In early civilization's cereal grains such as maize, wheat, barley etc. were stored in large airy buildings, often raised up from the ground to reduce infestation by pests and vermin. Ancient Egyptian and early Hebrew writings include reference to such buildings. Smaller quantities of food were stored in baskets made from woven grasses or leaves. In more recent times but prior to the invention of the refrigerator many food products were stored in the home as preserves or pickles, often in heat sealed jars. Dry food items were stored in vermin proof metal containers and could be found in any early colonial kitchen. Items such as coffee, tea, rice and sago were stable food types and needed longer term storage and a higher degree of protection from vermin and the elements, a common material used during this time was sheet metal or tin such as is used today in a common form of storage the biscuit tin. An early example of colonial food storage used in a domestic setting, it is interesting to note the subject items have provision to be locked. This indicates the value early colonial settlers placed on the contents and used to prevent pilfering. The subject items are now sought by collectors. Canister set; set of four canisters. Cylindrical matching kitchen storage tins with hinge lid that has a latch closure, and a folding handle on top of lid. Canisters are painted brown and the body has a graphic of a scroll in gold with printed label of contents. The canisters range from small to large, "COFFEE", "TEA" , "SAGO", " RICE" (respective RNs 163.1, 163.2, 163.3, 163.4)Respectively labelled "COFFEE," "TEA," "SAGO," "RICE" flagstaff hill, warrnambool, shipwrecked coast, flagstaff hill maritime museum, flagstaff hill maritime village, great ocean road, canister, canister set, rice canister, kitchen canister, food storage, domestic item

This set of kitchen dry food canisters is made of metal; each container has a different height, width and capacity. The rolled thin metal has created a strong, round design with decorative rings on the circumference. The base and close-fitting lid protect the contents from vermin and most insects, and the handle on top aids in the removal of the lid. Metal containers like these are reusable and can be re-purposed, which is advantageous when living in regional or rural areas. The type of manufacture indicates that the set was made in the late 19th to early 20th century. Gradually, colourful and attractive plastic kitchenware began to replace metalware. One of the canisters is labelled 'coffee'; coffee plants and seeds were transported from Brazil into Australia in 1788 when the First Fleet arrived although their growth was unsuccessful. However, by the 1920s, a tenth of the Australian population was drinking readily stored coffee. Large quantities of harvested grains such as maize, wheat and barley were protected from pests by being stored in airy buildings, often raised from the ground. This was an age-old practice used by civilizations such as the ancient Egyptians and early Hebrews. Smaller quantities of food for short-term use in the homes were stored in woven baskets or clay pots.This set of kitchen food containers is an example of colonial food storage used in a domestic setting to store and preserve dry ingredients. These canisters give a snapshot of early domestic life in Australia. Canister set; four cylindrical cream coloured metal canisters with domed lids that have lift-up handles on top. They are made from rolled metal and the bases and lids have a side seam. Each canister is a different size and displays a label for different contents. The adhesive labels are vertical, and a gold colour with black vertical text. The cream paint has brush strokes and small areas have exposed green paint under the cream. The insides of the bases are painted dark grey but the lids have no paint underneath. The empty canisters can fit one inside the other. Labels, in descending order: "FLOUR" "RICE" "SAGO" "COFFEE"flagstaff hill, flagstaff hill maritime museum and village, warrnambool, maritime museum, maritime village, great ocean road, shipwreck coast, canister set, kitchen storage, food storage, metal canisters, dry food storage, food packaging, kitchen container, vintage, flour, rice, sago, coffee, kitchenalia, late 19th to early 20th centuries, nesting canisters

Canister set used by donors mother in the 1950sSet of four canisters yellow with red lids , marked for Four, Sugar, Sago, Tea.Flour, Sugar, Sagohousehold item, cooking

Canister (3) metal for "Griffiths Teas" Hinged lid and relief decorative pattern painted green.flagstaff hill, warrnambool, shipwrecked-coast, flagstaff-hill, flagstaff-hill-maritime-museum, maritime-museum, shipwreck-coast, flagstaff-hill-maritime-village

Robin Boyd developed a close friendship with the founder of the Bauhaus in Weimar Germany, Walter Gropius, who had moved to the USA in the 1930s. Through this connection, Boyd was invited to be the Massachusetts Institute of Technology (MIT) Bemis Professor at the School in the North American academic year 1956-7. During this time, the Boyds purchased this set of melamine kitchen canisters. They were used for flour, sugar, rice and biscuits etc. Both Robin and Patricia liked melamine, and also had melamine serving dishes. Seven melamine containers with coloured exteriors (ranging from white through yellowy-green, orange and black) with black interiors and teak lids. Height ranges from 100-200mm, width ranges from 110-170mm, Base measures 100-155mmcookware, walsh st kitchenware, robin boyd

Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerPhotograph of a street art poster taken on the streets of Hong Kong during the protests against legislation to allow Hong Kong suspects to be extradited to mainland Chinese carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, poster art, posters

Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerMore than a thousand protestors surround Hong Kong's main police headquarters on Arsenal Street in Wan Chai on June 26th following a peaceful rally at Edinburgh Place in Central. Doors to the complex were barricaded by protestors, who left after a six hour siege in protest at police violence at a prtest held earlier on 12 June 2019. Protesters ended a six-hour siege of Hong Kong’s police headquarters – their second in a week over the now-suspended extradition bill – early on Thursday morning. More than 1,000 were involved at the height of the protest, which began after 10pm on Wednesday. Around 100 were left at the end and dispersed without a fight when officers with riot shields emerged from the building in Wan Chai at 4am on Thursday. After a peaceful rally attended by thousands earlier at Edinburgh Place in the Central business district, hundreds descended on Arsenal Street, blocking the junction with Lockhart Road to all traffic and sealing the entrances to the police base. (https://www.scmp.com/news/hong-kong/politics/article/3016238/hong-kong-police-under-siege-again-protesters-surround )carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, protest, protestors

Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerSeven police officers stand guard in front of Hong Kong's main police headquarters on Arsenal Street in Wan Chai as an estimated one thousand protestors surround on 26 June 2019. Protestors take turns to step up and hurl abuse at the officers, in a protest lasting 6 hours before peacefully dispersing. The protesters chanted 'Release the martyrs' and 'Stop police violence' in reference to violent clashes with police in the days previous. ( https://www.scmp.com/news/hong-kong/politics/article/3016238/hong-kong-police-under-siege-again-protesters-surround)carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, protest, protestors, police, wan chai

Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerPhotograph crowds gathering on June 16 on the streets of Causeway Bay before an estimated 2 million people take part in march protesting the government's push for extradition laws to China and demanding an apology from the chief executrive Carrie Lam. Nearly 2 million’ people take to streets, forcing public apology from Hong Kong leader Carrie Lam as suspension of controversial extradition bill fails to appease protesters. (https://www.scmp.com/news/hong-kong/politics/article/3014737/nearly-2-million-people-take-streets-forcing-public-apology )carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, protest, protestors

Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerPhotograph of a crowd or protestors against proposed extradition laws gathering on the streets of Causeway Bay, Hong Kong, leading down to the gathering area. carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, protest, protestors

Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerPhotograph of a crowd on the streets of Hong Kong to protest against proposed extradition laws, heading towards Admiralty. carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, protest, protestors, admiralty

Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerCrowds mass on Queens Way in Hong Kong as an estimated 2 million people march in protest at the government's refusal to withdraw a controverisal law allowing people to be extradited to mainland China. Chants demanded the chief executive apologise and the legislation be withdrawn, while many held signs protesting police violence. Nearly 2 million protesters flooded the streets of Hong Kong on Sunday, organisers claimed, delivering a stunning repudiation of Chief Executive Carrie Lam Cheng Yuet-ngor’s governance and forcing a public apology out of the city’s leader over her campaign to bulldoze a controversial extradition bill through the legislature. A day after Lam suspended her push for the bill, expecting it to defuse a crisis that has seen violent clashes between mostly young protesters and police, the centre of Hong Kong was brought to a complete standstill as the masses marched to chastise her for refusing to withdraw the bill or apologise when first asked to, and declaring that nothing short of her resignation would satisfy them now. (https://www.scmp.com/news/hong-kong/politics/article/3014737/nearly-2-million-people-take-streets-forcing-public-apology ) carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, protest, protestors, admiralty

These lens replacements are part of the set of a German gas mask dating to the First World War. New canisters would have contained spare parts, possibly secured in the lid.Paper case containing two plastic yellow goggle lenses with two pieces of card in between. Lens printed with black ink text. Paper case sealed on three sides and open at top, printed with blue ink.Printed case reads "Klarscheiben/vor Feuchtigkeit schutzen,/nicht wischen,/nur am Rande anfassen,/so einlegen:" which translates roughly to the care instructions of "handle by lens, do not wipe with water". Printed ink reads "2015 3 181/4 19."german, germany, world war i, world war 1, first world war, the great war, chemical warfare, gas mask, gas warfare, mustard gas

These lens replacements are part of the set of a German gas mask dating to the First World War. New canisters would have contained spare parts, possibly secured in the lid.Paper case containing two plastic yellow goggle lenses with two pieces of card in between. Lens printed with black ink text. Paper case sealed on three sides and open at top, printed with blue ink.Printed case reads "Klarscheiben/vor Feuchtigkeit schutzen,/nicht wischen,/nur am Rande anfassen,/so einlegen:" which translates roughly to the care instructions of "handle by lens, do not wipe with water". Printed ink reads "3526 12 6 1."german, germany, world war i, world war 1, first world war, the great war, chemical warfare, gas mask, gas warfare, mustard gas

In 1873 James Griffiths migrated to Melbourne in order to start a tea Business. James lived in the Dandenongs at The Basin where he experimented with growing tea. Griffiths made tin canisters in the 2lbs size for their tea with common kitchen consumables listed on the front . The tins, when emptied, became useful kitchen canisters and helped promote the brand. Example of the names include Flour, Rice, Sugar, Sago, Candied Peel, Tapioca, Spices, Starch, Biscuits, Currants, Barley, String and of course Tea .Food storage rectangular tin, with a hinged lid. The outside is printed in cream and red with the name 'Griffith's Teas' and the word 'SAGO'. The text is set against a cream panel which is bordered with a decorative border of Australian native flora. The whole is set against a dark green background.On each other side of the tin is a different native Australian flower. The lid is impressed with a flannel flower.Printed on the front 'SAGO', also printed on the front and repeated on the top 'USE / GRIFFITHS' Teas / SYDNEY / MELBOURNE. ADELAIDE. BRISBANE'. On the front is the image of a train signal with the words 'SIGNAL / TRADE MARK'tea, james griffiths, canisters, city of moorabbin, cheltenham, melbourne, moorabbin, grocery stores, kitchen equipment

Double-sided A5 size advertisement for public auction under instructions from the owner on Monday, September 23, 1935 on the property - seven room brick residence with frontage 456 feet by approximately 280 feet and contentents of dwelling fully listed over 4 pages. Agent - J.B. McAlpin, Ringwood, opp. station. Phone Ringwood 7; after houres 236. Auctioneer - ED. Haughton & Co., 379 Collins Street, Melbourne. Phone Central 4101.Contents of Dwelling List - includes: DINING ROOM - Dining Room Suite - 6 pieces; Oval Blackwood Dining Table; Blackwood Sideboard; Axminster Carpet, Occasional Table hand carved; Oak Trays; Seascape, Landscape and other Pictures; 2 Marble Vases; Marble Monkey and 3 other Small Ornaments; Ash Tray and Poker; One Pair Stencilled Curtains. Two Large Vases, 1 with floral design; Salad Bowl and Servers; One Dozen Dessert Knives; Nine Stainless Teaspoons (new); Plated Vases; Plated Jam Dishes; Plated Cream Bowl; Silver Plated Cake Dish; One Pair Plated Shell Butter Dishes; Lino Border. LOUNGE ROOM - 2 Pictures and 1 pair with Circular Frames; Floral Jardinere and Pot Plant; Cabinet Gramophone "Singola"; Records; Player Piano "Cable"; Piano Stool; 31 Rolls; Roll Cabinet; Quantity of Music; Music Case, Leather; Portable Gramophone "Decca"; Floral Design Jardinere; Wicker Occasional Table; 2 Wicker Chairs; Cane Lounge Settee; Blackwood Bookcase; 9 Volumes Universal Encyclopedia; 10 Vols Children's Encyclopedia; Floral Vase; Black and Gold Vase; One pair Plated Vases; Ash Pan; Lino Border (Lounge Room); One Carpet, green 13.6 x 10.6; One Cushion; Hall Stand; Pedestal; Floral Design Jardinere; Painting on Canvas (Landscape); Hall Runner Carpet 25 feet; Hall Lino 29ft 5 in.; Five Door Mats (small). FIRST BEDROOM - Arm Chair (Leather); English Oak Dressing Table; English Oak Wash Stand Marble Top; Toilet Set (Four pieces); Silk Fire Screen; Blackwood Occasional Table; Black and Gold Vase; Pair China Vases; Pair Glass Vases; Single Glass Vase; One Kewpie Lavender Bag; Bedroom Lino 15.6 x 13.6. SECOND BEDROOM - Arm Chair (Leather); Dressing Table; Wash Stand; 3 Piece Toilet Set; One Vase (Pink Cameo Design); Two Ornaments (one round); Bedroom Lino 13.5 x 12.10; 3 Pictures; 2 Pairs Curtains (applique, stenc'ld); Pair Curtain Poles. THIRD BEDROOM - Lino approx 14ft x 10ft; Two Green Mohair Mats; Pair Pictures (White frames); One Picture ("The Mourners"); Picture ("The Wanderer Found"); Small Picture; Wicker Chair. FOURTH BEDROOM - Duchess Chest 5 drawers; Corner Wardrobe and Curtains; One Single Bed & Wire Mattress; Single Bedding; Lino on floor 14ft x 6ft 6in.; Occasional Table; 3 Pictures; Two Door Mats; Hall Runner (Carpet) 21ft. BREAKFAST ROOM - Two Wicker Chairs; Cushion; Brown Cushion; Four Vienna Chairs; Jardinere; Kerb (Wooden). 3 Pictures; Oil Painting (Canvas); 2 Pictures; Lino 14ft x 14ft; Brown Table Cover; Fruit Set; Robur Tea Pot; Plaque; China Biscuit Barrel; Glass Fruit Bowl; Pair Pickle Jars and Stand; Wooden Inkstand; Pair Ash Trays; Two Marble Vases; Glass Vase; Electric Jug and Electric Toaster (practically new); Picture; Cushion; Pair Lace Curtains; Curtain Rod; Three Lace Curtains; Brass Curtain Rods (3); Lino in Vestibule 10ft x 8 ft; Lino in Kitchen 12.6 x8.6; Coal Scuttle; Two Small Tables (1 Baize Cover). STORE ROOM - Briquette Grate; Three Coir Mats (one new); Three Small Door Mats (new); Glass Fire Screen; 2 Alm Pot Stands; Steel Pot Stand; Lady's Bicycle; 2 Electric Radiators (one large); White Cabinet; Stretcher Bed; Large Cot with Wire Mattress; Kerb; Fender and Irons; Lino on floor 12ft x 12ft; Lino in Storeroom 6ft x 6ft; Three Large Window Blinds; Clothes Horse; Dressmaker's Fitting Stand; Dressmaker's Bust; Window Display Bust; Blouse Stand; Small Display Stand; Meat Cover (Metal); Leather Portmantau; Leather Kit Bag; Four Large Wooden Drawers; Picnic Basket; Mattress, Bolster and Pillow; Cot Quilt; One Long-handled Feather Duster; Feather Duster; Wicker Lounge; Cane Soiled Linen Basket; One New Washing Tub; Copper Preserving Pan; Lino in Laundry 8 x 6 approx; Carpet Sweeper; Small Jardinere; 2 Shopping Baskets; Kitchen Safe; Kitchen Table; Three Buckets; 1 Horse Rub patent (prac new); Wooden Pot Plant Stand; Bird Cage and Stand; Pair Steps; Pair Small Steps; Metal Meat Safe; Wooden Safe; Hand worked Table Cover; Pair Poplin Silk Curtains (new); Leather Table Centre. VERANDAH - 12ft Shelving with doors; 35ft Shelving; Wooden Stand; Axe Stand (wooden); Nine feet Wooden Shop Fittings; Small Filing Cabinet; Three Window Frames & Glass; 38 Pot Plants Fernery; 9 Hanging Baskets Fernery; Electric Shop Sgn Storeroom; 2 Small Electric Shop Signs Storeroom; 2 Garden Sprays; Doll's Pram and Doll; Two Boxes Paint and Slate; Crystal Radio Set; New Canvas Blind & Roller 6ft.; Electric Light Reflectors (two); Two pieces of Painted Baize; Small Vice; Sprinkler; One Gallon Tin of Spray Oil; 2 Packets of "Aresto"; Two Hurricane Lamps; One Pair Spring Balance Scales; Small Pair Spring Balance Scales. WASH HOUSE - Pair Heavy Tracers (2); Pair Reins; Back Band; One Tug; Pair Hames; One Pair Neck Bands (2); Four Manger Balls; Pair Knee Pads; Kicking Strap complete; Leather Head Stall; Collar Pad; Knife Board and Tin Polish; Fork Cleaner; Foot Spray Pump. TOOL SHED - One Stewart Horse Clipper; Approx 120ft Ribbed Hose; 100ft ½in Hose; Child's Scooter; Tin Box; Ferret Box; One Tool Box; Tomato Hoe; Sprinkler; Two Large Augers; Large Watering Can; Medium Watering Can; Small Watering Can; Wooden Tool Chest; Rope, Tackle and two Pulleys; Six pieces of Lino; Three Small Canvas Blinds; Lawn Mower 14in.; Lawn Mower 12in.; Grass Catcher; 8 Pieces Garden Tools; Barrow; Quantity of Timber; Quantity of Flower Pots; Quantity of Wire; 4 Egg & 1 Fowl Crates Feed Room; 1 Gallon Demijohn Feed Room; Quantity of Shelving Feed Room; Quantity of Cement, Lime; Six Small Doors; Roll of Perforated Cardboard; Boot Rack; Coat Rack; 3 Automatic Sanitary Disinfectant; Pair Neck Straps and Rope; One Chimney Top & 3 Vent Bks.; Desk; Large Pump; Large Safe; Pair Sliding Door Rollers & Fittings; Two Wooden Doors; Box Sundries; Wooden Frame and Glass; 2 Vienna Chairs; Delivery Cart; Five Boxes Tiles; Quantity Agricultural Pipes; Wooden Bench; Wood Horse; Earthenware Drain Pipe; Wooden Tool Box; New Brass Spray "Rego"; Two Wood Planes. YARD - Pair Hedge Clippers; Box Containing 2 prs Secateurs & Punch; Box Tools seven pieces; Box Sundries; Lawn Weeder and Seed Sower; Box Tools 6 pieces; Two Saws; Bundle Files; Three Braces; Box of 13 pieces Gimlets etc.; Five Spanners; Box Tools 4 pieces; Four Coal Chisels; Box 7 pieces of Tools; Box of 5 pieces of Tools; Box of Docket Books; One Printing set; Large Figure Printing Set; Small Figure Printing set; Price Ticket Box; Air Brush Writing Set Complete; Six Shelves & Brackets, one Hat Rack, in store room; Box of Three Hammers; Two Boot Lasts; Tin of Polishing Oil; Box of Gardening Sundries; 2 Bicycle Pumps Saddle & Clips; One Covered Baking Dish; 200 c.p. Globe (Vestibule); Two "Dimolite" Fittings; Set of Five Canisters; Earthernware Jar; Two shopping Cases; Dinner Set 11 pieces; Box of Sundry Tins; Alm Fish Pan and Drainer; Two Ventilators; Knife Board & 3 Bread Saws; Soap Box and Jewel Case; Three Glass Articles. OFFICE FURNITURE - Steel Safe (Office Safe); Office Table five drawers; Cabinet 8 drawers; Cupboard three shelves; Selves 2ft3in x 1ft6in; Cheque Protector; Remington Typewriter; Typewriter Adjustable Table; Burroughs Bookkeeping Machine and Stand Complete; Small Office Table; Glass Show Case3ft9 x 2ft.; Four Sheets M. Glass; Five Sheets P. Glass; Gent's Overcoat new; Boy's Pullover New; Small Show Case; Duplicator (complete); Webster's Dictionary; Family doctor's Book. Two Dictionaries; Bundle of Three Books; Art Decorating Book; Bundle of Three Books; Bundle of Three Books; Two Books (Children's); (Multiple) Bundles each containing Three Books; Leather Riding Whip; Tort-shell Inkstand & Calendar; Tort-shell Folding Letter Rack; Water Filter; Thermos Flask and Case; Two Waste Paper Baskets.

A sectioned water depression flowmeter apparatus on a tall metal stand with castors. There are three knobs on the camera-facing side of the apparatus: one black, one yellow, and one blue, which correspond to oxygen, propylene, and nitrous oxide respectively. Two gas canister lids attached to the apparatus with long metal ball chains read "AUSTOX/OPEN SLOWLY". Above the knobs is a set of glass tubes, that have had a metal panel between them cut out. Part of the valve on the left below the knobs has been sectioned away to show the spring mechanism inside.nitrous oxide, oxygen, propylene, hospital, anaesthesia

Graham WOOD Wartook Pottery was set up in the early 70s by Graham Wood, and was sucessful for nearly 25 years. It then moved to Halls Gap (The Grampians, Victoria), and the name was changed to Jimmy's Creek Pottery in 1998. The pottery conitnued under that name until 2003. when cheap imports hurt the business. Hand thrown ceramic canister with 'Gum Leaf' design. According to decorator Wendy McGuiness all decoration was made and applied by hand - an extremely time consuming activity. Texture to the body of each piece was created by using a piece of coral. Tenmoku glaze was applied to the top of the pieces, with iron oxide to the main body. This was the first of the Wartook range that sold commercially from around 1987 all over Australia. At the height of production Wartook Pottery had 5 employees, including a new wheel potter (who was adept at creating the pieces as Graham had done before). Additional ranges were still hand thrown, but with a floral wreath (slip cast) applied to the top of each pot, as well as a range that used decals for decoration. australian landscape pottery, les macleman, ceramics, landscape, graham wood

The 41 alphabetic and numeric visual signalling flags (including substitute and answering pennants) have either square or pointed ends. They are made of bunting, a coarse fabric of worsted (open yarn wool) in various colour combinations. Some of the flags are marked with inscriptions, for example “B”. Attachments to the flags include hemp rope and metal clips. Each flag has its own galvanised canister and lid, each of which is painted grey and marked with a letter, number or word. The flags were used for communicating messages to passing ships. Knowledge of visual signalling was mandatory for all lightkeepers and all lightstations maintained a set of flags. Although used for centuries, visual flag signalling formally developed in the nineteenth century and was published internationally as a system in 1857. By the early twentieth century it had developed into an effective means of conveying all kinds of short range visual messages. The signal flags and canisters at Gabo Island form a complete set and are not historically linked to the lightstation and their provenance is unknown. It is known however that they originate from a lightstation in Victoria and for some years were on loan from AMSA to the Queenscliff Maritime Museum, where they were held in storage and not displayed. Three of the six lightstations that Parks Victoria manages have sets of signal flags in their collections. Forty navigational signal alphabet flags & numeral pennants. Flags are made of wool.

The 41 alphabetic and numeric visual signalling flags (including substitute and answering pennants) have either square or pointed ends. They are made of bunting, a coarse fabric of worsted (open yarn wool) in various colour combinations. Some of the flags are marked with inscriptions, for example “B”. Attachments to the flags include hemp rope and metal clips. Each flag has its own galvanised canister and lid, each of which is painted grey and marked with a letter, number or word. The flags were used for communicating messages to passing ships. Knowledge of visual signalling was mandatory for all lightkeepers and all lightstations maintained a set of flags. Although used for centuries, visual flag signalling formally developed in the nineteenth century and was published internationally as a system in 1857. By the early twentieth century it had developed into an effective means of conveying all kinds of short range visual messages. The signal flags and canisters at Gabo Island form a complete set and are not historically linked to the lightstation and their provenance is unknown. It is known however that they originate from a lightstation in Victoria and for some years were on loan from AMSA to the Queenscliff Maritime Museum, where they were held in storage and not displayed. In three of the six lightstations that Parks Victoria manages have sets of signal flags in their collections. Forty-one galvanised canisters with separate lids. The canisters are painted a grey/white colour and have either numbers, letters or words painted on the lid and on the cannister in black paint. There are variations in the style of canister and in the style of the inscriptions.

Used by German Soldiers to protect against chemical weaponsWW1 German Gas Mask made of Tan rubberised canvas, with metal canister and cellophane eyes. Elesick staps for the wearer to fit to hear and a long cotton strap to wear around neck when mask is not in use. mask has folded in and set in place due to decay3379 2 printed inside chin paddingww1, german, gas mask

Set of 6 food canisters, with hinged lids and a metal carry handle.1. Flour 2. Sugar 3. Rice 4. Sago 5. 'illegible' 6. Coffeecanisters, food storage containers

This series of photos depicts appliances and equipment kept within easy reach in a kitchen. The photos, date-stamped "89 1 5", were taken during a visit to the home of Arthritis Foundation of Victoria member, Margaret. They were taken to accompany an article by Occupational Therapist, Pat Dwyer. Titled, 'Suggestions for independent living', the article appears on page 10 of the Vol 2 No 1, March 1989 issue of the Arthritis Foundation of Victoria's quarterly magazine, Arthritis Update. It outlines the steps taken by Margaret to facilitate the daily challenges of living independently with arthritis. This is the only photo from the series which appears with the article. It depicts saucepans, a kettle, and other items commonly found in a kitchen kept within easy reach on a kitchen stove, bench and shelves.B&W photo of some saucepans, a kettle, a plate and carry tray, canisters, and other items commonly found in a kitchen are placed next to or stacked on top of one another on a kitchen bench and stove. Also on the kitchen bench are a small portable television set and a small benchtop oven. Above the bench and stove is a small shelf beneath some wall-mounted cupboards. On the shelf are two small clocks, a photo frame or mirror, and some ornaments.[In light blue ink on the Photograph] 80% [In pencil & green ink, on a yellow sticky note] 10A [In blue ink on a yellow sticky note] Frequently used equipment is kept within easy reach.arthritis foundation of victoria, afv, rheumatism and arthritis association of victoria, raav, pat dwyer, occupational therapist, ot, arthritic aids, kitchen aids, kitchen gadgets, home-made aids, living with arthritis, living independently, pain management, arthritis update, 1989