacant former Eltham Shire Office site adjacent to the Eltham War Memorial precinct for relocation of the obelisk. In 2010 following the financial collapse and sale of the Eltham RSL Sub-Branch property and amalgamation with the Montmorency Eltham RSL sub-branch, the location of the obelisk was again in immediate jepoardy and in conjunction with Nillumbik Shire Council, the obelisk was relocated in front of the Eltham War Memorial buildings in preparation for the Dawn Service on Anzac Day 2012.This photo forms part of a collection of photographs gathered by the Shire of Eltham for their centenary project book,"Pioneers and Painters: 100 years of the Shire of Eltham" by Alan Marshall (1971). The collection of over 500 images is held in partnership between Eltham District Historical Society and Yarra Plenty Regional Library (Eltham Library) and is now formally known as the 'The Shire of Eltham Pioneers Photograph Collection.' It is significant in being the first community sourced collection representing the places and people of the Shire's first one hundred years.Digital image 4 x 5 inch B&W Negsepp, shire of eltham pioneers photograph collection, eltham, main road, eltham war memorial, bridge street, obelisk, obelisk corner -
Eltham District Historical Society Inc
Photograph, Eltham War Memorial 1914-1918. Cnr. Main Road and Bridge Street, 3 August 1919
Dated 1919, the Eltham Obelisk is decorated with wreaths, most likely for what was originally known as Armistice Day though now known as Remembrance Day, 11 November. The location of the Obelisk at the corner of Bridge Street and Main Road became known as Obelisk Corner and the Bridge Street bridge was also referred to as Obelisk Bridge. The Eltham Obelisk was originally located at the corner of Bridge and Main Roads in 1919. In 1943 (WW2) the local community commenced plans to establish the Eltham War Memorial, a living memorial to benefit the children as opposed to a one in stone as per the obelisk. The Eltham War Memorial Trust was established in 1945. In 1947 the Trust intended for the Obelisk to be relocated from Bridge Street and Main Road to the Garden of Remembrance which was planned as part of the Baby Health Centre which was to be the first of three buildings of the Eltham War Memorial to be built in 1951. In 1951 the Eltham RSL was invited to be represented on the Eltham War Memorial Trust. Around this time, with pending roadworks, the obelisk was relocated to the front garden of the Eltham RSL sub branch on Main Road for safe keeping. In 2007, a suggestion was proposed by Harry Gilham (President, EDHS) to John Cohen (ERSL) to claim a special site along with the historic Shillinglaw trees on the now vacant former Eltham Shire Office site adjacent to the Eltham War Memorial precinct for relocation of the obelisk. In 2010 following the financial collapse and sale of the Eltham RSL Sub-Branch property and amalgamation with the Montmorency Eltham RSL sub-branch, the location of the obelisk was again in immediate jepoardy and in conjunction with Nillumbik Shire Council, the obelisk was relocated in front of the Eltham War Memorial buildings in preparation for the Dawn Service on Anzac Day 2012.This photo forms part of a collection of photographs gathered by the Shire of Eltham for their centenary project book,"Pioneers and Painters: 100 years of the Shire of Eltham" by Alan Marshall (1971). The collection of over 500 images is held in partnership between Eltham District Historical Society and Yarra Plenty Regional Library (Eltham Library) and is now formally known as 'The Shire of Eltham Pioneers Photograph Collection.' It is significant in being the first community sourced collection representing the places and people of the Shire's first one hundred years.Digital image 4 x 5 inch B&W Negsepp, shire of eltham pioneers photograph collection, eltham, main road, bridge street, eltham war memorial, obelisk, obelisk corner, wreath -
Federation University Historical Collection
Booklet - Sheet Music, Allan & Company Pty Ltd, "Wendouree", Romance by Percy Code, 1919
This music was used by Frank Wright who had been tutored by Percy Code. Frank Wright won the Australian Open Cornet Championship using this music, and won the gold medal for the highest mark in the British Colonies. Percy Code was born in Melbourne on 03 July 1888. He started learning the violin and piano at the age of eight. Three years later his father, Edward, started tutoring him on the cornet. His first competition was in October 1902 in Ballarat's South Street Competitions. Percy Code was Musical Director of Ballarat City Brass Band from 1913 until 1921. He was Frank Wright's teacher. Code apparently lived in a large house just west of where St Peter's church (Ballarat) now stands. Percy Code toured the world as principal cornet with the 'Besses o' th' Barn Band.' He returned to Australia in 1912. Frank Wright at one stage rode his pushbike from Smeaton to Ballarat for lessons. Leaving Australia for America in March 1921 Percy Code obtained an appointment as trumpet soloist for the 70 piece San Francisco Symphony Orchestra. He returned home two years later and became bandmaster to the Prahran City Band in 1925. From 1938, as part of Australia's Sesqui Centenary celebrations, Percy Code conducted the Sydney Symphony Orchestra for the ABC orchestral concerts in Sydney Town Hall. His career with the ABC came to an end in late 1951 due to poor health. Percy Code died on 17 October 1953. From 'Legend in Brass' with additions from Bob Pattie of the Ballarat Brass Band.11071.1 Four cream pages containing handwritten title page in front, two sheet music pages inside and blank back cover. 11071.2 Eight cream pages containing front page typed title with handwritten text at top, Six pages of sheet music cream pages, with parts for piano and cornet, with black printed notes. A photograph of the composer Mr Percy Code is glued into the first page at the top left hand corner. The back cover page has advertisements for four music albums from Allan & Co. Prop. Ltd..1) Front page handwritten in blue pen and pencil. Hand written notations in pencil for cornet throughout sheet music pages. Frank Wright Smeaton 15 July 1919 in top right hand corner; Champion Bb cornet solo South Street 1919 in top left hand corner. Under title on front page: Handwritten notes in pencil giving results of competition and judge's comments. 2) Frank H. Wright Smeaton 15/7/1919 handwritten in top left hand corner. "With Compliments Percy Code 15/7/1919 written diagonally in blue pen in at right hand top.cornet, frank wright, allan & co., allans music, ballarat, south street, percy code, code, wright, sheet music, "wendouree", (romance), wendouree, romance, wendouree -
Federation University Historical Collection
Photograph (black & White), Right Honorable Cecil John Rhodes - South Africa
Cecil Rhodes was a British businessman, mining magnate and politician in South Africa. He was Prime Minister of the Cape Colony from 1890 to 1896. He believed in British Imperialism and he and his British South Africa Company formed the territory of Rhodesia in the early 1890s. He was forced to resign as Prime Minister in 1896 after the disastrous Jameson Raid, an unauthorised attack on Paul Kruger's South African Republic (Transvaal), which sent his brother to prison convicted of high treason and nearly sentenced to death. This event contributed to the outbreak of the Second Boer War. Rhodes went to Kimberley in a political move. During the war the military felt he was more of a liability than an asset and found him intolerable. The officer commanding the garrison of Kimberley, Lieutenant Colonel Robert Kekewich, experienced serious personal difficulties with Rhodes because of the latter's inability to co-operate. However, he still remained a leading figure in the politics of southern Africa. Rhodes was dogged by ill health his whole life. He died in 1902, aged 48, at his seaside cottage in Muizenberg. He was cared for by Leander Starr Jameson during his illness, becoming a trustee of his estate and residuary beneficiary of his will, which allowed him to continue living in Rhode's mansion after his death. His final will left a large area of land on the slopes of Table Mountain. Part of the estate became the upper campus of the University of Cape Town, another part became the Kirstenbosch National Botanical Garden. The rest was spared development and is now an important conservation area. His will also provided for the establishment of the Rhodes Scholarship. Individual image from photographed poster of tobacco and cigarette cards.cecil rhodes, mining magnate south africa, politician south africa, prime minister cape colony, british south africa company, rhodesia, jameson raid, paul kruger, south africa republic, transvaal, second boer war, kimberley, robert kekewich, leander starr jameson, muizenberg, table mountain, university of cape town, kirstenbosch national garden -
Coal Creek Community Park & Museum
Bottle, glass, Bottle with these contents c. 1898 - 1920
TROVE : Herald (Melbourne, Vic. : 1861 - 1954), Friday 31 October 1884, page 4 J SCOTT'S EMULSION 0F1 PURE COD LIVER OIL And HYPOPHOSPHITES of LIME and SODA. , Almost as PALATABLE as MILK. Possessing the combined virtues of these two valuable remedics in their fullest degree More easily digested and assimilated than in the crude form, and especially desirable for sickly, wasting children, and persons with feeble digestive power, as A REMEDY for CONSUMPTION, A REMEDY for WASTING DISEASES of CHILDREN, A REMEDY for SCROFULA, A REMEDY for ANAEMIA and GENERAL DEBILITY, A REMEDY for COUGHS, COLDS, and THROAT AFFECTIONS; In fact all diseases where there is an inflammation of the Throat and Lungs, a Wasting of the Flesh, and a Want of Nerve Power, nothing in the world equals this palatable EMULSION. lt is prescribed and endorsed by the best physicians in the various countries of the world, who will attest these facts. For sale by all chemists. TROVE : Age (Melbourne, Vic. : 1854 - 1954), Tuesday 11 September 1951, page 5 WARNING TO PARENTS Build your family's resistance to colds and 'flu with Scott's Coughs and colds undermine a child's health. and lay him wide open to disease. You can't protect youngster against exposure to colds, but you can build their resistance with a course of Scott's Emulsion. Scott's Emulsion supplies just the elements a child need to ensures straight, sturdy body, strong bones, steady nerves and sound lungs. It is a dependable safeguard against colds and coughs. It's just as good for all the family, , For babies under 12 months old give SCOTT'S CLINIC EMULSION without Hypophosphites Scott's Emulsion NATURE'S OWN FOOD TONIC. SE34 Tall clear aqua tinted glass bottle for stopper seal, rectangular in section, impressed panels on three sides, circle impressed on base, text embossed on all.Front : 'SCOTT'S EMULSION', Sides : COD LIVER OIL', 'WITH LIME & SODA'. Base : '1367', 'K', 'B & Co LTD'.cod liver oil, lime & soda, knottingley, scott & browne, scotts emulsion -
St Kilda Historical Society
Photograph, St Kilda Municipal Depot, Inkerman Street - images collection, 1979
Prior to its demolition in 1979, the St Kilda Municipal Depot occupied a 1.2 hectare site at 33 Inkerman Street St Kilda. The land was initially purchased by the Council in 1867 as a site for a permanent market, which ceased to operate in about 1882. In October 1923, the Council discontinued the practice of disposing garbage by burial in tips when it opened a garbage incinerator at the Depot. After thirty years this incinerator had become both obsolete and objectionable to health and was replaced in March 1953 by American-designed Monohearth Garbage Destructor Units. According to the Council, these Destructor Units were the only ones of their kind in Australia and they removed all the objectionable features of garbage disposal (particularly for the employees). They were expected to serve St. Kilda's requirements for the next 80-100 years. In 1957 the Council said that the Destructor Units had 'enabled substantial economies to be effected in the annual costs and have proved a very successful venture. The Council now destroys the garbage from the City of Brighton, which pays for the privilege, and it is anticipated that other Municipalities will also take advantage of ihe benefits of this modern and, in Australia.' See 'City of St Kilda 1857-1957 A Brief Outline of Progress and Development' [82] In 1994, as a result of the local government amalgamation process combining the former Cities of Port Melbourne, South Melbourne and St.Kilda, the new City of Port Phillip owned three municipal depots. The St. Kilda municipal depot site became surplus to requirements and, in 1996, the City of Port Phillip resolved to use the site for a community housing project under the City of Port Phillip Housing Program. Colour photographCouncil Yards before demolition 1979st kilda, st kilda municipal depot, inkerman street, council depot, destructor -
Wangaratta RSL Sub Branch
Framed Roll of Honour, St. Hilda's Church, Everton
St Hilda's Church Everton, WW1 Roll of Honour - contains 16 names of members of the Everton Community in Victoria who served during the First World War including Nursing Sister Alma Louisa BENNETT (1890-1922) who trained at Melbourne General Hospital. She moved to Western Australia and continued nursing until the advent of World War 1. She immediately sought to enlist but was not granted her request until 1916 and was eventually sent for nursing duties in India. Her arrival coincided with the first convey of wounded after the fall of Kut in Mesopotamia. She was immediately given charge of a ward at Victoria Hospital. The following year she was appointed Matron of the hospital ship "Herefordshire" which transported sick and wounded soldiers from the mouth of the Tigris River to Bombay. Her next appointment was to the 34th Welsh Hospital at Deolali 150 miles from Bombay. The hospital was huge and she took charge as Matron. After 17 months at Deolali BENNETT was awarded the Royal Red Cross Medal First Class one of the highest distinctions in the British Nursing Service. When peace was declared she travelled to England where she continued to nurse in an Army Hospital. During her stay she was invited to Buckingham Palace where she was presented with Red Cross Medal by King George V. BENNETT returned to Victoria and was invited to join the nursing staff at Melbourne's Epworth Hospital with prospects of becoming Matron. Ill health intervened and she died in September 1922. Item said to be made by the family of Gilbert and Richard Heywood both KIA and listed on honour roll.St Hilda's Church Everton Honour Roll contains 16 names of members including Nurse BENNETT, from the Everton Community in Victoria who served in WW1 Carved timber frame and mounting with 16 names in gold coloured paint listed in two columns."St Hilda's Church Everton' "Roll of Honour" "The Great War 1914 to 1918" Sister Bennett/Heywood G/Heywood R/Levett W/Lowry F/Mason T.A/Mason E.H/Mason H.G/MacKay M/Morrison J/Morrison W/Norman W/Rickards R/Steens C.T/Ward C/Welch J.everton, 1914-1918, roll of honour -
8th/13th Victorian Mounted Rifles Regimental Collection
Photograph
The Dibb Report into mainland defence of Australia,1986, among other things identified the requirement for protection of key assets in Northern Australia and the possibility of involving Army Reserve (Ares) units in this thus releasing regular forces for offensive operations. Dibb also pointed out that this defined role would result in a huge lift in Ares morale. In June 1988, the 3rd Division (3Div) conducted a Tactical Exercise without Troops (TEWT), Exercise ‘Distant Trumpet’ in the Katherine- Darwin area to study problems associated with defence against low level incursions against Tindal RAAF Base. Exercise ‘Northern Explorer’ followed in October of that year when units of the 3Div including A Squadron 8/13 Victorian Mounted Rifles sent patrol groups to get a first taste of environment and conditions. Post-Exercise reports had to include recommendations re: health, equipment and adaptation of Standing Operating Procedures (SOPs) in preparation for the new role deploying to Northern Australia. The first deployment by 8/13 Victorian Mounted Rifles was in 1988. Deployments continued in following years. In September 1993, 3 Troop (Wangaratta) VMR Squadron 4/19 PWLH commanded by Captain Kelvin Robertson deployed to NT. The training began with airfield defence at Tindal followed by a 1000km recon into Arnhem Land in four Landrovers. The troop reported on the conditions of the roads, airfields, bridges (mainly causeways) resources such as fuel supplies in the towns and infrastructure. Each troop taking different route. 3 Troop had the Northern route through Kakadu National park across the East Alligator River to Oenpelli then to Maningrida and Ramangining and south to the Central Arnhem Road and back to Tindal Air force Base. Colour photograph of five soldiers and three vehicles of VMR Squadron,4/19 Prince of Wales's Light Horse on roadside during annual exercise in Northern Territory 1994.military, vehicles, soldiers, northern territory, training, vmr -
8th/13th Victorian Mounted Rifles Regimental Collection
Photograph
The Dibb Report into mainland defence of Australia,1986, among other things identified the requirement for protection of key assets in Northern Australia and the possibility of involving Army Reserve (Ares) units in this thus releasing regular forces for offensive operations. Dibb also pointed out that this defined role would result in a huge lift in Ares morale. In June 1988, the 3rd Division (3Div) conducted a Tactical Exercise without Troops (TEWT), Exercise ‘Distant Trumpet’ in the Katherine- Darwin area to study problems associated with defence against low level incursions against Tindal RAAF Base. Exercise ‘Northern Explorer’ followed in October of that year when units of the 3Div including A Squadron 8/13 Victorian Mounted Rifles sent patrol groups to get a first taste of environment and conditions. Post-Exercise reports had to include recommendations re: health, equipment and adaptation of Standing Operating Procedures (SOPs) in preparation for the new role deploying to Northern Australia. The first deployment by 8/13 Victorian Mounted Rifles was in 1988. Deployments continued in following years. In September 1993, 3 Troop (Wangaratta) VMR Squadron 4/19 PWLH commanded by Captain Kelvin Robertson deployed to NT. The training began with airfield defence at Tindal followed by a 1000km recon into Arnhem Land in four Landrovers. The troop reported on the conditions of the roads, airfields, bridges (mainly causeways) resources such as fuel supplies in the towns and infrastructure. Each troop taking different route. 3 Troop had the Northern route through Kakadu National park across the East Alligator River to Oenpelli then to Maningrida and Ramangining and south to the Central Arnhem Road and back to Tindal Air force Base. Colour photograph of group of soldiers of VMR Squadron 4/19Prince of Wales's Light Horse studying maps on bonnet of Land Rover during annual exercise in Northern Territory 1994.Major M. Annett wearing slouch hat, Sergeant Gary Wynn,without hat,,on his left. -
8th/13th Victorian Mounted Rifles Regimental Collection
Photograph
The Dibb Report into mainland defence of Australia,1986, among other things identified the requirement for protection of key assets in Northern Australia and the possibility of involving Army Reserve (Ares) units in this thus releasing regular forces for offensive operations. Dibb also pointed out that this defined role would result in a huge lift in Ares morale. In June 1988, the 3rd Division (3Div) conducted a Tactical Exercise without Troops (TEWT), Exercise ‘Distant Trumpet’ in the Katherine- Darwin area to study problems associated with defence against low level incursions against Tindal RAAF Base. Exercise ‘Northern Explorer’ followed in October of that year when units of the 3Div including A Squadron 8/13 Victorian Mounted Rifles sent patrol groups to get a first taste of environment and conditions. Post-Exercise reports had to include recommendations re: health, equipment and adaptation of Standing Operating Procedures (SOPs) in preparation for the new role deploying to Northern Australia. The first deployment by 8/13 Victorian Mounted Rifles was in 1988. Deployments continued in following years. In September 1993, 3 Troop (Wangaratta) VMR Squadron 4/19 PWLH commanded by Captain Kelvin Robertson deployed to NT. The training began with airfield defence at Tindal followed by a 1000km recon into Arnhem Land in four Landrovers. The troop reported on the conditions of the roads, airfields, bridges (mainly causeways) resources such as fuel supplies in the towns and infrastructure. Each troop taking different route. 3 Troop had the Northern route through Kakadu National park across the East Alligator River to Oenpelli then to Maningrida and Ramangining and south to the Central Arnhem Road and back to Tindal Air force Base. Two colour photographs of vehicle mishap during VMR Squadron 4/19Prince of Wales's Light Horse annual exercise in Northern Territory 1994.Second photo shows driver receiving medical attention. -
8th/13th Victorian Mounted Rifles Regimental Collection
Photograph
The Dibb Report into mainland defence of Australia,1986, among other things identified the requirement for protection of key assets in Northern Australia and the possibility of involving Army Reserve (Ares) units in this thus releasing regular forces for offensive operations. Dibb also pointed out that this defined role would result in a huge lift in Ares morale. In June 1988, the 3rd Division (3Div) conducted a Tactical Exercise without Troops (TEWT), Exercise ‘Distant Trumpet’ in the Katherine- Darwin area to study problems associated with defence against low level incursions against Tindal RAAF Base. Exercise ‘Northern Explorer’ followed in October of that year when units of the 3Div including A Squadron 8/13 Victorian Mounted Rifles sent patrol groups to get a first taste of environment and conditions. Post-Exercise reports had to include recommendations re: health, equipment and adaptation of Standing Operating Procedures (SOPs) in preparation for the new role deploying to Northern Australia. The first deployment by 8/13 Victorian Mounted Rifles was in 1988. Deployments continued in following years. In September 1993, 3 Troop (Wangaratta) VMR Squadron 4/19 PWLH commanded by Captain Kelvin Robertson deployed to NT. The training began with airfield defence at Tindal followed by a 1000km recon into Arnhem Land in four Landrovers. The troop reported on the conditions of the roads, airfields, bridges (mainly causeways) resources such as fuel supplies in the towns and infrastructure. Each troop taking different route. 3 Troop had the Northern route through Kakadu National park across the East Alligator River to Oenpelli then to Maningrida and Ramangining and south to the Central Arnhem Road and back to Tindal Air force Base. Two colour photographs of creek crossings, one more challenging than the other,during the annual exercise in Northern Territory, conducted by VMR Squadron 4/19 Prince of Wales's Light horse, 1994. -
Ringwood and District Historical Society
Booklet, Champion Press, City of Ringwood Report to Ratepayers 1981, 1981
Community booklet issued by City of Ringwood for 1981 - covering the facilities and activities of the Ringwood Council and other local organisations and associations. CONTENTS: (page number) Beautification and Leisure Areas 24 Building — General Information 21 Commissioners for Taking Declarations and Affidavits 15 Council Finance 11 Council Meeting Dates 5 Council Representation on various organisations 8 Councillors 6 Elections for Council 10 Emergency Telephone Numbers 51 Health -30 Home Help Service 22 Immunisation Programme 31 Infant Welfare Centres 33 Items of Interest 16 Justices of the Peace 14 Let's Be Neighbourly 20 Library — General 18 Library — Service for our Senior Citizens 23 Major Works 12 Map of municipality 26 Mayor's Message - Cr. F.J. Corr 4 Meals on Wheels 28 Members of Parliament 50 Officers of the Council 9 Proposed Leisure Centre 14 Rate Assistance 11 Rate Payments 10 Recycling Depots 49 Ringwood Cultural Centre 2 Ringwood Festival activities for 1981 29 Standing Committees of Council 5 Swimming Centre 13 Welfare and Community Services 34 rinx -
Ringwood and District Historical Society
Booklet, City of Ringwood - Your Information Guide 1982, 1982
Community information booklet issued by City of Ringwood for 1982 - covering the facilities and activities of the Ringwood Council and other local organisations and associations. Cover photograph: A.C. Robertson Athletic Field. CONTENTS: (page no.) Beautification and Leisure Areas 16 Building — General Information 26 By-Laws 27 Circuit Bus — Ringwood City 54 Commissioners for taking Declarations and Affidavits 31 Council Meeting Dates 6 Council Representation 7 Councillors 4 Cultural Centre 32 Disabled Persons - Facilities 34 Elections for Council 10 Emergency Telephone Numbers 54 Festival 33 Finance — Council 12 Golf Course 30 Health Home Help Service 24 Immunisation Programme 20 Items of Interest 22 Justices of the Peace 30 Library — General 13 Library — Service for our Senior Citizens 26 Major Works Programme 14 Map of Municipality 28 Mayor's Message – Cr. N.J. Hamilton 2 Meals on Wheels 25 Members of Parliament 52 Officers of the Council 8 Property Records 10 Rates 11 Recycling Depots S3 Regulations 27 Roll — Municipal 10 Swimming Centre 21 Voting — Compulsory 10 Welfare and Community Services 35 rinx -
Ballarat and District Irish Association
Image, Rent Day (as it is under coercion) - No Rent, c1864, c1864
Protection of Person and Property Act 1881 The ''Protection of Person and Property Act 1881'' was one of more than 100 Coercion Acts passed by the Parliament of United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland between 1801 and 1922, in an attempt to establish law and order in Ireland. The 1881 Act was passed by parliament and introduced by Gladstone. It allowed for persons to be imprisoned without trial. On 13 October 1881, the Act was used to arrest Charles Parnell after his newspaper, the ''United Ireland'', had attacked the Land Act. On Gladstone's return to office in 1880, William Edward Forster was made Chief Secretary for Ireland. He carried the Compensation for Disturbance Bill through the Commons, only to see it thrown out in the Lords. On 24 January 1881, he introduced a new Coercion Bill in the House of Commons, to deal with the growth of the Irish National Land League. Despite a 41-hour long fillibuster in the House by the Irish Parliamentary Party, the bill passed, among its provisions being one enabling the British government in Ireland to arrest without trial persons "reasonably suspected" of crime and conspiracy. However those arrested were often not always suspect, only supportive of the Irish National Land League's movements. Over 100 such acts were passed, some of the more notable of which were "An Act for the more effectual Suppression of Local Disturbances and Dangerous Associations in Ireland", "The Protection of Life and Property in Certain Parts of Ireland Act", and the "Protection of Person and Property Act 1881". An Irish Coercion Bill was proposed by Sir Robert Peel to calm the increasing difficult situation in Ireland as a result of the Great Famine 1844–47. The Bill was blocked and this led, in part, to Peel's retirement as Prime Minister. Later attempts to introduce Irish coercion acts were blocked by the filibustering of Joseph Biggar. As a response to the Plan of Campaign of the mid-1880s the new Chief Secretary for Ireland Arthur Balfour secured a tough Perpetual Crimes Act (1887) (or Coercion Act) aimed at the prevention of boycotting, intimidation, unlawful assembly and the organisation of conspiracies against the payment of agreed rents. The Act resulted in the imprisonment of hundreds of people including over twenty MPs. The so-called ''Crimes Act'' (or "Coercion" Act) was condemned by the Catholic hierarchy since it was to become a permanent part of the law and did not have to be renewed annually by parliament, but the Papacy issued the bull Link: "Saepe Nos" in 1888 which was uncritical of the Acts. Trial by jury was abolished. An influential analysis of the pros and cons of the Act was published in 1888 by W. H. Hurlbert, a Catholic Irish-American author. Many hundreds were imprisoned at times under the Acts, including many prominent politicians and agrarian agitators, Joseph Biggar, Alexander Blane, Michael Davitt, John Dillon, James Gilhooly, Patrick Guiney, Matthew Harris, John Hayden, J. E. Kenny, Andrew Kettle, Denis Kilbride, Pat O'Brien, William O'Brien, James O'Kelly, Charles Stewart Parnell, Douglas Pyne, Willie Redmond, Timothy Sullivan. [http://shelf3d.com/i/Irish%20Coercion%20Act, accessed 13/12/2013]A many sits on a table holding the lapels of his Jacket. ballarat irish, cabin, rent, tenants, quill, biggar, davitt