'Whose Ethics?':Codifying and enacting ethics in research settings Bringing ethics up to date? A review of the AIATSIS ethical guidelines Michael Davis (Independent Academic) A revision of the AIATSIS Guidelines for Ethical Research in Indigenous Studies was carried out during 2009-10. The purpose of the revision was to bring the Guidelines up to date in light of a range of critical developments that have occurred in Indigenous rights, research and knowledge management since the previous version of the Guidelines was released in 2000. In this paper I present an outline of these developments, and briefly discuss the review process. I argue that the review, and the developments that it responded to, have highlighted that ethical research needs to be thought about more as a type of behaviour and practice between engaged participants, and less as an institutionalised, document-focused and prescriptive approach. The arrogance of ethnography: Managing anthropological research knowledge Sarah Holcombe (ANU) The ethnographic method is a core feature of anthropological practice. This locally intensive research enables insight into local praxis and culturally relative practices that would otherwise not be possible. Indeed, empathetic engagement is only possible in this close and intimate encounter. However, this paper argues that this method can also provide the practitioner with a false sense of his or her own knowing and expertise and, indeed, with arrogance. And the boundaries between the anthropologist as knowledge sink - cultural translator and interpreter - and the knowledge of the local knowledge owners can become opaque. Globalisation and the knowledge ?commons?, exemplified by Google, also highlight the increasing complexities in this area of the governance and ownership of knowledge. Our stronghold of working in remote areas and/or with marginalised groups places us at the forefront of negotiating the multiple new technological knowledge spaces that are opening up in the form of Indigenous websites and knowledge centres in these areas. Anthropology is not immune from the increasing awareness of the limitations and risks of the intellectual property regime for protecting or managing Indigenous knowledge. The relevance of the Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples in opening up a ?rights-based? discourse, especially in the area of knowledge ownership, brings these issues to the fore. For anthropology to remain relevant, we have to engage locally with these global discourses. This paper begins to traverse some of this ground. Protocols: Devices for translating moralities, controlling knowledge and defining actors in Indigenous research, and critical ethical reflection Margaret Raven (Institute for Sustainability and Technology Policy (ISTP), Murdoch University) Protocols are devices that act to assist with ethical research behaviour in Indigenous research contexts. Protocols also attempt to play a mediating role in the power and control inherent in research. While the development of bureaucratically derived protocols is on the increase, critiques and review of protocols have been undertaken in an ad hoc manner and in the absence of an overarching ethical framework or standard. Additionally, actors implicated in research networks are seldom theorised. This paper sketches out a typology of research characters and the different moral positioning that each of them plays in the research game. It argues that by understanding the ways actors enact research protocols we are better able to understand what protocols are, and how they seek to build ethical research practices. Ethics and research: Dilemmas raised in managing research collections of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander materials Grace Koch (AIATSIS) This paper examines some of the ethical dilemmas for the proper management of research collections of Indigenous cultural materials, concentrating upon the use of such material for Native Title purposes. It refers directly to a number of points in the draft of the revised AIATSIS Guidelines for Ethical Research in Indigenous Studies and draws upon both actual and hypothetical examples of issues that may arise when requests are made for Indigenous material. Specific concerns about ethical practices in collecting data and the subsequent control of access to both the data itself and to published works based upon it are raised within the context of several types of collections, including those held by AIATSIS and by Native Title Representative Bodies. Ethics or social justice? Heritage and the politics of recognition Laurajane Smith (ANU) Nancy Fraser?s model of the politics of recognition is used to examine how ethical practices are interconnected with wider struggles for recognition and social justice. This paper focuses on the concept of 'heritage' and the way it is often uncritically linked to 'identity' to illustrate how expert knowledge can become implicated in struggles for recognition. The consequences of this for ethical practice and for rethinking the role of expertise, professional discourses and disciplinary identity are discussed. The ethics of teaching from country Michael Christie (CDU), with the assistance of Yi?iya Guyula, Kathy Gotha and Dh�?gal Gurruwiwi The 'Teaching from Country' program provided the opportunity and the funding for Yol?u (north-east Arnhem Land Aboriginal) knowledge authorities to participate actively in the academic teaching of their languages and cultures from their remote homeland centres using new digital technologies. As two knowledge systems and their practices came to work together, so too did two divergent epistemologies and metaphysics, and challenges to our understandings of our ethical behaviour. This paper uses an examination of the philosophical and pedagogical work of the Yol?u Elders and their students to reflect upon ethical teaching and research in postcolonial knowledge practices. Closing the gaps in and through Indigenous health research: Guidelines, processes and practices Pat Dudgeon (UWA), Kerrie Kelly (Australian Indigenous Psychologists Association) and Roz Walker (UWA) Research in Aboriginal contexts remains a vexed issue given the ongoing inequities and injustices in Indigenous health. It is widely accepted that good research providing a sound evidence base is critical to closing the gap in Aboriginal health and wellbeing outcomes. However, key contemporary research issues still remain regarding how that research is prioritised, carried out, disseminated and translated so that Aboriginal people are the main beneficiaries of the research in every sense. It is widely acknowledged that, historically, research on Indigenous groups by non-Indigenous researchers has benefited the careers and reputations of researchers, often with little benefit and considerably more harm for Indigenous peoples in Australia and internationally. This paper argues that genuine collaborative and equal partnerships in Indigenous health research are critical to enable Aboriginal and Torres Islander people to determine the solutions to close the gap on many contemporary health issues. It suggests that greater recognition of research methodologies, such as community participatory action research, is necessary to ensure that Aboriginal people have control of, or significant input into, determining the Indigenous health research agenda at all levels. This can occur at a national level, such as through the National Health and Medical Research Council (NHMRC) Road Map on Indigenous research priorities (RAWG 2002), and at a local level through the development of structural mechanisms and processes, including research ethics committees? research protocols to hold researchers accountable to the NHMRC ethical guidelines and values which recognise Indigenous culture in all aspects of research. Researching on Ngarrindjeri Ruwe/Ruwar: Methodologies for positive transformation Steve Hemming (Flinders University) , Daryle Rigney (Flinders University) and Shaun Berg (Berg Lawyers) Ngarrindjeri engagement with cultural and natural resource management over the past decade provides a useful case study for examining the relationship between research, colonialism and improved Indigenous wellbeing. The Ngarrindjeri nation is located in south-eastern Australia, a ?white? space framed by Aboriginalist myths of cultural extinction recycled through burgeoning heritage, Native Title, natural resource management ?industries?. Research is a central element of this network of intrusive interests and colonising practices. Government management regimes such as natural resource management draw upon the research and business sectors to form complex alliances to access funds to support their research, monitoring, policy development, management and on-ground works programs. We argue that understanding the political and ethical location of research in this contemporary management landscape is crucial to any assessment of the potential positive contribution of research to 'Bridging the Gap' or improving Indigenous wellbeing. Recognition that research conducted on Ngarrindjeri Ruwe/Ruwar (country/body/spirit) has impacts on Ngarrindjeri and that Ngarrindjeri have a right and responsibility to care for their lands and waters are important platforms for any just or ethical research. Ngarrindjeri have linked these rights and responsibilities to long-term community development focused on Ngarrindjeri capacity building and shifts in Ngarrindjeri power in programs designed to research and manage Ngarrindjeri Ruwe/Ruwar. Research agreements that protect Ngarrindjeri interests, including cultural knowledge and intellectual property, are crucial elements in these shifts in power. A preliminary review of ethics resources, with particular focus on those available online from Indigenous organisations in WA, NT and Qld Sarah Holcombe (ANU) and Natalia Gould (La Trobe University) In light of a growing interest in Indigenous knowledge, this preliminary review maps the forms and contents of some existing resources and processes currently available and under development in the Northern Territory, Queensland and Western Australia, along with those enacted through several cross-jurisdictional initiatives. A significant majority of ethics resources have been developed in response to a growing interest in the application of Indigenous knowledge in land and natural resource management. The aim of these resources is to ?manage? (i.e. protect and maintain) Indigenous knowledge by ensuring ethical engagement with the knowledge holders. Case studies are drawn on from each jurisdiction to illustrate both the diversity and commonality in the approach to managing this intercultural engagement. Such resources include protocols, guidelines, memorandums of understanding, research agreements and strategic plans. In conducting this review we encourage greater awareness of the range of approaches in practice and under development today, while emphasising that systematic, localised processes for establishing these mechanisms is of fundamental importance to ensuring equitable collaboration. Likewise, making available a range of ethics tools and resources also enables the sharing of the local and regional initiatives in this very dynamic area of Indigenous knowledge rights.b&w photographs, colour photographsngarrindjeri, ethics, ethnography, indigenous research, social justice, indigenous health

Murray's Bridge over the Diamond Creek on the Diamond Creek Trail just prior to demolition and replacement with a new steel bridge. Heritage advice obtained by Nillumbik Shire Council, following a suggestion by the Eltham District Historical Society (EDHS), is that the original bridge appears to have been a simplified version of the Country Roads Board’s (CRB) standard timber bridge design of the early-to-mid 1920s. In c1990 Murray’s bridge was renovated with three recycled steel girders as part of a bike/pedestrian path in the reserve. During these alterations many parts of the bridge were removed, and some were replaced. Heritage advice indicates the condition of Murray’s bridge is poor. The remaining original parts are all in poor condition, with severe weathering, splitting and rot, especially to the stringers retained on the bridge. Heritage advice is that Murray’s Bridge does not have sufficient significance in the cultural history of the Nillumbik area to warrant inclusion in the Nillumbik Shire Heritage Overlay and also does not have sufficient significance as a rare survivor to warrant inclusion in the Nillumbik Shire Heritage Overlay. There are no indications in the historical record that this site was individually important to the cultural history of this area. EDHS is comfortable with the heritage advice provided to Council and has worked closely on this project with Council. EDHS has suggested some of the removed timbers be used in the vicinity of the bridge for landscaping and possibly seating, so as to retain these remnants close to the site of the original bridge, which is the last old timber bridge along the lower reaches of the Diamond Creek. Mary (Sweeney) Murray and John Wright Murray selected 80 acres, Lot C Section 16 and Lot 5 Section 17 Parish of Nillumbik, under an occupation license in 1866. John died in 1867 and freehold was granted to his son John in 1873. The farm was known as ‘Laurel Hill’. John Junior was an Eltham Shire councillor and sometime president from 1887 up until 1897. He added Lot A Section 16 to the farm in ca1888. John and his younger brother James arranged to rent/purchase Lot B Section 17, across Diamond Creek to the west, in ca1900. It appears that John and James farmed separately for a few years, with a new homestead built for James ad family on the high point of Lot B Section 17 in ca1910. John sold off Lot 5 Section 17 in 1912. When John died in 1912 James took over the land on both sides of the Diamond Creek. The old homestead on the west side of the Creek disappeared. A farm bridge over Diamond Creek from this period may have been located close to the northern boundary of the farm. John Langlands, owner of the farm known as ‘Ihurst’ on the west side of Diamond Creek to the south of the Murray’s land, died in 1907. In 1909 his land was then subdivided into 100 lots to become the ‘Glen Park Estate’. Other similar subdivisions of nineteenth century farms around Eltham in this period included the ‘Franktonia (or Beard’s) Estate’ to the northeast and ‘Bonsack’s Estate’ between Eltham and Greensborough. Soon after the opening of the railway extension line from Eltham to Hurstbridge in 1912, Glen Park and nearby residents including James Murray agitated for a railway station or siding to be located half-way between Eltham and Hurstbridge, so that the Glen Park residents who used the railway daily did not have to walk into the Eltham or Hurstbridge stations. Some believed Coleman’s Corner (opposite Edendale Farm) was an appropriate spot for the platform. James Murray was among those who thought the railway should be located on his land, closer to half-way between Eltham and Hurstbridge stations. The Railways Commissioners warned that the locals would have to fund these works themselves. The Glen Park Estate residents initially had difficulty accessing Eltham by road, with only an old low-level bridge over Diamond Creek at the south end of their estate. A new timber trestle bridge across the creek, now on Wattletree Road, was opened in 1915. Road access to the north was gained in 1927 when the new Murray’s Road, which crossed the Murray’s land, was built. Residents continued to agitate for a Glen Park station. By 1926 the Railways Commissioners’ preferred site was on the Murray’s land. They arranged an estimate of cost of a full-length platform. The estimate was too much for the locals, who in 1928 argued unsuccessfully for a shorter and hence cheaper platform. By 1929 Murray had agreed to donate the land, but the locals would still have to fund the works. Murray decided, unilaterally it would appear, to commence work on a timber trestle road bridge over Diamond Creek to link the new Murray Road to the proposed station. Late in 1929 he stopped work on the bridge, for reasons unknown, but started work again and completed the bridge in 1931. There is no further newspaper evidence of the campaign for the Glen Park station until 1939, when Murray and another local, Mr Maxwell, met the Railways Commissioner. The Glen Park locale now included 45 homes on the west side of the creek and 20 on the Eltham side. Most of the residents used the train every day. The Commissioner remained adamant that only a full-length platform could be built for safety reasons. It appears the campaign dissolved at this point. The increasing move to cars may have had an impact. There is no evidence of Murray’s bridge ever being connected to Murray’s Road, or of it having wide use for any purpose by locals. James Murray died in 1947 and the farm was taken over by his son James (Jim). Jim started to sell off parts of the farm in the 1980s, retaining a few acres around the ca1910 homestead and building a new house there. Recreation reserves were established along the creek. In ca1990 Murray’s bridge was renovated with steel girders as part of a bike/pedestrian path in the reserve. The old farmhouse was demolished in ca2014. * * * A theory posted on local community Facebook groups was that the bridge was built in the 1860s and was built to be more robust than was necessary for the movement of cows from one side of the creek to the other. It was suggested the robustness was necessary to support the weight of gold ore being transferred from a mine on Murray’s land to a railway siding near Murrays Bridge (presumably for transfer and processing at Diamond Creek). Perhaps this may have been one of the motivators for Murray, who really knows? Knowing when mining operations ceased on his land and how that fits the overall timeline would be useful but at the time the bridge was built, local gold production was minimal at best. The known facts are: • The railway line came to Eltham in 1902. • The extension of the railway from Eltham to Hurstbridge was constructed in 1912 so no railway line even existed through Murray's property until 1912 and the Victorian Railways maps at the time show no such siding on Murray’s property. • In 1923 a new company was formed in anticipation of the old Diamond Creek Gold Mine being re-opened. The mine had been previously closed and flooded. It was noted in the press at the time that the mine was within a mile of the railway. Nothing really came of this. • Construction of Murrays Bridge was commenced by James Murray in early 1929 in anticipation of a proposed flag station being nominated on his land, but work ceased shortly afterwards. The proposed flag station was commonly referred to as Glen Park as the residents of the Glen Park Estate wanted Option 1, located near them with the platform adjacent to Colemans corner. This was probably never going to fly as it was virtually in eyesight of Eltham station. Allandale Road was the third option, but the Commissioners' preferred option was No. 2 - on Murray's property. • The Railway Commissioners were not going to finance any such station and the works had to be funded by private landowners and residents, hence Murray investing in this himself. • Murray recommenced work two years later and finished his bridge in 1931 but unfortunately for him, the proposed flag station never eventuated. The bluestone siding you reference may well have been built by Murray as part of the proposed station platform. • Up until then, apart from the Main Road bridge, which was washed away in 1924, virtually all local crossings over the Diamond Creek were low lying bridges – Kaylocks Bridge at Brougham Street, Diamond Street bridge, Glen Park Road bridge. It is expected that Murray also had a low-lying bridge to connect his land either side of the creek. These were all washed away or severely damaged multiple times in the 1920s. Lessons were learnt, and Murrays Bridge appears to have been built in accordance with Country Road Board standards of the time. Flood damage was ongoing, and even more recently constructed raised bridges kept getting washed away, e.g., the new Wattle Tree Road bridge in 1958 just months after completion. Murray’s bridge was reinforced with steel some 30 years ago presumably to provide additional floodwater resistance, given the history of bridges disappearing in floodwaters. • In March 1932 it was reported in the Advertiser that there were still some prospectors operating around Eltham North who apart from further scarring the face of the earth over the previous two years had gained significant experience but little gold - hardly a driving factor for constructing a dedicated railway siding and bridge to transfer gold ore. It is far more probable that James Murray was hoping to have the railway station located on his property and invested his money by building the bridge to lead to it as well as a station platform. Had the station eventuated, it may well have driven up the value of his land for subdivision and new housing estates like the Glen Park Estate. That did not eventuate. Whilst the bridge was indeed old (90 years), the core structure being completed in 1931, it had been modified substantially from original and hence had no significant historic value – i.e., it was not a representative example of its type, construction, and age. Given that the bridge was not worthy of saving, the Eltham District Historical Society with Council’s support, and the Eltham Woodworkers group endeavoured to see what suitable sized timbers were salvageable to fabricate a commemorative seat. Unfortunately, the experts at the Woodworkers group were unable to salvage any suitable length/width timbers to fabricate the seat due to the presence of rot. Last remaining wooden trestle bridge on the Diamond Creek Trail just prior to demolition and replacementBorn digital image (27)diamond creek (creek), diamond creek trail, murrays bridge, ‘laurel hill’, john wright murray, mary (sweeney) murra, john murray jnr, james murray, john langlands, ‘ihurst’, ‘glen park estate’, beard's estate, franktonia, bonsack's estate, glen park estate, glen park railway station

From the publisher Thames & Hudson Australia's website: "In the bushy north-eastern fringe of Melbourne, an enduring, uniquely Australian architectural aesthetic has been quietly gaining recognition. Emerging out of necessity in the post-war years, it reimagined the sleek ideals of modernism through the lens of the local landscape. Simple homes built 'of the land' from mud bricks and recycled timber captured the mood of those searching for an alternative way of life close to nature. The movement gathered momentum in the counter-cultural 1960s and culminated in near-mainstream popularity in the 1970s. After a few decades where brown lost appeal in favour of white-washed minimalism, the style in all its warm, earthy glory is once again being embraced and revived by a new generation Through evocative photography by Sean Fennessy, personal stories and architectural insights, Bush Modern explores the timeless appeal of these character-filled homes: tactile, grounded and deeply in tune with their environment." Contents: Bush modern locations (map) Grounded in simplicity by Jessica Lillico and Sean Fennessy Time and place by Morag Fraser Houses featured - Stonygrad 1940, North Warrandyte Fraser-Jackson House 1947/1977, Montmorency Busst House 1948, Eltham Burstall House 1950, Montmorency Wright House II 1960, North Warrandyte Collis House 1966, Eltham Diskin House 1967, Eltham Redfern House 1967, North Warrandyte River Bend 1968/2022, Garambi Baan, Eltham Fisher House 1969, Warrandyte Borrack House 1970, Plenty Valley Fiddlers Elbow 1970, North Warrandyte Light Well House 1972, Donvale Birrarung House 1974, Garambi Baan, Eltham High Noon 1974, North Warrandyte Monty Sibbel 1975/2022, Montmorency Provan House 1976/2021, North Warrandyte Pizzey House 1977, Eltham Pittard House 1978, Eltham Gray House 1980, Eltham Carol Ann House 1989, Bend of Islands Wattle Glen 1999, Wattle Glen Big Hill 2001, Christmas Hills Inside front cover in ink: "Enjoy! Jess & Sean"stonygrad, fraser-jackson house, busst house, burstall house, wright house ii, collis house, diskin house, redfern house, river bend, fisher house, borrack house, fiddlers elbow, light well house, birrarung house, high noon, monty sibbel, provan house, pizzey house, pittard house, gray house, carol ann house, wattle glen, big hill

Community booklet issued by City of Ringwood for 1981 - covering the facilities and activities of the Ringwood Council and other local organisations and associations. CONTENTS: (page number) Beautification and Leisure Areas 24 Building — General Information 21 Commissioners for Taking Declarations and Affidavits 15 Council Finance 11 Council Meeting Dates 5 Council Representation on various organisations 8 Councillors 6 Elections for Council 10 Emergency Telephone Numbers 51 Health -30 Home Help Service 22 Immunisation Programme 31 Infant Welfare Centres 33 Items of Interest 16 Justices of the Peace 14 Let's Be Neighbourly 20 Library — General 18 Library — Service for our Senior Citizens 23 Major Works 12 Map of municipality 26 Mayor's Message - Cr. F.J. Corr 4 Meals on Wheels 28 Members of Parliament 50 Officers of the Council 9 Proposed Leisure Centre 14 Rate Assistance 11 Rate Payments 10 Recycling Depots 49 Ringwood Cultural Centre 2 Ringwood Festival activities for 1981 29 Standing Committees of Council 5 Swimming Centre 13 Welfare and Community Services 34 rinx

Community information booklet issued by City of Ringwood for 1982 - covering the facilities and activities of the Ringwood Council and other local organisations and associations. Cover photograph: A.C. Robertson Athletic Field. CONTENTS: (page no.) Beautification and Leisure Areas 16 Building — General Information 26 By-Laws 27 Circuit Bus — Ringwood City 54 Commissioners for taking Declarations and Affidavits 31 Council Meeting Dates 6 Council Representation 7 Councillors 4 Cultural Centre 32 Disabled Persons - Facilities 34 Elections for Council 10 Emergency Telephone Numbers 54 Festival 33 Finance — Council 12 Golf Course 30 Health Home Help Service 24 Immunisation Programme 20 Items of Interest 22 Justices of the Peace 30 Library — General 13 Library — Service for our Senior Citizens 26 Major Works Programme 14 Map of Municipality 28 Mayor's Message – Cr. N.J. Hamilton 2 Meals on Wheels 25 Members of Parliament 52 Officers of the Council 8 Property Records 10 Rates 11 Recycling Depots S3 Regulations 27 Roll — Municipal 10 Swimming Centre 21 Voting — Compulsory 10 Welfare and Community Services 35 rinx

Community information booklet issued by City of Ringwood for 1983 - covering the facilities and activities of the Ringwood Council and other local organisations and associations. Cover photograph: Ringwood Lake Reserve.CONTENTS: (page no.) Aged — Centre for the Frail Aged 22 Building — General Information 28 By-Laws and Regulations 27 Circuit Bus — Ringwood City 33 Commissioners for taking Declarations and Affidavits 29 Committees of Council 6 Council Meeting Dates 6 Council Officers 8 Council Representation 7 Councillors 4 Cultural Centre 36 Disabled Persons - Facilities 21 Emergency Telephone Numbers 58 Elections for Council 10 Festival 23 Finance - Council 11 Garbage Collection 58 Golf Course 37 Health 18 Home Help 25 Immunisation Programme 20 Immunisation Schedule 19 Items of Interest 32 Justices of the Peace 29 Lake — Ringwood Lake Reserve 59 Leisure Areas 16 Library — General 12 Library - Service for our Senior Citizens 26 Major Works Programme 14 Map of Municipality 30 Mayor’s Message – Cr. Pat Gotlib, J.P. 2 Meals on Wheels 24 Members of Parliament 56 Nature Strip Maintenance 34 Pensioners — Rate Assistance 11 Rates 10 Recycling of Waste 57 Roll — Municipal 10 Shuttle Bus 33 Swimming Centre 37 Voting — Compulsory 10 Welfare and Community Services 38 rinx

Michael Leunig is an Australian cartoonist, poet and cultural commentator. His best known works include The Adventures of Vasco Pyjama and the Curly Flats series. Leunig was declared one of Australian Living Treasures by the National Trust of Australia in 1999. George Baldessin (1939-1978) was a printmaker and sculptor who built his bluestone studio at St Andrews (Nillumbik) in 1971 with his partner Tess and the three Hails brothers, Rob, Doug and Don. Made of recycled materials the studio today contains all of George’s equipment including the large press, which he modelled himself with the help of Neil Jeffrey (Enjay Presses). George won many prizes throughout his career and is represented in many of Australia's public art collections including his famous 'Pears' sculpture in front of the National Gallery of Australia, Canberra. In 1975 he represented Australia in the Sao Paulo Biennale, before living and working in Paris until his return to St Andrews in 1977. In 1978 George was killed in a car accident aged 39 years. In 2001 Tess returned to St Andrews to reclaim the run-down studio and reconstitute it as The Baldessin Press & Studio - a printmaking retreat. It operates in George’s memory, so that artists may continue to create, perpetuating the generous spirit of George.one colour (yellow) etching on Somerset paper. Thick lines weave in and out to produce a figure reminiscent of his 'curly flat' characters holding a long stem flower/vine. ekphrasis2018, pilgrim, baldessin, leunig

Paisley shawls were a fashionable item of women's clothing in Europe during the late eighteenth and nineteenth centuries. Many were made of intricately woven and delicate wool, as well as examples being printed onto silks, wools, and cotton. These pieces were highly decorative. Although now known as the Paisley pattern, the teardrop motif originated in Persia and India. There are various theories about the early history of the paisley motif, and it would appear that it originated in Iran during the early first millennium AD. At this date it was a bulbous, almond shaped form, which was often flowery and without the prominent hook so common in later examples. This motif is specifically known as a buteh. The end of the 17th century saw the hooked buteh becoming a popular motif in neighbouring Mughal India (c. 1526-1857). It was used especially on the fine woollen shawls that were hand woven and sometimes embroidered in Kashmir in northern India. The motif travelled from India to Africa, Southeast and East Asia, but in particular to Europe. In the late eighteenth century, the buteh became even more popular as it was featured on the Kashmir shawls that were being exported in vast quantities to Europe. Joséphine de Beauharnais, wife of Napoleon Bonaparte, for example, is said to have owned over 200 of these shawls. The buteh or paisley motif is actually one of the few non-geometric design forms that can be found throughout the world. It is worn by men, women and children of all ages, literally from the cradle to the grave. Moreover, it is worn by people of many different ethnic and cultural backgrounds. Silk/cotton paisley shawl with fringe. Cream background, brightly coloured Paisley motifs on borders, pieced borders - ? recycled from another item.