Macarthur Street Primary was constructed in 1877 and officially opened on 31 May 1878, replacing the Soldiers Hill School. It has an initial enrolment of 650 students. Its first head teacher was William Cox.Blue, stapled, soft covered booklet of 19 pages produced to celebrate the first 100 years of Macarthur Street Primaery School.macarthur street primary school, education, ballarat, centenary, anniversary, william cox, james oldham, lily cameron, roll of honor, world war one, world war two, thomas tuke hollway, william g fry, david howels fleay, helen scobie, william ritchie, harry s, stacpoole, kevin ryan\les rodd, lorna knight, barbara gilbert, bertram richardson

Three green soft covered foolscap books. .1) Volume 1, August 1964 .2) Volume 2, August 1964 .3) Volume 3, August 1965australian universities commission, martin report

This crocheted bedspread was used by Dr. and Mrs. Angus in their home in "Birchwood" Warrnambool. It was donated to Flagstaff Hill Maritime Village by the family of Doctor William Roy Angus, Surgeon and Oculist. It is part of the "W.R. Angus Collection" that includes historical medical equipment, surgical instruments, and material once belonging to Dr. Edward Ryan and Dr. Thomas Francis Ryan, (both of Nhill, Victoria) as well as Dr. Angus's belongings. The Collection's history spans the medical practices of the two Doctors Ryan, from 1885-1926 plus that of Dr. Angus, up until 1969. WR Angus Collection: Doctor William Roy Angus qualified as a doctor from Adelaide University in 1923. Dr. Angus was born in Murrumbeena, Victoria in 1901 until he died in 1970. He qualified as a doctor in 1923 at the University of Adelaide and was a Resident Medical Officer at the Royal Adelaide Hospital in 1924 and for a period house surgeon to Sir Henry Simpson Newland. Dr. Angus was also briefly an Assistant to Dr. Riddell of Kapunda SA, then commenced private practice at Curramulka, Yorke Peninsula, SA, where he was a physician, surgeon, and chemist. In 1926, he was appointed as new Medical Assistant to Dr. Thomas Francis Ryan (T.F. Ryan), in Nhill, Victoria, where his experiences included radiology and pharmacy. In 1927 he was Acting House Surgeon in Dr. Tom Ryan's absence. Dr. Angus had become engaged to Gladys Forsyth and it was decided he would take time to further his studies overseas in the UK. in 1927 He studied at London University College Hospital and at Edinburgh Royal Infirmary and in 1928, was awarded FRCS (Fellow from the Royal College of Surgeons), Edinburgh. He worked his passage back to Australia as a Ship's Surgeon on the Australian Commonwealth Line's T.S.S. Largs Bay. Dr. Angus married Gladys in 1929, in Ballarat and had one son Graham born in 1932, and two daughters (Helen and Bernice, both were born at Mira, Nhill SA Dr. Angus was a 'flying doctor' for the A.I.M. (Australian Inland Ministry) Aerial Medical Service in 1928. The Organisation began in South Australia through the Presbyterian Church that year, with its first station being in the remote town of Oodnadatta, where Dr. Angus was stationed. He was locum there on North-South Railway at 21 Mile Camp taking up the position of 'flying doctor' in response to a call from Dr. John Flynn; the Organisation later became known as the Flying Doctor Service. Between 1928-1932 he was a surgeon at the Curramulka Hospital, Yorke Peninsula, South Australia but in1933 he returned to Nhill where he'd previously worked as a Medical Assistant and purchased a share of the Nelson Street practice and Mira hospital from Dr. Les Middleton the current owners of what was once Dr. Tom Ryan's practice. When Dr. Angus bought into the Nelson Street premises in Nhill he was also appointed as the Nhill Hospital's Honorary House Surgeon 1933-1938. His practitioner's plate from his Nhill surgery states "Hours Daily, except Tuesdays, Fridays and Saturday afternoons, 9-10 am, 2-4 pm, 7-8 pm. Sundays by appointment". This plate is now mounted on the doorway to the Port Medical Office at Flagstaff Hill Maritime Village, Warrnambool. Dr. Edward Ryan and Dr. Tom Ryan had an extensive collection of historical medical equipment and materials spanning 1884-1926 and when Dr. Angus took up practice in their old premises he obtained this collection, a large part of which is now on display at the Port Medical Office at Flagstaff Hill Maritime Village in Warrnambool. During his time in Nhill, Dr. Angus was involved in the merging of the Mira Hospital and Nhill Public Hospital into one public hospital and the property titles passed on to Nhill Hospital in 1939. In 1939 Dr. Angus and his family moved to Warrnambool where he purchased "Birchwood," the 1852 home and medical practice of Dr. John Hunter Henderson, at 214 Koroit Street. (This property was sold in1965 to the State Government and is now the site of the Warrnambool Police Station.) The Angus family were able to afford gardeners, cooks, and maids with their home becoming a popular place for visiting dignitaries to stay whilst visiting Warrnambool. Dr. Angus had his silkworm farm at home in a Mulberry tree. His young daughter used his centrifuge for spinning the silk. Dr. Angus was appointed on a part-time basis as Port Medical Officer in Warrnambool and held this position until the 1940's when the government no longer required the service of a medical officer he then became Warrnambools last serving Port Medical Officer. Dr. Angus was a member of the Australian Medical Association, for 35 years and surgeon at the Warrnambool Base Hospital from 1939 to 1942, He served as a Surgeon Captain during WWII from 1942 to 1945, in Ballarat, Victoria, and in Bonegilla, N.S.W., he completed his service just before the end of the war as he suffered a heart attack. It was during his convalescence he carved an intricate and 'most artistic' chess set from the material that dentures were made from. He then studied ophthalmology at the Royal Melbourne Eye and Ear Hospital and created cosmetically superior artificial eyes by pioneering using the intrascleral cartilage. Angus received accolades from the Ophthalmological Society of Australasia for this work. He returned to Warrnambool to commence practice as an ophthalmologist, pioneering in artificial eye improvements. He was an Honorary Consultant Ophthalmologist to Warrnambool Base Hospital for 31 years. He represented the Victorian South-West subdivision of the Australian Medical Association as its secretary between 1949 and 1956 and as chairman from 1956 to 1958. In 1968 Dr. Angus was elected member of Spain's Barraquer Institute of Barcelona after his research work in Intrasclearal cartilage grafting, becoming one of the few Australian ophthalmologists to receive this accolade, and in the following year presented his final paper on Living Intrasclearal Cartilage Implants at the Inaugural Meeting of the Australian College of Ophthalmologists in Melbourne. In his personal life, Dr. Angus was a Presbyterian and treated Sunday as a Sabbath, a day of rest. He would visit 3 or 4 country patients on a Sunday, taking his children along 'for the ride' and to visit with him. Sunday evenings he would play the pianola and sing Scottish songs to his family. One of Dr. Angus' patients was Margaret MacKenzie, author of a book on local shipwrecks that she'd seen as an eye witness from the late 1880s in Peterborough, Victoria. In the early 1950's Dr. Angus, painted a picture of a shipwreck for the cover jacket of Margaret's book, Shipwrecks, and More Shipwrecks. Dr. Angus and his wife Gladys were very involved in Warrnambool society with a strong interest in civic affairs. Their interests included organisations such as Red Cross, Rostrum, Warrnambool and District Historical Society (founding members), Wine and Food Society, Steering Committee for Tertiary Education in Warrnambool, Local National Trust, Good Neighbour Council, Housing Commission Advisory Board, United Services Institute, Legion of Ex-Servicemen, Olympic Pool Committee, Food for Britain Organisation, Warrnambool Hospital, Anti-Cancer Council, Boys' Club, Charitable Council, National Fitness Council, and Air Raid Precautions Group. He was also a member of the Steam Preservation Society and derived much pleasure from a steam traction engine on his farm. He had an interest in people and the community He and his wife Gladys were both involved in the creation of Flagstaff Hill, including the layout of the gardens. After his death on 28th March 1970, his family requested his practitioner's plate, medical instruments, and some personal belongings be displayed in the Port Medical Office surgery at Flagstaff Hill Maritime Village, and be called the "W. R. Angus Collection". The W.R. Angus Collection is significant for the social and medical achievement's that Dr. William Roy Angus had accomplished in his lifetime and the collection of equipment that he and his predecessors had used to treat patients give an insight into the working lives of early colonial medical practices in rural Australia. This collection of medical artefacts is on display located at Flagstaff Hill Village and the Port Medical Officers building where Doctor Angus had practice as the last Port Medical Officer for Warrnambool.Crocheted double bedspread, from the W.R. Angus Collection. White cotton, hand crocheted 30 squares joined as patchwork then a border crocheted around edge. Each square is 41cm square.Noneflagstaff hill, warrnambool, shipwrecked coast, flagstaff hill maritime museum, shipwreck coast, great ocean road, hand crafted manchester, crocheted bedspread, patchwork bedspread, household linen, early 20th century bedspread, dr. w r angus

Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerPhotograph of a street art poster taken on the streets of Hong Kong during the protests against legislation to allow Hong Kong suspects to be extradited to mainland Chinese carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, poster art, posters

Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerMore than a thousand protestors surround Hong Kong's main police headquarters on Arsenal Street in Wan Chai on June 26th following a peaceful rally at Edinburgh Place in Central. Doors to the complex were barricaded by protestors, who left after a six hour siege in protest at police violence at a prtest held earlier on 12 June 2019. Protesters ended a six-hour siege of Hong Kong’s police headquarters – their second in a week over the now-suspended extradition bill – early on Thursday morning. More than 1,000 were involved at the height of the protest, which began after 10pm on Wednesday. Around 100 were left at the end and dispersed without a fight when officers with riot shields emerged from the building in Wan Chai at 4am on Thursday. After a peaceful rally attended by thousands earlier at Edinburgh Place in the Central business district, hundreds descended on Arsenal Street, blocking the junction with Lockhart Road to all traffic and sealing the entrances to the police base. (https://www.scmp.com/news/hong-kong/politics/article/3016238/hong-kong-police-under-siege-again-protesters-surround )carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, protest, protestors

Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerSeven police officers stand guard in front of Hong Kong's main police headquarters on Arsenal Street in Wan Chai as an estimated one thousand protestors surround on 26 June 2019. Protestors take turns to step up and hurl abuse at the officers, in a protest lasting 6 hours before peacefully dispersing. The protesters chanted 'Release the martyrs' and 'Stop police violence' in reference to violent clashes with police in the days previous. ( https://www.scmp.com/news/hong-kong/politics/article/3016238/hong-kong-police-under-siege-again-protesters-surround)carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, protest, protestors, police, wan chai

Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerPhotograph crowds gathering on June 16 on the streets of Causeway Bay before an estimated 2 million people take part in march protesting the government's push for extradition laws to China and demanding an apology from the chief executrive Carrie Lam. Nearly 2 million’ people take to streets, forcing public apology from Hong Kong leader Carrie Lam as suspension of controversial extradition bill fails to appease protesters. (https://www.scmp.com/news/hong-kong/politics/article/3014737/nearly-2-million-people-take-streets-forcing-public-apology )carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, protest, protestors

Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerPhotograph of a crowd or protestors against proposed extradition laws gathering on the streets of Causeway Bay, Hong Kong, leading down to the gathering area. carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, protest, protestors

Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerPhotograph of a crowd on the streets of Hong Kong to protest against proposed extradition laws, heading towards Admiralty. carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, protest, protestors, admiralty

Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerCrowds mass on Queens Way in Hong Kong as an estimated 2 million people march in protest at the government's refusal to withdraw a controverisal law allowing people to be extradited to mainland China. Chants demanded the chief executive apologise and the legislation be withdrawn, while many held signs protesting police violence. Nearly 2 million protesters flooded the streets of Hong Kong on Sunday, organisers claimed, delivering a stunning repudiation of Chief Executive Carrie Lam Cheng Yuet-ngor’s governance and forcing a public apology out of the city’s leader over her campaign to bulldoze a controversial extradition bill through the legislature. A day after Lam suspended her push for the bill, expecting it to defuse a crisis that has seen violent clashes between mostly young protesters and police, the centre of Hong Kong was brought to a complete standstill as the masses marched to chastise her for refusing to withdraw the bill or apologise when first asked to, and declaring that nothing short of her resignation would satisfy them now. (https://www.scmp.com/news/hong-kong/politics/article/3014737/nearly-2-million-people-take-streets-forcing-public-apology ) carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, protest, protestors, admiralty

During 1948 Principal Frank Lord, a Gallipoli veteran, gave an inspiring address reminding students of the great sacrifice made by the Anzacs at Gallipoli. "These men set a high standard which has been followed by men of the second World War. We as teachers can help set standards amongst the children we are privileged to teach, and this we have an important task to do. We also must pay particular care to children of the men who fought and died in the two Great Wars through which our country has passed."Blue soft covered magazine of the Ballarat Teachers' College. Contents include: * Foreword by Principal Frank Lord "A teacher affects eternity, he can never tell where his influence stops" Photographic reproductions include: * 1949 staff and students * Hostels * Clubs * Sports * Lapses into Literature Images include: * S.R.C. and Group Leaders * Social Committee * Sports Committee * Magazine Committee * Hockey * Basketball * Football Inside front cover "Monica Miller"ballarat teachers' college, frank lord, david j. collins, john h. gervasoni, maureen godfrey, margaret collins, peter fryar, wal wall, j.w. blackie, monical miller, e.n. tippett, g.j. white, d.h. evans, p.j. hudson, m.l. collins, m. godfrey, gallipoli, physical education, i. ellwood, m. smale, j. cleland, j. groves, r. lockhart, a. mclachlan, turner, j. coad, lord, c. mansfield, john hogan gervasoni

This reconciliation Action Plan was published while Bonnie Chew was Manager of the Aboriginal Education Centre.Soft covered booklet documenting the University of Ballarat Reconciliation Action Plan. Photographs include Bonnie Chew, Ben Atkinson, Shanaya Sheridan, Barry Golding, Barbara Webb, Lee Snibsonreconciliation action plan, aborigines, aboriginal education unit, ben atkinson, reconciliation, university of ballarat, bonnie chew, bonnie fagan, shanaya sheridan, national apology, national sorry day committee, naidoc week, reconciliation week, national close the gap day, barry golding, barbara webb, aboriginal education centre

Federation University Australia’s Student Commons Area at the Mt Helen Campus was the first FedUni building to be officially given an Aboriginal name, Gnarrwirring Karung. Meaning Learning Place in the local Wadawurrung language, the re-named centre (pronounced Narrowing Ker Ung) will provide recognition of the area’s cultural heritage and increase the vibrancy, diversity and rich culture throughout the campus. The re-naming ceremony was held at the Gnarrwirring Karung Student Commons Area, S Building, Mt Helen Campus. “The choice of name follows an extensive process of seeking suggestions from the student body, the University’s Aboriginal Education Centre and local Aboriginal custodians,” Geoff Lord, Chairman of the University’s Reconciliation Action Plan (RAP) Committee, said. “The official naming meets many elements recognised within the FedUni RAP such as enhancing community, embedding culture, providing opportunity and, most importantly, respect. “The ceremony is a fine example of putting Aboriginal culture at the centre of our daily lives.” Jasmine Graham, Manager of the Aboriginal Education Centre, said the re-naming was a milestone for the local Aboriginal community. “The University is committed to greater recognition of Aboriginal heritage and culture throughout all of its campuses,” Ms Graham said. “Gnarrwirring Karung will be an impressive landmark throughout the Mt Helen Campus and a welcoming learning place.” A number of photographs taken at the naming of a Federation University space in the Mt Helen Campus 'S' Building. The space has been named Gnarrwirring Karung, Waddawurrung for Learning Place. waddawurrung, gnarrwirring karung, aboriginal, mt helen campus, jasmine graham, helen bartlett, reconciliation action plan, university women

Ballarat Institute of Advanced Education is a predecessor of the Federation University.1 Day one ribbon and a group of green, yellow and blue ribbons. .2 A pamphlet outlining the seminar, ballarat institute of advanced education, fourth annual engineering seminar, committee colleges of advanced education, engineering seminar, e.j. barker, a.s. hall, g.c. rogers, r.j. shipton, w.j. spencer, g.k. tampi, j. holland, k.j. robinson, a. maitland, e. stokes, i. palmer, j. fowler, h.r. carlin-smith, d.g. greenwood, swinburne college of technology, royal melbourne institute of technology, gippsland institute of advanced education, bendigo institute of technology, university of new south wales, university of nsw, caufield institute of technology, civil engineering seminar

Federation University Australia’s Student Commons Area at the Mt Helen Campus was the first FedUni building to be officially given an Aboriginal name, Gnarrwirring Karung. Meaning Learning Place in the local Wadawurrung language, the re-named centre (pronounced Narrowing Ker Ung) will provide recognition of the area’s cultural heritage and increase the vibrancy, diversity and rich culture throughout the campus. The re-naming ceremony was held at the Gnarrwirring Karung Student Commons Area, S Building, Mt Helen Campus. “The choice of name follows an extensive process of seeking suggestions from the student body, the University’s Aboriginal Education Centre and local Aboriginal custodians,” Geoff Lord, Chairman of the University’s Reconciliation Action Plan (RAP) Committee, said. “The official naming meets many elements recognised within the FedUni RAP such as enhancing community, embedding culture, providing opportunity and, most importantly, respect. “The ceremony is a fine example of putting Aboriginal culture at the centre of our daily lives.” Jasmine Graham, Manager of the Aboriginal Education Centre, said the re-naming was a milestone for the local Aboriginal community. “The University is committed to greater recognition of Aboriginal heritage and culture throughout all of its campuses,” Ms Graham said. “Gnarrwirring Karung will be an impressive landmark throughout the Mt Helen Campus and a welcoming learning place.” A number of photographs taken at the naming of a Federation University space in the Mt Helen Campus 'S' Building. The space has been named Gnarrwirring Karung, Waddawurrung for Learning Place. waddawurrung, gnarrwirring karung, aboriginal, mt helen campus, reconciliation action plan, s building, waddawurrung language, place names

1892-1953 The Methodist Children's Home in Cheltenham was founded c1880 to provide housing for neglected children from the inner city. The Founders aimed to provide regular nourishment, a stable environment and integrate the children into the local community thereby improving their education and lives. However new settlers to Cheltenham area who were seeking a healthier and more respectable lifestyle for their families were not happy to share Church and School with the Home's Children. 1911 school parents committee moved to exclude the Home's Children but this was countered by the Home's Committee who defeated the motion 60 to 8. 1915 Dr Scantlebury was pressured by school parents into ordering the confinement/ isolation of all Homes Children if an infectious disease was contracted by a child. This resulted in the Homes Children missing school for months so an application was made to the Victorian Education Dept. for e School to be set up at the Home. However funds were short due to WW1. In 1917 John Livingston, former Homes child who had become successful, bequeathed his estate to the Home and the Vic.Education Dept agreed to a school at the Home. The Influenza epidemic 1919 saw the children quarantined for 4 months as a precaution at the Home. When Flu actually struck, a further 5 months isolation was ordered. July 1920 their own school was on site and continuity of education could proceed , however it reinforced the isolation of the institution contrary to the Founders vision of integration.. 1925 the Danks family funded a Domestic Economy Class for girls, but not until 1936 could the children attend the local High School so that they could pursue office work, apprenticeships, commercial college courses. 1947 a benefactor donated £5,000 to pay fees for school, university or apprenticeship in Arts & Cultural subjects. Some of the children were able to join the local society as Methodist minister, accountant, nurses, farmers, secretaries, trademen whilst others were unable to adjust as crime and misfortune ensued. 1939 some past residents began a group called Living Stones Union that they circulated to the others giving news and a sense of family connectedness among themselves. ( Rev. N. Marshall, KCC Local History , H. Stanley 2005) 1950's saw a new direction for the support of children and families in poor and difficult situations . The new Burwood Homes Facility opened in 1951 and children were transferred from Cheltenham in 1952. The land was sold to the St John of God, Catholic Order in1953 who maintained an orphanage until Myer Pty Ltd bought the site in 1967 and constructed the Southland Shopping Centre1892 -1953 The Methodist Children's Home Cheltenham was founded to provide safe accommodation and education for neglected children from the Melbourne inner city slums. Black & White photograph of boys fishing for yabbies from the lake behind the 'Methodist Homes for Children' Cheltenham pdf of Appeal for the establishment of an Infant Asylum 1877methodist childrens home cheltenham 1892- 1953, st john of god home cheltenham 1953-1967, scantlebury dr john city of moorabbin, county of bourke, moorabbin roads board, parish of moorabbin, shire of moorabbin, henry dendy's special survey 1841, were j.b.; bent thomas, o'shannassy john, king richard, charman stephen, highett william, ormond francis, maynard dennis, cheltenham state school no.84, methodist chapel cheltenham, methodist school cheltenham, beaumaris west state school, meeres frederick, meeres walter, education, early settlers,

Typed article titled Bendigo, The Heart of Victoria. Items mentioned are Location, Area of Bendigo, The People, Work Force, Industrial Base, natural Resources, Agriculture and Livestock, Minerals, Forests, Rail and Road, Sea and Air, Power and Water, Electricity, Natural Gas, Water, Sewerage, Industrial Land, Services, Community Services and Facilities, Educational Facilities, Hospitals, Culture and Tourism and Media.document, bendigo - the heart of victoria, city of bendigo, borough of eaglehawk, shire of huntly, shire of marong, shire of strathfieldsaye, bendigo development committee, department of agriculture, department of state development decentralization and tourism, state electricity commission, gas & fuel corporation of victoria, state rivers & water supply commission, bendigo sewerage authority, the bendigo college of advanced education, home and hospital for the aged, home for the blind, northern school of nursing, art gallery, historical society, dudley house, sun loong, central deborah gold mine, the vintage talking trams and transport museum, bcv8, the bendigo advertiser, golden city gazette, 3bo, 3cv, mr a j kelly

Letter to the Editor, Bendigo Advertiser, requesting inclusion of article in the paper. Article details 125th. Anniversary planning and is entitled ' Are You Going 'Back To' Laurel Street ? Letter signed by Ron Payne, Principal, on behalf of organising committee.bendigo, education, golden square primary school, golden square primary school laurel street, ron payne, bendigo advertiser

Three copies of the Golden Square Primary School No. 1189 Centenary 1873 - 1973 booklet. Centenary held on August 10th, 11th, and 12th, 1973. Book contains some photos, history, newspaper articles, List of Head Teachers, List of School Inspectors, Presidents of the School Committee, Presidents of the Mothers Club, Honor Rolls, and Names of Teachers.Cambridge Press Bendigo.education, primary, golden square laurel st p.s., golden square laurel street p.s. collection - golden square primary school centenary 1873 - 1973, b comte, l raeburn, d munari, j w hendry, f kinsman, mrs l jackman, mrs e bradley, mrs l mckerlie, mrs j wynne, mr n pinch, cambridge press, foley's bendigo caravan park

Bendigo School Committees Association Shield, Schools Choral Competition, silver plaques with enamel centre mounted on wood, finally won by Golden Square S.S. 1927.bendigo, education, golden square primary school

Schools Choral Competition shield trophy, Bendigo Competitions Challenge Shield VI Grade presented by Bendigo School Committees Association, finally won by Golden Square School 1939. Wooden shield with attached silver embossed and engraved shield.bendigo, education, golden square primary school

42 Certificates of appreciation/participation awarded to Golden Square Primary School Parents' Club, students and teachers. Awards from International Year of Volunteers 2001; Loddon Campaspe Multicultural Services; Bendigo RSL; Indigenous Literacy Foundation; jeans for Genes; Generals Basketball Club; Melbourne City Mission; Anti-Cancer Council; Juvenile Diabetes Research Foundation; MS Readathon, State Schools Relief Committee; Clean up Australia; Family Support Services, Parents Victoria; Good Friday appeal; Victoria Police Historical Society; Jump rope for Heart; Safety House Committee; Starlight foundation; City of Greater Bendigo Olympic Torch Relay; Camp Quality; Zone Football Carnival, School's Garden Awards; Heart Foundation; Target; Scholastic Book Club; School Industry Partnership Project; Royal Flying Doctor Service; Juvenile Diabetes Foundation; McDonald Camp Quality Puppets; Neighbourhood Watch; Centenary of Federation medallion certificate; Derby Hill Camp.bendigo, education, golden square primary school

Black and white photograph mounted on card, Golden Square State School Choir Grade VI Winners of School Committee's Shield Bendigo Competitions 1929.Kalma Bendigobendigo, education, golden square primary school

Black and white photograph mounted on card, Golden Square State School winners of School Committee's Association Shield. 2nd place for Leggo Shield Bendigo Musical Competitions 1925.bendigo, education, golden square primary school