Mawul Rom Project: Openness, obligation and reconciliation Morgan Brigg (Universtiy of Queensland) and Anke Tonnaer (University of Aarhus, Denmark) Aboriginal Australian initiatives to restore balanced relationships with White Australians have recently become part of reconciliation efforts. This paper provides a contextualised report on one such initiative, the Mawul Rom crosscultural mediation project. Viewing Mawul Rom as a diplomatic venture in the lineage of adjustment and earlier Rom rituals raises questions about receptiveness, individual responsibility and the role of Indigenous ceremony in reconciliation efforts. Yolngu ceremonial leaders successfully draw participants into relationship and personally commit them to the tasks of cross-cultural advocacy and reconciliation. But Mawul Rom must also negotiate a paradox because emphasis on the cultural difference of ceremony risks increasing the very social distance that the ritual attempts to confront. Managing this tension will be a key challenge if Mawul Rom is to become an effective diplomatic mechanism for cross-cultural conflict resolution and reconciliation. Living in two camps: the strategies Goldfields Aboriginal people use to manage in the customary economy and the mainstream economy at the same time Howard Sercombe (Strathclyde University, Glasgow) The economic sustainability of Aboriginal households has been a matter of public concern across a range of contexts. This research, conducted in the Eastern Goldfields of Western Australia, shows how economically successful Aboriginal persons manage ?dual economic engagement?, or involvement in the customary economy and the mainstream economy at the same time. The two economies sometimes reinforce each other but are more often in conflict, and management of conflicting obligations requires high degrees of skill and innovation. As well as creating financially sustainable households, the participants contributed significantly to the health of their extended families and communities. The research also shows that many Aboriginal people, no matter what their material and personal resources, are conscious of how fragile and unpredictable their economic lives can be, and that involvement in the customary economy is a kind of mutual insurance to guarantee survival if times get tough. Indigenous population data for evaluation and performance measurement: A cautionary note Gaminiratne Wijesekere (Dept. of Families, Housing, Community Services and Indigenous Affairs, Canberra) I outline the status of population census counts for Indigenous peoples, identifying information on Indigenous births and deaths, and internal migration estimates. I comment on the ?experimental? Indigenous population projections and question the rationale for having two sets of projections. Program managers and evaluators need to be mindful of limitations of the data when using these projections for monitoring, evaluating and measuring Indigenous programs. Reaching out to a younger generation using a 3D computer game for storytelling: Vincent Serico?s legacy Theodor G Wyeld (Flinders University, Adeliade) and Brett Leavy (CyberDreaming Australia) Sadly, Vincent Serico (1949?2008), artist, activist and humanist, recently passed away. Born in southern Queensland in Wakka Wakka/Kabi Kabi Country (Carnarvon Gorge region) in 1949, Vincent was a member of the Stolen Generations. He was separated from his family by White administration at four years of age. He grew up on the Cherbourg Aboriginal Reserve in the 1950s, when the policies of segregation and assimilation were at their peak. Only returning to his Country in his early forties, Vincent started painting his stories and the stories that had been passed on to him about the region. These paintings manifest Vincent?s sanctity for tradition, storytelling, language, spirit and beliefs. A team of researchers was honoured and fortunate to have worked closely with Vincent to develop a 3D simulation of his Country using a 3D computer game toolkit. Embedded in this simulation of his Country, in the locations that their stories speak to, are some of Vincent?s important contemporary art works. They are accompanied by a narration of Vincent?s oral history about the places, people and events depicted. Vincent was deeply concerned about members of the younger generation around him ?losing their way? in modern times. In a similar vein, Brett Leavy (Kooma) sees the 3D game engine as an opportunity to engage the younger generation in its own cultural heritage in an activity that capitalises on a common pastime. Vincent was an enthusiastic advocate of this approach. Working in consultation with Vincent and the research team, CyberDreaming developed a simulation of Vincent?s Country for young Aboriginal and non-Aboriginal persons from the Carnarvon Gorge region to explore Vincent?s life stories of the region. The use of Vincent?s contemporary paintings as storyboards provides a traditional medium for the local people to interactively re-engage with traditional values. Called Serico?s World, it represents a legacy to his life?s works, joys and regrets. Here we discuss the background to this project and Vincent?s contribution. A singular beeswax representation of Namarrkon, the Lightning Man, from western Arnhem Land RG Gunn (La Trobe University) and RL Whear (Jawoyn Association) Samples from a beeswax representation of Namarrkon, the Lightning Man, from western Arnhem Land were analysed for radiocarbon and dated to be about 150 years old. An underlying beeswax figure was found to be approximately 1100 years old. The Dreaming Being Namarrkon is well known throughout Arnhem Land, although his sphere of activity is concentrated around the northern half of the Arnhem Land plateau. Namarrkon is well represented in rock-paintings in this area and continues to be well represented in contemporary canvas-paintings by artists from the broader plateau region. We conclude that representations of Namarrkon in both painted and beeswax forms appear to be parallel manifestations of the late Holocene regionalisation of Arnhem Land. ?Missing the point? or ?what to believe ? the theory or the data?: Rationales for the production of Kimberley points Kim Akerman (Moonah) In a recent article, Rodney Harrison presented an interesting view on the role glass Kimberley points played in the lives of the Aborigines who made and used them. Harrison employed ethnographic and historical data to argue that glass Kimberley points were not part of the normal suite of post-contact artefacts used primarily for hunting and fighting or Indigenous exchange purposes, but primarily were created to service a non-Indigenous market for aesthetically pleasing artefacts. Harrison asserted that this market determined the form that these points took. A critical analysis of the data does not substantiate either of these claims. Here I do not deal with Harrison?s theoretical material or arguments; I focus on the ethnographic and historical material that he has either omitted or failed to appreciate in developing his thesis and which, in turn, renders it invalid. The intensity of raw material utilisation as an indication of occupational history in surface stone artefact assemblages from the Strathbogie Ranges, central Victoria Justin Ian Shiner (La Trobe University, Bundoora) Stone artefact assemblages are a major source of information on past human?landscape relationships throughout much of Australia. These relationships are not well understood in the Strathbogie Ranges of central Victoria, where few detailed analyses of stone artefact assemblages have been undertaken. The purpose of this paper is to redress this situation through the analysis of two surface stone artefact assemblages recorded in early 2000 during a wider investigation of the region?s potential for postgraduate archaeological fieldwork. Analysis of raw material utilisation is used to assess the characteristics of the occupational histories of two locations with similar landscape settings. The analysis indicates variability in the intensity of raw material use between the assemblages, which suggests subtle differences in the occupational history of each location. The results of this work provide a direction for future stone artefact studies within this poorly understood region.document reproductions, maps, b&w photographs, colour photographskimberley, mawul rom project, 3d computer game, storytelling, vincent serico, beeswax, namarrkon, artefact assemblages, strathbogie ranges, groote eylandt, budd billy ii

Ushabti are tiny anthropoid (human-shaped) figures placed in the tombs of wealthy Egyptians. They were intended to do the work of the deceased in the afterlife. This purpose is implied through their name, which may have derived from the Egyptian word “to answer”. The Burke Museum in Beechworth is home to a particular ancient Egyptian Ushabti figure. This artefact was donated to the Museum in 1875. No details about how it left Egypt, arrived in Australia, and where it was located before this donation are known. The Nineteenth Century, when this artefact was donated, was a period when many museums acquired items of ancient Egyptian heritage. Many of these items were procured in less than desirable circumstances, having often been looted from ancient tombs and sold to tourists without documentation as to their original location and/or accompanying grave goods. These artefacts were also divested through partage (the trading of artefacts for funds); however, the latter is unlikely to have been the case for this artefact. Since the Ushabti was donated by an unknown donor, it is likely to have been in a private collection rather than an institution. Ushabti can be dated using iconographic analysis which is non-invasive and provides a comprehensive study of the artefact. The later period of the 18th Dynasty marked the beginning of an increase in both the inclusion of Ushabti as essential funerary items and the creation of Ushabti with tools. From this period, they are no longer depicted without tools. Depictions of tools including gardening hoes are frequently depicted grasped in the Ushabti’s hands whilst items like the seed-bag are depicted hanging on the back rather than in an alternative position. This Ushabti figure grasps a gardening hoe and a mattock and a small seed bag surrounded by a yoke bearing water jars are depicted on the upper back of the Ushabti. These features are essential in helping narrow this dating to the late 18th and before the early 20th Dynasty. The position of this seed bag also provides dating information. In the early 18th Dynasty this bag was consistently drawn on the front of the figurine; however, by the reign of Seti I, this feature moved to the back. Thus, since the seed bag is located on the back of this Ushabti, it cannot date to the early 18th Dynasty. By the 19th Dynasty, Ushabti’s were increasingly made from either faience or terracotta. The availability of these materials in Egypt resulted in the increase of Ushabti production with tombs containing many more figurines than previously seen. The Ushabti held by the Burke collections is made from terracotta. Terracotta was rarely used for Ushabti before and during the early 18th Dynasty with only the odd appearance until the late 18th Dynasty and becoming common through that period until the late Third Intermediate Period. Whilst the face has been damaged, there is no evidence for the Ushabti having been provided with an Osirian false beard. This omission rules out a dating of later than the 25th Dynasty when beards became prominent. The inscriptions also date the Ushabti to the New Kingdom. This is because of the use of sḥḏ (“to illuminate”) with Wsjr (“Osiris”) which only occurs in these periods. Therefore, considering all these elements, the Ushabti can be confidently be dated to between the late 18th to early 19th dynasty.Artefacts like this Ushabti are no longer exclusively representative of their origins in burial assemblages and significance in the mythology of the Egyptian afterlife but are also significant for the accumulated histories they have gained through travel. The movement of this artefact from Egypt to Australia allows insight into the collecting habits of the 19th century, and in particular, the reception of ancient Egyptian artefacts in small rural museums. The procurement of Egyptian artefacts was a social trend around the late 1800s to early 1900s. Egyptian artefacts were considered curiosities and recognised for their ability to attract public attention to museums. They were also utilised in Australian museums, like the Burke Museum, to connect the collection to one of the oldest civilisations known to man and since Australia was considered a “young” country by European settlers, this was vital and derived from an interest in Darwin’s “Origin of the Species” 1859. Furthermore, there was a culture of collecting in the 1800s amongst the affluent in English society which led to the appearance of many Egyptian artefacts in private collections. The acquisition of this Ushabti figure is not certain, but it was likely donated from a private collection rather than an institution. This particular artefact is significant as an example of a high-quality Ushabti representative of those produced during the late 18th or early 19th century. It provides insight into the individualism of an Ushabti and the mythology of ancient Egypt. It also provides an example of the types of items required in the tomb assemblages of this period and reinforces the importance of ensuring the successful afterlife of the deceased through art. This Ushabti belonged to a woman named Taweret-Khaiti, Chantress of Amun, in the late 18th Dynasty or early 19th Dynasty (c.1292 BC) of the Egyptian New Kingdom. It likely comes from an undetermined tomb in the locality of Thebes. This figure is made from Nile silt clay (a polyester terracotta; clay sourced from the banks of the Nile River) which was a popular material for Ushabti construction in the early 19th Dynasty. It is in a fair state of preservation (with the exception of a break through the centre) and originally made to a high quality. The face has been damaged but the eyes and eyebrows are clearly marked with black ink and the sclera painted white. The Ushabti is painted a light brown/yellow colour and features a vertical line of inscription down the lower front. The Ushabti wears a large wig and and a schematic collar. The arms are painted light brown and depicted crossed with bracelets around the wrists. It grasps a hoe and mattock. A yellow seed-basket is depicted on the Ushabti’s back. These features represent the likelihood that this particular Ushabti was intended to complete farm work for the deceased in the next life. There would have been additional Ushabti of similar design within the tomb who worked under the supervision of a foreman Ushabti. The foreman Ushabti would be depicted dressed in the clothing of the living. The inscriptions are painted freehand in black ink and written in a vertical column from the base of the collar to the foot pedestal on the front of the Ushabti. The owner of the Ushabti could elect to have the figures inscribed with their name, the Ushabti spell and any other details they deemed necessary. In the case of this example, the Ushabti is inscribed with the owner’s details and is an abbreviated version of the standard Ushabti formula. This formula ensured that the Ushabti would complete the desired task in the afterlife when called upon by the deceased. Ushabti which were not inscribed would represent their intended purpose through design; however, this Ushabti, like most made in the late 18th Dynasty, conveys its purpose both through both design and inscription. The inscription is as follows: sHD wsir nbt pr Smayt imn tA-wr(t)-xai(ti) mAa xrw which translates to: "The illuminated one, the Osiris (the deceased), the mistress of the household, Chantress of Amun, Taweret-Khaiti, true of voice (justified)"ancient egypt

This pair of brass binoculars was presented to Tom Pearce in recognition of his heroic efforts at the wrecking of the Loch Ard and saving Eva Carmichael. They were presented to him by the Lady Mayoress of Sydney on 27th July 1878 on behalf of the colonists of New South Wales "In recognition of his gallant conduct on the occasion of the wreck of the Loch Ard". Tom (Thomas) Pearce was born in Ireland in 1859 and arrived in Melbourne two years later; he considered himself as Australian. Before sailing on the Loch Ard he had been at sea for three years as an apprentice sailor and had already experienced one shipwreck. Tom was on the deck of the Loch Ard with Captain Gibb throughout the night of May 31st 1878. It was mistakenly thought they were 150 miles (240 km) southwest of Cape Otway. By 2:00 am on June 1st, the wind was blowing "pretty fresh" but a thick haze remained and, when it eventually cleared, the land was so close the unsuccessful battle to save the Loch Ard began. After the ship struck Mutton Bird Island Tom and five others were sent to the lifeboats. Conditions were very dangerous as waves broke over the decks and they were all washed away. Tom found himself in the stormy waters and under a lifeboat, which had also been washed into the sea. After being swept into the gorge Tom left the boat and swam into shore; he was alone. Eva Carmichael, a passenger on the ship, had been snatched from her bed just before dawn and into the chaos, confusion and terror of the shipwreck, with rigging and rocks raining down. Thrown into the sea, she afterwards said: "God taught me to swim in my distressful plight, for I never swam before". Clinging to a spar, she was swept into the gorge and saw Tom Pearce walking along the beach. Upon hearing the cries of Eva, Tom swam out and with great difficulty brought her to the shore and placed her safely in a cave where he made a bed of grass and shrubs and gave her brandy to revive her. She sank into exhausted unconsciousness. Tom then scrambled to the top of the high cliff and after walking for some time he stumbled upon workers from Glenample Homestead. They rode back to the homestead for help but Tom insisted on returning to Eva. When Eva awoke she found herself alone, "cold, weak and terrified with the wild waves before me, and caves and cliffs around me" and upon hearing strange noises, which she imagined to be made by the local indigenous people, she hid. The noises were made by the rescue party from Glenample Homestead. After eventually discovering Eva they hauled her up the cliff in the darkness of night, “a work of great difficulty and danger” and took her to Glenample. Sadly, Tom and Eva were the only survivors of the 54 people on board the Loch Ard. Tom’s rewards for his bravery included the Gold Medal of the Humane Society, a gold watch and £1000 from the Victorian Government, a set of nautical instruments, (which included the binoculars) from the people of Sydney and £60 from the people of Warrnambool. He was also presented with a Bible by a “Friend of the Loyal Orange Institution of Victoria, Protestant Hall Melbourne” in August 1878. Coleman Jacobs composed the music "The Young Hero Schottische" and dedicated it, by permission, to Mr Thomas R. (Tom) Pearce. The sheet music was published in 1878 by Mr Roberts, professor of dancing and was on sale for 3/- (3 shillings) in aid of the "Loch Ard" fund. Tom Pearce went on to join the Loch Sunart on her return to England, only to be wrecked again off the Irish coast in January 1879. Tom left the Loch Line in 1883 and the following year married Edith Gurney Strasenbergh, the sister of his friend Robert who had died on the Loch Ard. They had three children, unfortunately, two of the male children were to die at sea. In 1895 Tom obtained his first command as Master of The Larne, a vessel with the Royal Mail Steam Packet Company. He remained with the company until he died in Southampton, England, on 14th December 1908. Tom Pearce never saw Eva Carmichael after he had fare welled her some 30 years before. Eveline Victoria Berta Carmichael was born in 1859 in Mountrath, Queens County, Ireland. After recovering from her ordeal in August 1878 Eva returned to Ireland and in 1884 married Thomas Achilles Townshend, a Civil Engineer. They had three sons, all of whom had successful military careers, and when Eva’s death notice appeared in the Melbourne Argus It read. "Townshend on 8th April 1934 aged 74 at her residence in Bedford, England, Evaline Victoria, widow of the late Thomas Archilles Townshend, C.E. of Co. Cork, Ireland. Mrs Townshend was the Eva Carmichael who, with the late Tom Pearce, were the only two survivors of the ship Loch Ard, which was wrecked near Port Campbell on June 1st 1878." The binoculars are significant for their association with the wreck of the Loch Ard and the only two surviving members of that wreck Tom Pearce and Eva Carmichael. Flagstaff Hill’s collection of artefacts from Loch Ard is significant for being one of the largest. The shipwreck of the Loch Ard is of significance for Victoria and is registered on the Victorian Heritage Register ( S 417). Flagstaff Hill has a varied collection of artefacts from Loch Ard and its collection is significant for being one of the largest accumulation of artefacts from this notable Victorian shipwreck. The collections object is to also give us a snapshot into history so we can interpret the story of this tragic event. The collection is also archaeologically significant as it represents aspects of Victoria's shipping history that allows us to interpret Victoria's social and historical themes of the time. The assemblage of items from the wreck is of historical significance in that they are associated with the worst and best-known shipwreck in Victoria's history. Pair of brass marine binoculars in a wooden box On the left hand eye piece, on the underside, is an engraved inscription and another engraved word. On the right hand eye piece there is another small inscription and on the underside there is a small green mark. The binoculars have a pattern of embossed tiny circles on the outside. Some of the patterning is very shiny due to wear and rubbing, there is a brass ring on the underside of the binoculars for the attachment of a lanyard. The wooden box has a hinged lid and on the front of the box in the centre is a lock, and at either end are two hooks and eyes. The box is split across the top for about 3/4 of the length. Marking on the left underside reads, 'Presented on behalf of the Colonists of New South Wales By the Mayoress of Sydney on 27th. July 1878 to Mr Thomas B Pearce. In recognition of his gallant conduct on the occasion of the wreck of the "Loch Ard"'. Underneath this inscription is engraved 'Sydney'. On the other eye piece is engraved what looks like 'Mac Donnell & Co' binoculars, flagstaff hill, warrnambool, shipwrecked coast, flagstaff hill maritime museum, maritime museum, shipwreck coast, flagstaff hill maritime village, loch ard shipwreck, tom pearce, thomas r pearce, eva carmichael, mutton bird island, loch ard survivor, loch ard hero, coleman jacobs, the young hero schottische, photograph of tom pearce, glenample homestead

Steering Gear Operation: All steering was done from the stern of the ship and a steering mechanism was used to connect the rudder to the ship's wheel, often housed in a box-like construction behind the helm. The rudder was, in turn, mounted on a pintle or stern-post held in place by gudgeon's (sockets). The steering was activated with lines attached to the blocks on the two threads (half left hand, half right hand) of the steering gear. As the helmsman turned the helm in the direction in which he wished the ship to travel, the central screw of the steering gear, which was attached to the back of the helm, turned horizontally. This caused the rods on either side of the gear to move backwards or forwards at the same time, which then turned the pintle and rudder to port or starboard. A brief history of the Newfield (1889-1892): - The Newfield was an iron and steel sailing barque of 1306 tons, built in 1889 by Alexander Stephen & Sons Dundee (Yard No 89) for Brownelles & Co., Liverpool. The Newfield was on a voyage from Sharpness to Brisbane on 29 August 1892, with a cargo of 1850 tons of fine rock salt. The Cape Otway light had been sighted in squally, bumpy weather, but the captain was under the impression it was the King Island light. The ship’s chronometers were wrong, and orders were given to tack the ship away from the light, which headed it straight for the cliffs of the Victorian coast. The vessel struck rocks about 100 yards from shore, and five feet of water immediately filled the holds. The captain gave orders to lower the boats which caused a disorganised scramble for safety among the crew. The panic resulted in the deaths of nine men, including the captain when they drowned after the boats capsized in heavy seas. The seventeen men who regained the ship decided to wait until daylight and rowed to Peterborough in the ship’s jolly boat and gig after locals had failed to secure a rocket apparatus line to the ship. The Marine Board inquiry found the wreck was caused by a "one-man style of navigation" and that the captain had not heeded the advice of his crew.The Newfield wreck and its collection of recovered items are heritage listed and are regarded as historically significant. They represent aspects of Victoria’s shipping history and their potential for us today to interpret the maritime history and social themes of the time. The assemblage of various Newfield artefacts held in the Flagstaff Hill Museum is not only significant for its association with the shipwreck but helps archaeologists when examining the relationship between the objects to better understand our colonial marine past.Ship’s steering gear, cast iron, consists of a long round metal rod into which gears have been machined. The thread of the gear from one end to almost the centre winds in a left hand direction while the thread of the gear from the other end to almost the centre winds in the right hand direction. Each end of the rod has a metal coupler attached and two narrower round rods are also attached to the coupling, one each side of the gear rod, the same length as it and parallel to it. Two more ‘S’ shaped couplers are joined to the gear rod. Each of these have an opening through which the gear rod is threaded and can move along. There is another opening in these couplers through which one of the narrower rods is threaded. The other end of this coupler has half length metal rod attached to it by a bolt through the ring at the end of the rod. One end of the steering gear still has the brass hub of the ship’s wheel solidly attached. The hub no longer has its wooden spokes but the ten holes for the spokes can be easily recognised.Noneflagstaff hill, maritime museum, shipwreck coast, warrnambool, peter carmody, carmody, newfield, shipwreck, peterborough, south west victoria, rocket, rocket crew, shipwreck artefact, flagstaff hil maritime museum, steering, steering gear, screw steering gear, sailing ship

The five types of nails include a stamped steel nail made for wooden flooring; four copper nails used for boat building found at various locations on the island; two steel nails removed from the lantern room door during restoration in 2002 which possibly came with the Chance Bros. lantern room kit delivered in 1862; three galvanised steel nails used to pin the railway track to sleepers and decking on the jetty (the rail track carried a small trolley for unloading stores from supply ships); and a square copper nail found on the rocky shore on Tullaberga Island close to the location of the Monumental City wreck of 1853. The huge American steamer, Monumental City, was wrecked on 15 May 1853. Built in 1850, the ship was the first screw-propulsion steamer to cross the Pacific and was heading back to Sydney after dropping off Californians heading for the Victorian goldfields. Thirty-seven lives were lost, including the owner of the ship, Peter Strobel. A medal was awarded by Sydney residents to Charles Plummer who swam ashore with a line from the wreck. The tragedy renewed the urgency for a lighthouse on Gabo Island, and in 1862 when this was achieved an obelisk was erected as a memorial to those who perished. That year, Victorian PWD architect and designer of the lightstation buildings, Charles Maplestone, gave the following instructions: ‘You may remove the remains of the poor unfortunate shipwrecked of the Monumental City to the site on Gabo you propose but take scrupulous care to collect all the remains and inter them decently under the monument. Pray save any relics’.246 Heritage Victoria has 39 artefacts listed under the Historic Shipwrecks Act (S473) with a clear provenance to the Monumental City. While the copper nail has no documented provenance, it still has contributory significance as part of a diverse assemblage of relics that help to interpret the history of the Gabo Island Lightstation and the numerous shipwrecks that have occurred in its vicinity since the mid nineteenth century..1 Steel nail - flat. Stamped. This type of nail was used for secret nailing of flooring. Source of this nail is unknown. .2 Copper nails. This type of nail was used for boat building. Found at various locations around island. .3 Steel nails. Extracted from lantern room door during restoration 2002. .4 Galvanised steel nails. Used to pin railway track to timber sleepers and decking on jetty. Rail track carried a small trolley used during the unloading of stores from supply ships. .5. Copper nail square. This nail was found on the rocky shore line on Tullaberga Island close to the location of the wreck of the "Monumental City" wrecked May 1853. Nail found in June 2000.