Relates the story of Australian women in politics, the women’s movement and the role played by women from inside and outside of politics from the 1920’s to the 1980’s This book provides an account of the influence women have had on the political agenda in the period 1920 to 1980. White paperback with green text and purple figure a a woman standing at a microphone on front cover. Text in purple on the back cover. 235 pages Lesley Scholes written in black pen inside front cover.australian women's movement 1920-1980, warrnambool, marian sawer, marian simms, a woman's place

Yellow and brown covered book. 38 pages. Sepia toned images throughout. Black writing with yellow accents. White paper page on inside of coverannual report, financial documents

The use of the colours purple, green and white reference the colours used during the first wave feminist movement initially in the UK by the Women’s Social and Political Union (WSPU), and subsequently emblematic of the Australian women’s movement.Graphic illustration of a naked female seated figure in purple, white and red, against a background with 'rays' of purple, green and white. Main text in red, with additional text at base in purple.Additional text: "A woman's place is… …in the struggle : 24th consecutive rally and march : 6:30pm steps of Parliament House : Dance afterwards 8:30pm Brunswick Town Hall (cnr. Sydney Rd. + Dawson St.)."women's liberation

This hair accessory is part of collection donated by Mrs. Jean Raper. It belonged to her great grandmother Mrs. Eliza Reardon. It was used to keep a bun or other hairstyle in place.This item is from the Raper Collection donated to the Wodonga Historical Society by Mrs. Jean Raper.A hair pin/comb or decoration used to secure a woman's hair bun in place. hair decorations, fashion accessory, women's jewellery

A woman smiles as she places a cup of tea in front of a nursing home resident at the Association for the Blind's Ballarat home.1 B/W photograph of resident and staff at Kelaston Nursing Homeassociation for the blind, kelaston home (ballarat)

UnknownViews of different aerobic exercises being conducted by a man and a woman. Each exercise takes place in a diferent square, totalling 12 squares in all. Each square is coloured alternately in apricot and pale blue. The man's pants are green, and the woman's top is red. No matt. Framed in black frame with glass glazing.Front: 15/60 Androgynous Aerobics [or which end of the toothpaste do you squeeze] V. McConville '83 (across lower centre, left to right) (pencil) Back: (no inscriptions)

Two women approach to enter Mirridong, with assistance from four others. From the left, the first woman speaks as she places her hand around that of the second woman's grip on a wooden cane. The second woman wears dark glasses, and has both a female and male holding her right arm. The male in the middle also holds the hands of a fourth woman, who has her other hand held by a man holding an envelope and standing behind suitcases.1 B/W photograph of people entering KelastonCK72 1/3 size also head only women 1st and 3rd from leftassociation for the blind, kelaston home (ballarat)

This is a soft cover book of 340 pages. It has a purple cover with a reproduction of a 19th century painting on the front cover and material about the contents of the book on the back cover. The spine is an orange colour with black and white printing. The book has an introduction by Kylie Tennant, an afterword by Dale Spender and 29 chapters of a novel. fictionA novel outlining the difficulties faced by 19th century women wishing to pursue a career.mary gaunt, history of warrnambool, women in literature

This is a travel book written by Mary Gaunt (1861-1942). She was an Australian author who gained international recognition for her novels, travel books, magazine articles and short stories. The wife of Dr H. L. Miller, she lived in Warrnambool from 1894 to 1900 and wrote some of her novels whilst in the town, using local scenes and situations for some of her writings. Her travel books are important as she wrote about her adventures in countries such as Africa and China where she was often touring places not previously visited by a white woman unaccompanied by other Europeans. This original copy of Mary Gaunt’s book about her travels in Jamaica is significant. Not only was Mary Gaunt a noted Australian writer but she was also a resident of Warrnambool for some time and thus has her place in Warrnambool’s history. This book was sent by Mary Gaunt to her brother Clive, resident in Rangoon at the time of the book’s publication. This is a hard cover book of 258 pages. The book has a dark green cover with gold lettering on the spine. The cover is very mottled and stained. There are four black and white photographs scattered throughout the text. A signature on the first page is in black ink and a small book plate is printed on a piece of paper which is pasted into the first page. ‘Clive Gaunt Rangoon’ ‘With the Author’s Compliments’mary gaunt, history of warrnambool, australian literature

This hat pin stand would have been a common object in a woman’s bedroom in the past, especially about the end of the 19th century and the beginning of the 20th century when women wore large hats and they needed large pins to hold them in place. This hat pin holder has no known local provenance but it is kept as a memento of the past and will be useful for display.This is a silver-coloured metal stand with a round base with impressed patterns on the top and a central raised oval section containing a circular spike. Near the top of the spike is a circular-shaped piece of metal in a fretwork pattern. This fretwork has been welded on and has space to insert several hat pins women’s accessories, history of warrnambool, hat pin stand

This is a piece of music composed by Idabelle Firestone (1875-1954), an American composer and songwriter. She was born in Michigan and wrote many popular songs including, ‘Melody of Love’, ‘Bluebirds’ and ‘You are the Song in my Heart’. She was married to Harvey Firestone of the Firestone Tyre Company. This company sponsored the long-running radio and T.V. program called ‘The Voice of Firestone’ which had a 46 piece orchestra and aired classical and popular songs of the day. Richard Crooks (1900-1972), who sang and recorded this song, was a well-known American tenor who specialized in French and Italian opera and was associated with the New York Metropolitan Opera Company for many years. He was the host of ‘The Voice of Firestone’ from 1928 to 1945 and sang patriotic songs and popular hits etc. This copy of ‘In My Garden’ was sold at the shop of Miss H. M. Lindsay of 101 Liebig Street, Warrnambool. This shop is known to have operated in the late 1920s up to 1935 and was at first (in the 1920s) located at 180 Timor Street. This item is of some significance as an example of the type of music popular in the 1930s and an example of the work of Idabelle Firestone. It also has local significance as it was sold by a Warrnambool music store. This is a four page piece of music printed on seven sides (cover and five pages of music). The pages are cream-coloured, discoloured in places, with black printed musical notation and a back page printed in black containing advertisements for three other songs. The front cover has a sepia sketch of a woman (19th century or olde-worlde style) carrying a bunch of flowers and looking over a garden with an archway. There is a stamp (H. M. Lindsay, Warrnambool) and a pencilled number 6 (altering the price from 2/- to 2/6)Front cover: ‘Sung by Richard Crooks, In My Garden, Song for Medium or High Voice and Piano by Idabelle Firestone, Sung by Richard Crooks on H. M. V. Record E.D.23, Price 2/-, G. Schirmer Inc, New York, Allan & Co, Prop. Ltd., Melbourne, Sydney, Adelaide, Bendigo’idabelle firestone, richard crooks, h.m.lindsay, warrnambool, idabelle fireston in my garden music, sheet musicin my garden

This coin is a Warrnambool Bateman penny. It is an example of an Australian token – a coin that had the value of a penny and was produced by businessmen in the 1850s to be used only in the business of the person named on the coin. There were two firms in Warrnambool that produced tokens in the 1850s – William Jamieson, a general storekeeper and William Bateman. The latter had a general store in Banyan Street and became in the early 1850s one of the largest merchant firms in the Warrnambool district. But the firm’s liabilities were financed by overdrafts and insolvency resulted. A disastrous and suspicious fire in 1856 destroyed the Bateman store and caused a great number of insolvencies in the district as so many businessmen and farmers were financed by Bateman who eventually left the district. This token is of supreme importance. It is significant for three reasons: 1. It is an example of an 1850s Australian token, demonstrating an early business practice in our history. 2. It is an example of a Warrnambool token produced by an important Warrnambool business (only two firms in Warrnambool produced tokens) 3. It is a Bateman token and these are comparatively rare because many Bateman tokens were destroyed in the 1856 fire. This is an 1855 metal token with, on one side, an image of a woman holding scales in one hand and a cornucopia in the other (Dea Pecunia?). The obverse side has the name of William Bateman Junior of Warrnambool. It is a business token which could be used only in the Bateman store in Warrnambool in place of a penny.One side: Woman image and the word ‘Australia’ Obverse side: ‘William Bateman Junr. & Co., Importers and General Merchants, Warnambool (sic), Victoria, 1855’ william bateman junior, warrnambool tokens, bateman token, coin tokens

Black paperback with gold text. Front cover depicts Sepia toned photograph of six women having tea. Back cover is black with recommendations and information about contents of the book.non-fictionStudy of the place and life of middle-class Victorian era women.victorian, middle-class, women, nineteenth century, women’s health education, modernization, warrnambool

This is a soft cover book of 304 pages. It has a blue cover with a black and white photograph of Mary Gaunt in an oval shape on the front cover. There is white lettering on the front cover and black lettering in an oval shape on the back cover. The book has an introduction, 35 chapters, acknowledgements, endnotes, a list of publications and an index. It has several illustrations, sketches, maps and black and white and colour photographs,non-fictionBiography of novelist and travel writer, Mary Gaunt (1862-1942)mary gaunt, australian literature, history of warrnambool

This evening bag belonged to Flora Ryberg (nee Warner), an Australian born woman of English parentage who married a Swedish seaman, Frits Ryberg. the couple lived in Emerald. Their son, Gus Ryberg (1911 - 2000) was a tireless promoter of local history and was pivotal in the establishment of the Nobelius Heritage Park and of the Emerald Museum. This bag has been donated by Flora's daughter.This bag was owned by the mother of Emerald's outstanding community worker and local history promoter, Gus Ryberg. It is also an interesting example of early 20th century ladies' fashion.Silver chainmail mesh evening bag. No lining. May have had chain handle. Decorative clutch handle with four missing stones - possibly moonstones.Inside clutch handle at four places: 'PATENT'flora ryberg, flora warner, gus ryberg

Bottled Phenyle cleaner was used throughout the 1900's in domestic kitchens, toilets and other "clean, germ free" environments. Some of these environments would encompass dairying milk handling rooms and hospital kitchens and ablution areas. It is a product which has resulted in the poisoning of some unwitting users (newspaper accounts of a woman in 1928 who drank some phenyle mistakenly for wine and died). The reliance of effective poisonous cleaning products in kitchens, especially in the 1900's was and is still a very hazardous element that the "most pivotal place in a house" contains. In the era when this particular bottle was used (1920's) the main means where consumed around the kitchen table, and this was especially so in rural areas. Keeping this area "germ" free was a mandatory requirement.This bottle is significant to the Kiewa Valley because this area was mostly rural with "out houses" and milk collection areas that required that "extra attention" of sanitation. Rural areas also where more prone to have the kitchen area as a general meeting place for the family before dinner and other meals. Sanitation was of greater importance in rural areas, due to the greater distances to hospitals and doctors if contamination occurred. City homes at this time frame had lounge rooms for the daily get together of the family unit. This was an era before the television and computer age fragmented and isolated family members from one another. This was a time that family members grouped together in the kitchen to find out "the latest news".This amber glass, diamond shaped bottle with cork stopper once contained Phenyle. Phenyle is a highly poisonous liquid. The amber opaque glass was used and not a clear glass to highlight it's content. It has a cork stopper at the top of a slender neck. All the glass embossed writing is highlighted by a string of crosses. The cross was used to enforce a visual danger sign.On one side "THIS BOTTLE IS THE PROPERTY OF" and in large print underneath "KITCHEN'S" and below this and underlined "POISONOUS". On the next side "NOT TO BE TAKEN" and next side in very large print and surrounded by a border "PHENYLE" with crosses enclosing it. On the bottom of a "blank side is "REGd. No. 2140" On the base is M 959 and Mkitchen cleaners, food preparation area, ablutions

Andrew Geoghegan, a bookmaker, was charged with illegally using an instrument on a woman, Louisa Margaret Heavey, in Hawthorn, November 1917. Prison record for Andrew Charles Geoghegan, prisoner registered number 34760, giving details of the prisoner, his crimes and the dates and places of his trials.geoghegan, andrew charles, english speaking prisoner, abortion

Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerPhotograph of a street art poster taken on the streets of Hong Kong during the protests against legislation to allow Hong Kong suspects to be extradited to mainland Chinese carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, poster art, posters

Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerMore than a thousand protestors surround Hong Kong's main police headquarters on Arsenal Street in Wan Chai on June 26th following a peaceful rally at Edinburgh Place in Central. Doors to the complex were barricaded by protestors, who left after a six hour siege in protest at police violence at a prtest held earlier on 12 June 2019. Protesters ended a six-hour siege of Hong Kong’s police headquarters – their second in a week over the now-suspended extradition bill – early on Thursday morning. More than 1,000 were involved at the height of the protest, which began after 10pm on Wednesday. Around 100 were left at the end and dispersed without a fight when officers with riot shields emerged from the building in Wan Chai at 4am on Thursday. After a peaceful rally attended by thousands earlier at Edinburgh Place in the Central business district, hundreds descended on Arsenal Street, blocking the junction with Lockhart Road to all traffic and sealing the entrances to the police base. (https://www.scmp.com/news/hong-kong/politics/article/3016238/hong-kong-police-under-siege-again-protesters-surround )carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, protest, protestors

Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerSeven police officers stand guard in front of Hong Kong's main police headquarters on Arsenal Street in Wan Chai as an estimated one thousand protestors surround on 26 June 2019. Protestors take turns to step up and hurl abuse at the officers, in a protest lasting 6 hours before peacefully dispersing. The protesters chanted 'Release the martyrs' and 'Stop police violence' in reference to violent clashes with police in the days previous. ( https://www.scmp.com/news/hong-kong/politics/article/3016238/hong-kong-police-under-siege-again-protesters-surround)carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, protest, protestors, police, wan chai

Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerPhotograph crowds gathering on June 16 on the streets of Causeway Bay before an estimated 2 million people take part in march protesting the government's push for extradition laws to China and demanding an apology from the chief executrive Carrie Lam. Nearly 2 million’ people take to streets, forcing public apology from Hong Kong leader Carrie Lam as suspension of controversial extradition bill fails to appease protesters. (https://www.scmp.com/news/hong-kong/politics/article/3014737/nearly-2-million-people-take-streets-forcing-public-apology )carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, protest, protestors

Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerPhotograph of a crowd or protestors against proposed extradition laws gathering on the streets of Causeway Bay, Hong Kong, leading down to the gathering area. carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, protest, protestors

Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerPhotograph of a crowd on the streets of Hong Kong to protest against proposed extradition laws, heading towards Admiralty. carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, protest, protestors, admiralty

Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerCrowds mass on Queens Way in Hong Kong as an estimated 2 million people march in protest at the government's refusal to withdraw a controverisal law allowing people to be extradited to mainland China. Chants demanded the chief executive apologise and the legislation be withdrawn, while many held signs protesting police violence. Nearly 2 million protesters flooded the streets of Hong Kong on Sunday, organisers claimed, delivering a stunning repudiation of Chief Executive Carrie Lam Cheng Yuet-ngor’s governance and forcing a public apology out of the city’s leader over her campaign to bulldoze a controversial extradition bill through the legislature. A day after Lam suspended her push for the bill, expecting it to defuse a crisis that has seen violent clashes between mostly young protesters and police, the centre of Hong Kong was brought to a complete standstill as the masses marched to chastise her for refusing to withdraw the bill or apologise when first asked to, and declaring that nothing short of her resignation would satisfy them now. (https://www.scmp.com/news/hong-kong/politics/article/3014737/nearly-2-million-people-take-streets-forcing-public-apology ) carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, protest, protestors, admiralty

Poor video quality (noise and interference), edited raw footage with music and some commentary by Merv Hanna. A video documenting the demolition of the Shire of Eltham offices at 895 Main Road Eltham under the direction of the Commissioners appointed for the new Shire of Nillumbik and some of the communities activities surrounding the event. The building was demolished exactly 25 years after the southern wing housing Engineering and Planning on the upper level and the Eltham Library on the ground level was opened in celebration of the Shire of Eltham's centenary. Video has lots of distortion and noise, and sections of clips dubbed over. Immediate initial footage of Jenni Mitchell talking about asbestos claims in the Shire Offices (Sigmund Jorgensen standing behind her) advising Council did a review of the building several years previously and had been cleared of health problems. Cuts to group of people standing outside front door of offices but possibly voice dub over not related ? Then the date 27 Jul 1996 on a scene flashes on screen immediately followed by an edited clip intro of title and credits with classical music track. It then opens with Jenni Mitchell driving to the Shire Offices on Saturday 27 July 1996 at 11.00am. Footage of Main Road past Pitt Street, Alistair Knox Park then entering Shire Office driveway which is fenced off and contractor signs hanging up. Scenes at rear of building showing some internal demolition has commenced. View of the Administration wing. More clips of road driving, Alistair Knox Park, Eltham Library and visitor car park for Shire Offices. Cuts to a group of people standing in access to visitor carpark with new Eltham Library in background, one being immediate former Shire of Eltham President, John Graves. Scenes of people looking through chain link fence and security guard checking front door. John Graves being filmed that someone informed him the Shire was offering the building to the Community Health Centre for $2.3 million and that if they had been offered a price of $1.1 for what it apparently was sold for they would have snapped it up. View of truck loaded with brick rubble literally struggling to ascend the hill of Library Place to exit into Main Road. Cuts to a scene looking at Eltham War memorial Hall through the Memorial Gate, then the Shillinglaw trees and large banner sign ‘Delta Demolitions’ hanging on office façade. Views of front door, old library and bluestone wall. Scene (31 Jul 1996) filmed at night of several white crosses with “RIP Community” and “RIP Democracy”. Scene (1 August 1996) again driving along Main Road towards the Shire Offices then scenes of the offices showing substantially more demolition to exterior, groups of people standing on footpath outside watching, Delta heavy demolition machines, woman holding sign “Democracy where have you gone …”, the odd person in full protection gear and breathing apparatus hand carrying materials out to place on rubbish pile in front of people standing on footpath watching (with no protection) and then stamping on it to break it creating dust, security person in hard hat (no other protection) wandering around, many groups standing around watching, news film crew, person standing on roadside edge holding signs facing traffic stating “Pirate Planning” and “ Grant us your ears” also sign on back of parked car “Elthams High Jacks”, another sign “Community Democracy”, views of crosses in Main Road median strip “RIP Community”, groups of people on footpaths and reporters conducting interviews, footage of unknown person standing with Jenni Mitchell and Sigmund Jorgensen advising people have the right to protest, Jenni Mitchell urging people to ask questions of local MP and Council and Sigmund Jorgensen referring to the three historic Shillinglaw trees with demolition machinery operating in background, Jenni Mitchell and others installing more crosses in median strip; demolition machines operating inside and outside the building, more views of onlookers including Sigmund Jorgensen then Police approaching on footpath, workers and machinery continuing to operate, views of the old library being demolished, the former Community Services department, security personnel. Scene (2 August 1996) more heavy demolition machinery in operation smashing building up, people standing around southern wing watching, view overlooking Eltham Library of train pulling in to Eltham station. Scene (7 August 1996) more heavy demolition and people wandering around with only hard hat protection, no dust protection, comments from one operator dumping a bin of material stating “wait till there’s a Hungry Jack’s here, you’ll be laughing, fuel, videos, hamburgers. You’ll be up with the rest of the world soon, you’ll have electricity and everything here, ha ha ha ha”, more heavy machinery demolition and breaking up of materials, view of Hitachi train going by and Administration wing, view inside the front door opening of the staircase leading to upper level, person walking around operating heavy machinery with a hose spraying rubble (no protective gear other than hard hat interspersed with edit cuts of meeting of Commissioners and independent observers on panel as well as members of the community in public gallery. Nillumbik Shire CEO Barry Rochford addressing the meeting., Chief Commissioner Don Cordell directly addressing Jenni Mitchell with respect to permission to take photographs, Barry Rochford continues to address the question asked of Council about the valuation of the former Shire of Eltham Office building/site, public gallery calling out asking why was building demolished, what was the urgency. Scene (14 August 1996) views of southern wing, previous single demolition operator again mocking people filming, operators working in and around building, Shillinglaw trees and largely demolished front, heavy demolition equipment at work, piles of building rubble, hose spraying water over rubble, large trucks arriving for rubble removal and loading of truck. Scene (21 August) more of the same, building virtually down, Shillinglaw trees standing tall and alone, water spraying on rubble and wattle in bloom. Cuts to Council meeting with public onlookers. Barry Rochford walks out, Wayne Phillips addresses meeting explaining one or two people shouting, members of the community challenging Council (Commissioners) about why due process appear to have been subverted. Former Shire President Robert Marshall in public audience, cuts back to Shire office carpark entrance site and sign hung on fence in front of library “Think Again!” and people standing around observing awaiting a protest demonstration erecting a large sign on stilts stating “Shell No!”, people singing a revised version of God Save the Queen (God Save Us All), Sigmund Jorgensen in attendance, Jenni Mitchell, Sigmund Jorgenson and others address the protest crowd, followed by people mingling, music being played then people standing around the cleared site circumference all with arms linked (video very broken up with noise) then chants “Save the Gateway” and “No Shell for Eltham” and more music and singing “Put up a parking lot”. The crowd then proceeds to walk along the footpath of Main Road. Scene (15 Sep 1996) meeting at Montsalvat in Great Hall addressed by Sigmund Jorgensen discussing a recently published list of the Commissioner’s to senior Council Officers of banned Nillumbik people, others encouraging people to view proposed plans for the site and lodge objections. Specific issues regarding asbestos claims are also addressed. Harry Gilham addresses the meeting on the subject of the Eltham War Memorial and Memorial Gardens and how Council believe a roundabout in the vicinity is of greater importance. Views of various artworks on display (for auction) and music performance in the Barn Gallery. Meeting addressed by Sigmund Jorgensen discussing an appeal against Council granting a permit to Dallas Howgate to develop the site and that the Minister has called the matter in to be decided by the governing council. This is followed by an auction of paintings.Hi-Tech Ultra High Grade Video Cassette E-180 VHS dubbing of (poor quality) edited raw footage with some music from Star Wars and commentary by Merv Hannan Converted to MP4 file format 0:30:26, 2.6GBOn label " Merv's Demolition tape No. 2 Copy"video recording, 895 main road, alistair knox park, artworks, auction, barn gallery, barry rochford, community health centre, dallas howgate, delta demolitions, demolition, don cordell, eltham, eltham library, eltham shire office, eltham war memorial, eltham war memorial gate, eltham war memorial hall, great hall, harry gilham, jenni mitchell, john graves, library place, main road, memorial gardens, mervyn hannan, montsalvat, pitt street, protest, robert marshall, roundabout, shell oil, shillinglaw trees, sigmund jorgensen, sign, wayne phillips

This old apple tree situated beside the Plenty River Trail at Greensborough has been associated with Melbourne Founder John Batman. Known as Batman's Tree, this apple tree is on the bank of the Plenty River near Leischa Court, Greensborough. It is said that Melbourne Founder John Batman may have planted the tree and later signed his treaty here with the Aboriginal people. It still bears fruit and its recorded on the National Trust's Register of Significant Trees, as the oldest apple tree in Victoria. Published: Nillumbik Now and Then /​ Marguerite Marshall 2008; photographs Alan King with Marguerite Marshall.; p7 Was This John Batman's Tree? An apple tree on the bank of the Plenty River near Leischa Court, Greensborough, is believed to have belonged to Melbourne’s founder, John Batman. It could also stand where John Batman signed his famous treaty with the Aboriginal people.1 Known as Batman’s Tree, it still bears fruit and is recorded on the National Trust’s Register of Significant Trees, as the oldest apple tree in Victoria. It is ‘Believed to have been planted by either John Batman, (c1837) or Martin Batey (1841)’.2 In 1966 a Horticultural Adviser, Mr Rolfe, after extensive questioning of aged Greensborough residents, wrote: ‘it thus seems fairly certain that the old tree on the banks of the Plenty River is an original Batman apple tree’. Mr Rolfe said that the tree stood on a spot formerly called Wattle Bend: ‘one of the sites claimed to be where John Batman signed his famous treaty with the aboriginals. ‘My main source of information has been interviews with people who attended school in the Greensborough area from 70 to 80 years ago. Their parents were close to the days when Melbourne was founded so information passed on by word of mouth.’ Around 1920 the tree was struck by lightning and a concrete block was placed in the split. The concrete is inscribed with the date 1841 when the tree was thought to have been planted. Not everyone agrees with Mr Rolfe however. Former secretary of the Nillumbik Historical Society, Kevin Patterson, said there was no written evidence to support the claim. But he said the tree had been known to locals for decades as Batman’s Tree. In the 1920s a holiday resort in the area advertised: ‘Come to Greensborough and see John Batman’s tree’. Mr Patterson said it was thought that when Batman died in 1839 his land was sold and a Greensborough man Frederick Flintoff bought seedlings from his orchard for £1 each. This was the only one left.3 Mr Rolfe said: ‘If planted in 1837, or even a few years later, it undoubtedly is the oldest living apple tree in Victoria. Title records of the property on which the tree grows show that the land was a crown grant of F D Wickham in 1840. Mr Wickham was reputed to be a friend of John Batman. All the early settlers prior to the crown grants were squatters, by virtue of Batman’s treaty. This treaty was revoked by the then New South Wales Government, so it is likely that Wickham or an agent was in occupation before 1840. ‘According to Mrs Mavis Latham (John Batman – Great Australian Series, Oxford University Press) when Batman came to Port Phillip in 1835 he brought fruit trees with him. He failed to get a crown grant for his selection on Collins Street, which included 20 acres (eight ha) of orchard and cultivation. His residence became the Government Office and Melbourne grew from wild bushland in 1835 to a town of over 20,000 people by 1841. It is possible Batman visited Wickham and presented him with a tree.’ However a Flintoff descendant in 1933 said Frederick Flintoff ordered his bailiff Martin Batey to transplant the Batman Tree from the Spencer Street orchard to its present site as a memorial to his friend Batman.4 Mr Rolfe spoke to many people, including descendants of the Bateys and Flintoffs and pupils at the Greensborough Primary School. Many had gained their information from a ‘very highly respected’ head master Lewis Amiet at the Greensborough School from 1895 to 1917. He must have gained this information from residents in the district and had this information been incorrect, the parents of the children would have promptly corrected him.’ One woman who attended the school before Mr Amiet’s appointment, said the previous teacher also taught that the tree on the Plenty River was a Batman tree, Mr Rolfe said.This collection of almost 130 photos about places and people within the Shire of Nillumbik, an urban and rural municipality in Melbourne's north, contributes to an understanding of the history of the Shire. Published in 2008 immediately prior to the Black Saturday bushfires of February 7, 2009, it documents sites that were impacted, and in some cases destroyed by the fires. It includes photographs taken especially for the publication, creating a unique time capsule representing the Shire in the early 21st century. It remains the most recent comprehenesive publication devoted to the Shire's history connecting local residents to the past. nillumbik now and then (marshall-king) collection, greensborough, john batman tree, plenty river trail

Built by noted artist Theodore Penleigh Boyd, father of architect Robin Boyd. Covered under National Estate, National Trust of Australia (Victoria) Local Significance and Heritage Overlay, Nillumbik Planning Scheme. Published: Nillumbik Now and Then /​ Marguerite Marshall 2008; photographs Alan King with Marguerite Marshall.; p111 The Robins at Warrandyte,* was once home to a member of a famous family and is also one of the first reinforced concrete houses in Victoria. The builder, Theodore Penleigh Boyd, born in 1890, was a talented painter1 noted for his works of the Warrandyte bush. He was the father of architect Robin Boyd, author of the Australian Ugliness and the uncle of painter, Arthur Boyd. Penleigh Boyd’s great grandfather was Sir William A’Beckett, Victoria’s first Chief Justice. Penleigh Boyd is considered by some to be an ‘unsung hero’ overshadowed by more famous members of his family. Mornington Gallery Director Andrea May said many believed Boyd ‘had never received the national acclaim that he deserved’.2 Classified by the National Trust3 and part of the Australian National Heritage,4 The Robins is set well back near the end of Kangaroo Ground – Warrandyte Road, unobserved by passers-by. Built in 1913, The Robins has some Art Nouveau influences and is a descendant of the Queen Anne style. It is covered in stucco and has a prominent attic, which Boyd used as a studio. Some parts of the house are up to 33 centimetres thick and built in part with pisé (rammed earth) and in part with reinforced concrete. Amazingly, Boyd built The Robins without an accessible driveway, and only a narrow track along which he had to cart building materials. The journey was uphill and Boyd terraced the land with Warrandyte rock5 without the aid of machinery. At only 33 years, Boyd was killed in a car accident in 1923. He was buried in Brighton near the home of his parents. Several people have since owned the house, including political journalist, Owen Webster. Boyd was born at Penleigh House, Wiltshire, and studied at Haileybury College, Melbourne and The Hutchins School, Hobart. He attended the Melbourne National Gallery School and in his final year exhibited at the Victorian Artists’ Society. He arrived in London in 1911 and his painting Springtime was hung at the Royal Academy. He painted in several studios in England and then worked in Paris.6 There he met painter Phillips Fox through whom he met artists of the French modern school and also his wife-to-be, Edith Anderson, whom he married in Paris in 1912. After touring France and Italy, the couple returned to Melbourne. In 1913 Boyd held an exhibition and won second prize in the Federal Capital site competition, then the Wynne Prize for landscape in 1914. In 1915 Boyd joined the Australian Imperial Force, and became a sergeant in the Electrical and Mechanical Mining Company. However he was severely gassed at Ypres and invalided to England. In 1918 in London Boyd published Salvage, writing the text and illustrating it with 20 black-and-white ink-sketches of army scenes. Later that year he returned to Melbourne, and, despite suffering from the effects of gas, he held several successful one-man shows, quickly selling his water-colour and oil paintings. In his short career Penleigh Boyd was recognized as one of Australia’s finest landscape painters. He loved colour, having been influenced early by Turner and McCubbin. His works are in all Australian state galleries, the National Collection in Canberra as well as in regional galleries.7 His wife Edith was also an artist having studied at the Slade School, London, and in Paris with Phillips Fox. After her marriage she continued to paint and excelled in drawing. In later years she wrote several dramas, staged by repertory companies, and radio plays for the Australian Broadcasting Commission, in which she took part. She was the model for the beautiful red-haired woman in several of Phillips Fox’s paintings and the family hold three of his portraits of her. *Possibly named after the Aboriginal words warran, meaning ‘object’ and dyte, meaning ‘thrown at’.This collection of almost 130 photos about places and people within the Shire of Nillumbik, an urban and rural municipality in Melbourne's north, contributes to an understanding of the history of the Shire. Published in 2008 immediately prior to the Black Saturday bushfires of February 7, 2009, it documents sites that were impacted, and in some cases destroyed by the fires. It includes photographs taken especially for the publication, creating a unique time capsule representing the Shire in the early 21st century. It remains the most recent comprehenesive publication devoted to the Shire's history connecting local residents to the past. nillumbik now and then (marshall-king) collection, kangaroo ground-warrandyte road, north warrandyte, the robins

The dam at the entrance to the Nerreman Gateway in Eltham was built according to an internationally acclaimed theory developed by the builder's father. In 1920, Victorian engineer B.A. Smith was awarded the American Society of Civil Engineers J. James R. Cross Gold Medal for his Technical Paper titled 'Arched Dams'. It was the first time this medal had been awarded outside the United States. The concrete arched dam across the Eltham West Drain was built in 1940 by B.A. Smith's son and engineer, D. B. (Bernie) Smith to water the 24 acre (9.75 ha) hobby farm owned by himself and new wife, Isa Smith. Upon completion of the dam a pump-house was constructed beside the creek but before the water could be pumped up the hill they had to dig a trench and lay 500m of 100mm water main to an elevated holding tank. The Smiths made the pump-house their home for several years until they constructed their home at the top of the hill overlooking Eltham and views extending to Kinglake. Following Bernie's death in 1983, Nerreman Park was subdivided between 1993 and 1995. Gordon Ford designed the landscaping and the pump-house was demolished. Covered under Heritage Overlay, Nillumbik Planning Scheme. Published: Nillumbik Now and Then /​ Marguerite Marshall 2008; photographs Alan King with Marguerite Marshall.; p137 The dam at the entrance to the Nerreman Gateway in Eltham, was built according to an internationally acclaimed theory developed by the builder’s father. In 1920, Victorian engineer B A Smith was awarded the American Society of Civil Engineers J. James R. Croes Gold Medal, for his Technical Paper titled Arched Dams. It was the first time this medal had been awarded outside America. An international example of the application of Smith’s work can be found in the design of the Hoover Dam on the Colorado River, Nevada, USA. Built between 1930 and 1936, it is recognised by the ASCE as one of ‘America’s Seven Modern Civil Engineering Wonders’.1 The concrete arched dam across the Eltham West Drain was built by B A Smith’s son and engineer, D B (Bernie) Smith. Bernie’s dam followed his father’s theory, having a curvature that takes maximum advantage of concrete’s great strength in compression. The water load is carried into the abutments because of this curvature, which permits a wall thickness of only 225 millimetres thick at its crest, despite the dam’s capacity of more than 4.5 megalitres. The Eltham dam was designed to water the 24 acre (9.75 ha) hobby farm belonging to newly married couple Bernie and Isa Smith. Bernie, from Armadale, and Isa, from a farm at Tyntynder near Swan Hill, were attracted to the hilly topography and the creek running through the property. It extended from Ryans Road, Eltham, to Karingal Drive, Montmorency and was adjacent to Meruka Park. The Smiths named it Nerreman Park using the Aboriginal word Nerreman meaning ‘River Bend’ as their creek had a pronounced bend.2 In 1940 the first thing Bernie did was to build a dam, and with Isa’s help, a pump-house, to secure a water supply for their cattle, pigs, chickens, orchard and vegetable gardens. It was also available for the fire-plugs, which they placed all over the property in case of bushfire. The couple built the pump-house beside the creek and installed a Tange three-plunger pump, which had originally supplied the City of Wodonga with water. But before the Smiths could pump water up the hill from the dam they had to dig a trench and lay about 550 yards (500m) of a four-inch (100mm) water main up to an elevated holding tank. The trench was dug with a single furrow plough drawn by an old draught horse. Living in rough conditions did not deter the Smiths, who made the pump-house their home, where they still lived when their first child was born in 1944. They later built their home at the top of their property overlooking Eltham, with magnificent views to Kinglake, the Dandenong Ranges and Melbourne. From 1946 it took them almost 20 years to complete the 36-square house with its 12-foot (3.6m) high ceilings. Material for the concrete roof and walls faced with sandstone, was ripped out of the ground on their property by plough pulled by tandem Clydesdale horses. Isa was a strong woman – two days before their second child was born – she set three huge sandstone boulders in place in the bottom wall of the garage. She also mixed all the cement for the house. A collapsed kitchen wall did not discourage her from rebuilding it in a week, while her husband was away working in the country. She later recalled: ‘We stood back to admire this beautiful wall we’d built and while we were looking at it, it came tumbling down’.3 Following Bernie’s death in 1983, Nerreman Park was subdivided, between 1993 and 1995. Local Gordon Ford designed the landscaping and the pump-house was pulled down. But the dam remains as a reminder of exceptional engineering4 – and of a remarkable couple.This collection of almost 130 photos about places and people within the Shire of Nillumbik, an urban and rural municipality in Melbourne's north, contributes to an understanding of the history of the Shire. Published in 2008 immediately prior to the Black Saturday bushfires of February 7, 2009, it documents sites that were impacted, and in some cases destroyed by the fires. It includes photographs taken especially for the publication, creating a unique time capsule representing the Shire in the early 21st century. It remains the most recent comprehenesive publication devoted to the Shire's history connecting local residents to the past. nillumbik now and then (marshall-king) collection, eltham, karingal drive, smiths dam, bernie smith, gordon ford, isa smith, nerreman gateway, nerreman park estate, dams

Photo: photocopy of sepia photo of Mavis Jean Gould ( nee Field ) descendant of George Lansell. Photo taken in 1931. Woman dressed in light coloured top, with beads around neck, Hair pulled back and waved down side of face. Written on back in biro: 'if any thanks are given they should be to my dear Mother who never threw out anything, sincerely Margaret.'place, fortuna, family history, fortuna, lansell, bendigo