Index, bib, p.298.non-fictionPart 1 of a 3-part series, the Green Flag, which traces the rise of Irish Nationalism. The focus of this volume, Strongbow - the Great Famine, charts the development of the Irish nationalist impulse.ireland - politics and government, ireland - history - 19th century

Index, plates, il., p.327.non-fictionGerry Adams recounts his growing radicalization and his leadership role in the political wing of the IRA and the British use ofSeret Courts to condemn republicans.ireland - politics and government, gerry adams - autobiography

Plates, p.190.non-fictionConversations with twelve Irish female politicians of the modern era.ireland - politics - 20th century, women politicians - ireland

Index, bib, ill, plates. p.295.non-fictionConstance Markievicz, born Gore-Booth, was known in Anglo-Irish society as the Rebel Countess, and to the Dublin poor who loved her as 'Madame'. She is chiefly known for her part in the Easter Rising of 1916, but how she came to be there, what role she played and what happened to her afterwards is a fascinating and strange story.ireland - biography - constance markievicz, ireland - politics and government

Index, bib, ill, plates, p.245.non-fictionBiography of General Richard Mulcahy, one of the founders of modern Ireland.richard mulcahy - biography, ireland - politics and government - 20th century

Index, bib, p.269.non-fictionGerry Adams was the leader of Sinn Fein, the Irish Republican Party, and one of the seminal figures in the peace process in Northern Ireland during the last decade of the 20th century.ireland - biography - gerry adams, ireland - politics and government - 20th century

Index, p.358.non-fictionAn historical examination of the persistence of conflict in Ireland during the 20th century.ireland - politics and government - 20th century, the troubles

p.116.non-fictionThis account of the Easter Rising was first published in October 1916. The text has not been revised thus it retains the sense of immediacy that makes it one of the classic works of the period.ireland - history - dublin, ireland - politics

Index, p.355.non-fictionTerence Brown traces the development of modern Ireland through a juxtaposition of key topics - nationalism, industrialisation, religion, language revival and censorship with an assessment of the major literary and artistic advances achieved during the same era.ireland - social life and customs, ireland - politics and government

p.192.non-fictionAn account of an incident which occurred in County Cork between IRA and British Forces in 1921.ireland - politics and history, irish republican army

Index, plates, ill., bib, p.177.non-fictionUlick O'Connor's account of his own and his family involvement in the turbulent and violent events which occurred in Ireland during the period, 1912-1922.ireland - politics and government, ireland - history 1912-1922

p.222.fictionAn intense, atmospheric novel that powerfully evokes the restless, romantic days of fighting Ireland, A Death in Ireland is a literate thriller of uncommon sophistication, rich in theme, style and complexity of characters.ireland - 20th century politics, ireland - geography

Index, p.746.fictionAn historical novel which has a focus on four men who took part in the ill-fated Fenian uprising in 1867. It traces the effect on their lives of the battle of Clonbrony Wood.ireland - 19th century politics., ireland - social life and customs

William X. O'Brien (ITGWU) and William O'Brien (Home Rule/IPP) were contemporaries in Irish politics early in the 20th century, but should not be confused. Image of a bearded politician known as William O'Brien.ballarat irish, o'brien, william o'brien, home rule

Index, ill,notes, p.408.non-fictionThis book examines evidence of political killings in Cork, Ireland, between 1921 and1922.ireland - civil war - 1921-22, ireland - history and politics

Hugh Mahon (1857-1931) was a resident of Ringwood at the time of his death and was buried in Box Hill cemetery.Full title: Hugh Mahon, Patriot, Pressman, Politician by Jeff Kildea - Volume 2: Politician: the years from 1901 to 1931."This book, the second part of a to-volume biography of Mahon, covers the period from his election to parliament in 1901 until his death in 1931. It describes his almost 20 years as a backbencher and a ministe during which he gained a reputation as one of the brainiest men in parliament as well as one of the most controversial. It provides an insight into his reluctant decision to oppose conscription in 1916 and examines in depth his commitment to Irish self-government and the circumstances of his dramatic expulsion from parliament in 1920. The volume also looks at Mahon's career as managing director of the Catholic Church Property Insurance Co. and his intervention in Irish politics dujring the debatge over the Anglo-Irish treaty. It is the story of a flawed genius who simultaneously evoked high praise and damning criticism."

The Easter Uprising took place in April 1916 in Dublin and is one of the pivotal events in modern Irish history. At the end of the Easter Uprising, 15 men identified as leaders were executed at Kilmainham Jail. To some, these men were traitors, to others they became heroes. (http://www.historylearningsite.co.uk/1916_easter_rising.htm, accessed 16 April 2014) Organised by seven members of the Military Council of the Irish Republican Brotherhood,[3] the Rising began on Easter Monday, 24 April 1916, and lasted for six days. Members of the Irish Volunteers — led by schoolmaster and Irish language activist Patrick Pearse, joined by the smaller Irish Citizen Army of James Connolly, along with 200 members of Cumann na mBan — seized key locations in Dublin and proclaimed the Irish Republic independent of the United Kingdom. There were some actions in other parts of Ireland: however, except for the attack on the Royal Irish Constabulary barracks at Ashbourne, County Meath, they were minor. With vastly superior numbers and the use of artillery, the British army quickly suppressed the Rising, and Pearse agreed to an unconditional surrender on Saturday 29 April. Most of the leaders were executed following courts-martial, but the Rising succeeded in bringing physical force republicanism back to the forefront of Irish politics. (http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Easter_Rising, accessed 16/04/2014) Sackville Street Dublin is now known a O'Connell Street.Seven black and white postcards showing photographic scenes before and after the Rising in Dublin.chatham family archive, chatham, holmes, ireland, dublin, uprising, sackville street, o'connell bridge, citizen army, liberty hall, henry street, nelson's pillar, post office, arnott's, abbey street, ruins, hotel metropole, the rising, easter uprising, easter rebellion, o'connell, chatham family archive, chatham, holmes, ireland, dublin, uprising, sackville street, o'connell bridge, citizen army, liberty hall, henry street, nelson's pillar, post office, arnott's, abbey street, ruins, hotel metropole, the rising, easter uprising, easter rebellion, o'connell

Generations of the Talbot family have called Malahide Castle home. They played significant roles in Irish political and social life. Set in 260 acres the castle is only 10 minutes from Dublin airport. https://www.malahidecastleandgardens.ie/ The estate began in 1185, when Richard Talbot, a knight who accompanied Henry II to Ireland in 1174, was granted the "lands and harbour of Malahide." The oldest parts of the castle date back to the 12th century and it was home to the Talbot family for 791 years, from 1185 until 1976, the only exception being the period from 1649–60, when Oliver Cromwell granted it to Miles Corbet after the Cromwellian conquest of Ireland; Corbet was hanged following the demise of Cromwell, and the castle was restored to the Talbots. The building was notably enlarged in the reign of Edward IV, and the towers added in 1765. The estate survived such losses as the Battle of the Boyne, when fourteen members of the owner's family sat down to breakfast in the Great Hall, and all were dead by evening, and the Penal Laws, even though the family remained Roman Catholic until 1774. In 1918 during the First World War a mooring-out base for airships was established in the grounds of the castle, used by airships from RNAS Anglesey in Wales which conducted anti-submarine operations in the Irish Sea. There were plans to base airships here from 1919, but these were abandoned at the end of the war.[1] In the 1920s the private papers of James Boswell were discovered in the castle, and sold to American collector Ralph H. Isham by Boswell's great-great-grandson Lord Talbot de Malahide. Malahide Castle and Demesne was eventually inherited by the 7th Baron Talbot and on his death in 1973, passed to his sister, Rose. In 1975, Rose sold the castle to the Irish State, partly to fund inheritance taxes. Many of the contents, notably furnishings, had been sold in advance, leading to considerable public controversy, but private and governmental parties were able to retrieve some. https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Malahide_CastleDigital photographsgravestones, malahide castle, ireland, cemetery, malahid castle; talbot; ireland; richard talbot; dublin

Generations of the Talbot family have called Malahide Castle home. They played significant roles in Irish political and social life. Set in 260 acres the castle is only 10 minutes from Dublin airport. https://www.malahidecastleandgardens.ie/ The estate began in 1185, when Richard Talbot, a knight who accompanied Henry II to Ireland in 1174, was granted the "lands and harbour of Malahide." The oldest parts of the castle date back to the 12th century and it was home to the Talbot family for 791 years, from 1185 until 1976, the only exception being the period from 1649–60, when Oliver Cromwell granted it to Miles Corbet after the Cromwellian conquest of Ireland; Corbet was hanged following the demise of Cromwell, and the castle was restored to the Talbots. The building was notably enlarged in the reign of Edward IV, and the towers added in 1765. The estate survived such losses as the Battle of the Boyne, when fourteen members of the owner's family sat down to breakfast in the Great Hall, and all were dead by evening, and the Penal Laws, even though the family remained Roman Catholic until 1774. In 1918 during the First World War a mooring-out base for airships was established in the grounds of the castle, used by airships from RNAS Anglesey in Wales which conducted anti-submarine operations in the Irish Sea. There were plans to base airships here from 1919, but these were abandoned at the end of the war.[1] In the 1920s the private papers of James Boswell were discovered in the castle, and sold to American collector Ralph H. Isham by Boswell's great-great-grandson Lord Talbot de Malahide. Malahide Castle and Demesne was eventually inherited by the 7th Baron Talbot and on his death in 1973, passed to his sister, Rose. In 1975, Rose sold the castle to the Irish State, partly to fund inheritance taxes. Many of the contents, notably furnishings, had been sold in advance, leading to considerable public controversy, but private and governmental parties were able to retrieve some. https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Malahide_Castle, TalbColour photograph of Malahide Castle, Ireland.malahide castle, ireland, talbot, richard talbot

This book is a replica of a booklet printed in the United Kingdom. In 1848, when it was published in London as a guide to prospective emigrants, 23,904 people left the United Kingdom for the Australian colonies and New Zealand. In 1847, with the failure of potato crops threatening famine in Ireland and growing political unrest at home, the British Government had once again encouraged emigration by offering free passage to candidates of 'good character'. Immigration, particularly by the labouring classes, was intended to relieve both the overburdened Mother Country and the colonies which had acute labour shortages. The booklet gives some history of each colony as well as the sale of lands, mines and mining, produce, the price of living, wages and, generally, the situation. The emigrant's friend, or authentic guide to South Australia including Sydney: Port Phillip, or Australia Felix: Western Australia, or Swan River Colony: New South Wales: Van Dieman's Land: and New Zealand. Reprint. Reader's Digest Services Pty Limited; Surrey Hills (NSW); 1974. 40 p. Soft cover. australia; colonies; settlement; nsw; port phillip; western australia; south australia; van dieman's land; new zealand; emigration; immigration;

Generations of the Talbot family have called Malahide Castle home. They played significant roles in Irish political and social life. Set in 260 acres the castle is only 10 minutes from Dublin airport. https://www.malahidecastleandgardens.ie/ According to wikipedia See https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Easter_Rising#Fingal In Fingal (or north County Dublin), about 60 Volunteers mobilised near Swords. They belonged to the 5th Battalion of the Dublin Brigade (also known as the Fingal Battalion), and were led by Thomas Ashe and his second in command, Richard Mulcahy. Unlike the rebels elsewhere, the Fingal Battalion successfully employed guerrilla tactics. They set up camp and Ashe split the battalion into four sections: three would undertake operations while the fourth was kept in reserve, guarding camp and foraging for food. The Volunteers moved against the RIC barracks in Swords, Donabate and Garristown, forcing the RIC to surrender and seizing all the weapons. They also damaged railway lines and cut telegraph wires. The railway line at Blanchardstown was bombed to prevent a troop train reaching Dublin. This derailed a cattle train, which had been sent ahead of the troop train. The only large-scale engagement of the Rising, outside Dublin city, was at Ashbourne. On Friday, about 35 Fingal Volunteers surrounded the Ashbourne RIC barracks and called on it to surrender, but the RIC responded with a volley of gunfire. A firefight followed, and the RIC surrendered after the Volunteers attacked the building with a homemade grenade. Before the surrender could be taken, up to sixty RIC men arrived in a convoy, sparking a five-hour gun battle, in which eight RIC men were killed and 18 wounded. Two Volunteers were also killed and five wounded, and a civilian was fatally shot. The RIC surrendered and were disarmed. Ashe let them go after warning them not to fight against the Irish Republic again. Ashe's men camped at Kilsalaghan near Dublin until they received orders to surrender on Saturday. The Fingal Battalion's tactics during the Rising foreshadowed those of the IRA during the War of Independence that followed. Volunteer contingents also mobilised nearby in counties Meath and Louth, but proved unable to link up with the North Dublin unit until after it had surrendered. In County Louth, Volunteers shot dead an RIC man near the village of Castlebellingham on 24 April, in an incident in which 15 RIC men were also taken prisoner.filming, fingal's finest day, malahide castle, ireland

The Irish National Land League (Irish: Conradh na Talún) was an Irish political organisation of the late 19th century which sought to help poor tenant farmers. Its primary aim was to abolish landlordism in Ireland and enable tenant farmers to own the land they worked on. The period of the Land League's agitation is known as the Land War. Within decades of the league's foundation, through the efforts of William O'Brien and George Wyndham (a descendant of Lord Edward FitzGerald), the 1902 Land Conference produced the Land (Purchase) Act 1903 which allowed Irish tenant farmers buy out their freeholds with UK government loans over 68 years through the Land Commission (an arrangement that has never been possible in Britain itself). For agricultural labourers, D.D. Sheehan and the Irish Land and Labour Association secured their demands from the Liberal government elected in 1905 to pass the Labourers (Ireland) Act 1906, and the Labourers (Ireland) Act 1911, which paid County Councils to build over 40,000 new rural cottages, each on an acre of land. By 1914, 75% of occupiers were buying out their landlords, mostly under the two Acts. In all, under the pre-UK Land Acts over 316,000 tenants purchased their holdings amounting to 15 million acres (61,000 km2) out of a total of 20 million acres (81,000 km2) in the country. Sometimes the holdings were described as "uneconomic", but the overall sense of social justice was undeniable. (http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Irish_National_Land_League, accessed 21 January 2014) The Irish National Land League was founded at the Imperial Hotel in Castlebar, the County town of Mayo, on 21 October 1879. At that meeting Charles Stewart Parnell was elected president of the league. Andrew Kettle, Michael Davitt, and Thomas Brennan were appointed as honorary secretaries. This united practically all the different strands of land agitation and tenant rights movements under a single organisation. The two aims of the Land League, as stated in the resolutions adopted in the meeting, were: ...first, to bring out a reduction of rack-rents; second, to facilitate the obtaining of the ownership of the soil by the occupiers. That the object of the League can be best attained by promoting organisation among the tenant-farmers; by defending those who may be threatened with eviction for refusing to pay unjust rents; by facilitating the working of the Bright clauses of the Irish Land Act during the winter; and by obtaining such reforms in the laws relating to land as will enable every tenant to become owner of his holding by paying a fair rent for a limited number of years. Charles Stewart Parnell, John Dillon, Michael Davitt, and others including Cal Lynn then went to America to raise funds for the League with spectacular results. Branches were also set up in Scotland, where the Crofters Party imitated the League and secured a reforming Act in 1886. The government had introduced the first ineffective Land Act in 1870, then the equally inadequate Acts of 1880 and 1881 followed. These established a Land Commission that started to reduce some rents. Parnell together with all of his party lieutenants, including Father Eugene Sheehy known as "the Land League priest", went into a bitter verbal offensive and were imprisoned in October 1881 under the Irish Coercion Act in Kilmainham Jail for "sabotaging the Land Act", from where the No-Rent Manifesto was issued, calling for a national tenant farmer rent strike which was partially followed. Although the League discouraged violence, agrarian crimes increased widely. Typically a rent strike would be followed by evictions by the police, or those tenants paying rent would be subject to a local boycott by League members. Where cases went to court, witnesses would change their stories, resulting in an unworkable legal system. This in turn led on to stronger criminal laws being passed that were described by the League as "Coercion Acts". The bitterness that developed helped Parnell later in his Home Rule campaign. Davitt's views were much more extreme, seeking to nationalise all land, as seen in his famous slogan: "The land of Ireland for the people of Ireland". Parnell aimed to harness the emotive element, but he and his party preferred for tenant farmers to become freeholders on the land they rented, instead of land being vested in "the people".(http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Irish_National_Land_League, accessed 21 January 2014)Image of a number of men sitting around a table. They are members of the Land League Committee during a meeting in Dublin.ballarat irish, land league, land league committee, dublin

Parnell was an Irish nationalist and statesman who led the fight for Irish Home Rule in the 1880s. Charles Stewart Parnell was born on 27 June 1846 in County Wicklow into a family of Anglo-Irish Protestant landowners. He studied at Cambridge University and was elected to parliament in 1875 as a member of the Home Rule League (later re-named by Parnell the Irish Parliamentary Party). His abilities soon became evident. In 1878, Parnell became an active opponent of the Irish land laws, believing their reform should be the first step on the road to Home Rule. In 1879, Parnell was elected president of the newly founded National Land League and the following year he visited the United States to gain both funds and support for land reform. In the 1880 election, he supported the Liberal leader William Gladstone, but when Gladstone's Land Act of 1881 fell short of expectations, he joined the opposition. By now he had become the accepted leader of the Irish nationalist movement. Parnell now encouraged boycott as a means of influencing landlords and land agents, and as a result he was sent to jail and the Land League was suppressed. From Kilmainham prison he called on Irish peasants to stop paying rent. In March 1882, he negotiated an agreement with Gladstone - the Kilmainham Treaty - in which he urged his followers to avoid violence. But this peaceful policy was severely challenged by the murder in May 1882 of two senior British officials in Phoenix Park in Dublin by members of an Irish terrorist group. Parnell condemned the murders. In 1886, Parnell joined with the Liberals to defeat Lord Salisbury's Conservative government. Gladstone became prime minister and introduced the first Irish Home Rule Bill. Parnell believed it was flawed but said he was prepared to vote for it. The Bill split the Liberal Party and was defeated in the House of Commons. Gladstone's government fell soon afterwards.(http://www.bbc.co.uk/history/historic_figures/parnell_charles.shtml, accessed 21 January 2014) The Irish National Land League (Irish: Conradh na Talún) was an Irish political organisation of the late 19th century which sought to help poor tenant farmers. Its primary aim was to abolish landlordism in Ireland and enable tenant farmers to own the land they worked on. The period of the Land League's agitation is known as the Land War. Within decades of the league's foundation, through the efforts of William O'Brien and George Wyndham (a descendant of Lord Edward FitzGerald), the 1902 Land Conference produced the Land (Purchase) Act 1903 which allowed Irish tenant farmers buy out their freeholds with UK government loans over 68 years through the Land Commission (an arrangement that has never been possible in Britain itself). For agricultural labourers, D.D. Sheehan and the Irish Land and Labour Association secured their demands from the Liberal government elected in 1905 to pass the Labourers (Ireland) Act 1906, and the Labourers (Ireland) Act 1911, which paid County Councils to build over 40,000 new rural cottages, each on an acre of land. By 1914, 75% of occupiers were buying out their landlords, mostly under the two Acts. In all, under the pre-UK Land Acts over 316,000 tenants purchased their holdings amounting to 15 million acres (61,000 km2) out of a total of 20 million acres (81,000 km2) in the country. Sometimes the holdings were described as "uneconomic", but the overall sense of social justice was undeniable. (http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Irish_National_Land_League, accessed 21 January 2014) The Irish National Land League was founded at the Imperial Hotel in Castlebar, the County town of Mayo, on 21 October 1879. At that meeting Charles Stewart Parnell was elected president of the league. Andrew Kettle, Michael Davitt, and Thomas Brennan were appointed as honorary secretaries. This united practically all the different strands of land agitation and tenant rights movements under a single organisation. The two aims of the Land League, as stated in the resolutions adopted in the meeting, were: ...first, to bring out a reduction of rack-rents; second, to facilitate the obtaining of the ownership of the soil by the occupiers. That the object of the League can be best attained by promoting organisation among the tenant-farmers; by defending those who may be threatened with eviction for refusing to pay unjust rents; by facilitating the working of the Bright clauses of the Irish Land Act during the winter; and by obtaining such reforms in the laws relating to land as will enable every tenant to become owner of his holding by paying a fair rent for a limited number of years. Charles Stewart Parnell, John Dillon, Michael Davitt, and others including Cal Lynn then went to America to raise funds for the League with spectacular results. Branches were also set up in Scotland, where the Crofters Party imitated the League and secured a reforming Act in 1886. The government had introduced the first ineffective Land Act in 1870, then the equally inadequate Acts of 1880 and 1881 followed. These established a Land Commission that started to reduce some rents. Parnell together with all of his party lieutenants, including Father Eugene Sheehy known as "the Land League priest", went into a bitter verbal offensive and were imprisoned in October 1881 under the Irish Coercion Act in Kilmainham Jail for "sabotaging the Land Act", from where the No-Rent Manifesto was issued, calling for a national tenant farmer rent strike which was partially followed. Although the League discouraged violence, agrarian crimes increased widely. Typically a rent strike would be followed by evictions by the police, or those tenants paying rent would be subject to a local boycott by League members. Where cases went to court, witnesses would change their stories, resulting in an unworkable legal system. This in turn led on to stronger criminal laws being passed that were described by the League as "Coercion Acts". The bitterness that developed helped Parnell later in his Home Rule campaign. Davitt's views were much more extreme, seeking to nationalise all land, as seen in his famous slogan: "The land of Ireland for the people of Ireland". Parnell aimed to harness the emotive element, but he and his party preferred for tenant farmers to become freeholders on the land they rented, instead of land being vested in "the people".(http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Irish_National_Land_League, accessed 21 January 2014)Image of bearded man known as Charles Stewart Parnellballarat irish, parnell, charles parnell, home rule

An Irish barrister, politician, Member of Parliament (M.P.), and the founder and first leader of a number of Irish nationalist parties and organisations, including the Irish Metropolitan Conservative Society in 1836, the Home Government Association in 1870 and in 1873 the Home Rule League. (Wikipedia) After being called to the bar in 1838, Butt quickly established a name for himself as a brilliant barrister. He was known for his opposition to the Irish nationalist leader Daniel O'Connell's campaign for the repeal of the Act of Union.[4] He also lectured at Trinity College, Dublin, in political economy. His experiences during the Great Famine led him to move from being an Irish unionist and an Orangeman[5] to supporting a federal political system for the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland that would give Ireland a greater degree of self-rule. This led to his involvement in Irish nationalist politics and the foundation of the Home Rule League. Butt was instrumental in fostering links between Constitutional and Revolutionary nationalism through his representation of members of the Fenians Society in court. (Wikipedia) He began his career as a Tory politician on Dublin Corporation. He was Member of Parliament for Youghal from 1852 to 1865, and for Limerick from 1871 to 1879 (at the 1852 general election he had also been elected for the English constituency of Harwich, but chose to sit for Youghal). The failed Fenian Rising in 1867 strengthened Butt's belief that a federal system was the only way to break the dreary cycle of inefficient administration punctuated by incompetent uprisings.[6] In 1870 he founded the Irish Home Government Association. This was in no sense a revolutionary organisation. It was designed to mobilise public opinion behind the demand for an Irish parliament, with, as he put it, "full control over our domestic affairs."[6] He believed that Home Rule would promote friendship between Ireland and her neighbour to the east. In November 1873 Butt replaced the Association with a new body, the Home Rule League, which he regarded as a pressure-group, rather than a political party. In the General Election the following year, 59 of its members were elected. However, most of those elected were men of property who were closer to the Liberal cause.[7] In the meantime Charles Stewart Parnell had joined the League, with more radical ideas than most of the incumbent Home Rulers, and was elected to Parliament in a by-election in County Meath in 1875.[8] Butt had failed to win substantial concessions at Westminster on the things that mattered to most Irish people: an amnesty for the Fenians of '67, fixity of tenure for tenant-farmers and Home Rule. Although they worked to get Home Rulers elected, many Fenians along with tenant farmers were dissatisfied with Butt's gentlemanly approach to have bills enacted, although they did not openly attack him, as his defence of the Fenian prisoners in '67 still stood in his favour.[9] However, soon a Belfast Home Ruler, Joseph Gillis Biggar (then a senior member of the IRB), began making extensive use of the ungentlemanly tactic of "obstructionism" to prevent bills being passed by the house. When Parnell entered Parliament he took his cue from John O'Connor Power and Joseph Biggar and allied himself with those Irish members who would support him in his obstructionist campaign. MPs at that time could stand up and talk for as long as they wished on any subject. This caused havoc in Parliament. In one case they talked for 45 hours non-stop, stopping any important bills from being passed. Butt, ageing, and in failing health, could not keep up with this tactic and considered it counter-productive. In July 1877 Butt threatened to resign from the party if obstruction continued, and a gulf developed between himself and Parnell, who was growing steadily in the estimation of both the Fenians and the Home Rulers.[10] The climax came in December 1878, when Parliament was recalled to discuss the war in Afghanistan. Butt considered this discussion too important to the British Empire to be interrupted by obstructionism and publicly warned the Irish members to refrain from this tactic. He was fiercely denounced by the young Nationalist John Dillon, who continued his attacks with considerable support from other Home Rulers at a meeting of the Home Rule League in February 1879. Although he defended himself with dignity, Butt, and all and sundry, knew that his role in the party was at an end.[11] Butt, who had been suffering from bronchitis, had a stroke the following May and died within a week. He was replaced by William Shaw, who in turn was replaced by Charles Stewart Parnell in 1880. (Wikipedia)Image of a man known as Isaac Butt.

Daniel O’Connell was born near Cahirciveen, Co. Kerry, on 6 August 1775. His wealthy childless uncle adopted him at an early age and brought him up at Derrynane. He spoke Irish and was interested in the traditional culture of song and story still strong in Kerry at the time. He also understood how the rural mind worked which served him well in later years. In 1791 he was sent to school at St. Omer and Douai and what he saw there of the French Revolution left him with a life-long hatred of violence. He read law at Lincoln’s Inn (1794 -96) and continued his studies in Dublin where he was called to bar in 1798. He had soon built up an enormous practice. The 1798 rising and the terrible butchery that followed it confirmed his horror of violence. While he approved of the principles of the United Irishmen, their call for reform and for Catholic Emancipation, he disagreed with their methods. In 1815 O’Connell criticised harshly the Dublin corporation. O’Connell was challenged to a duel by one member D’Esterre. In the exchange of shots D’Esterre was killed and O’Connell vowed never to fight again. O’Connell was soon drawn into political action. Hopes of Catholic emancipation had been raised by promises given while the act of union was being passed. In 1823, O’Connell founded the Catholic Association. The aim of the organisation was to use all the legal means available to secure emancipation. It turned into a mass crusade with the support of the Catholic clergy. All members of the association paid a membership of a penny a month (the Catholic rent). This helped to raise a large fund. The Clare election in 1828 was a turning point. O’Connell, with the support of the forty-shilling freeholders, managed a huge victory against the government candidate. He was well supported by the clergy whose influence on the poor uneducated peasant class was enormous. The polling took place in Ennis at the old courthouse where the O’Connell monument now stands. At the final count, O’Connell was elected by a majority of about eleven hundred votes. The ascendancy party had suffered its first big knock since 1798. The whole country was aflame. The British Government feared a rising and granted Catholic emancipation in April 1829. The franchise was, however, raised to 10 pounds which excluded the forty-shilling freeholders. O’Connell was now the undisputed leader in Ireland and he gave up his practice at the bar to devote his time entirely to politics. At the King’s insistence, O’Connell was not allowed to take his seat until he had been re-elected for Clare. In February 1830, O’Connell became the first Catholic in modern history to sit in the House of Commons. For the rest of his life, he was supported by “The O’Connell Tribute”, a public collection out of which O’Connell paid all his expenses. O’Connell now decided to concentrate on winning repeal of the act of union and getting an Irish parliament for the Irish people. British political leaders feared repeal as they did not fear emancipation. They saw repeal of the Act of Union as the first step in the break-up of the act of union, as the spirit of the repeal movement was revived when the young Ireland writers wrote about it in the Nation. In 1841, O’Connell was elected Lord Mayor of Dublin and in 1843 the subscriptions to his Repeal Association, the Repeal “Rent” came to 48,400 pounds. He now began to organise monster meetings throughout the country. It is thought that three-quarters of a million people gathered on the hill of Tara to hear the man they called the “Liberator”. The government became alarmed at the strength of the Repeal Movement and a meeting which O’Connell had planned for 8 October 1843 in Clontarf, Dublin was banned. Huge crowds were already on their way when O’Connell called off the meeting to avoid the risk of violence and bloodshed. He was charged with conspiracy, arrested and sentenced to a year in jail and a fine of 2,000 pounds. The sentence was set aside after O’Connell had been three months in prison. When he was released he continued with his campaign for repeal. However, a turning point had been reached. The tactics that had won emancipation had failed. O’Connell was now almost seventy, his health failing and he had no clear plan for future action. There was discontent within the Repeal Association and the Young Irelanders withdrew. There was also some failure in the potato crop in the 1840’s, a sign of things to come in the Great Famine of 1845-1847. Aware of the fact that he had failed with his great goal, (the Repeal Movement), O’Connell left Ireland for the last time in January 1847. He made a touching speech in the House of Commons in which he appealed for aid for his country. In March, acting on the advice of his doctor, he set out to Italy. Following his death in Genoa on 15 May 1847, his body was returned to Ireland and buried in Glasnevin Cemetery. [http://www.clarelibrary.ie/eolas/coclare/people/daniel.htm, accessed 13/12/2013]Portrait of a man known as Daniel O'Connell.ballarat irish, daniel o'connell, o'connell

Queen Victoria was born at Kensington Palace, London, on 24 May 1819. She was the only daughter of Edward, Duke of Kent, the fourth son of George III. Her father died shortly after her birth and she became heir to the throne because the three uncles who were ahead of her in the succession - George IV, Frederick Duke of York, and William IV - had no legitimate children who survived. Warmhearted and lively, Victoria had a gift for drawing and painting; educated by a governess at home, she was a natural diarist and kept a regular journal throughout her life. On William IV's death in 1837, she became Queen at the age of 18. Queen Victoria is associated with Britain's great age of industrial expansion, economic progress and, especially, empire. At her death, it was said, Britain had a worldwide empire on which the sun never set. In the early part of her reign, she was influenced by two men: her first Prime Minister, Lord Melbourne, and then her husband, Prince Albert, whom she married in 1840. Both men taught her much about how to be a ruler in a 'constitutional monarchy, in which the monarch had very few powers but could use much influence. Albert took an active interest in the arts, science, trade and industry; the project for which he is best remembered was the Great Exhibition of 1851, the profits from which helped to establish the South Kensington museums complex in London. Her marriage to Prince Albert produced nine children between 1840 and 1857. Most of her children married into other Royal families in Europe. Edward VII (born 1841), married Alexandra, daughter of Christian IX of Denmark. Alfred, Duke of Edinburgh and of Saxe-Coburg and Gotha (born 1844) married Marie of Russia. Arthur, Duke of Connaught (born 1850) married Louise Margaret of Prussia. Leopold, Duke of Albany (born 1853) married Helen of Waldeck-Pyrmont. Victoria, Princess Royal (born 1840) married Friedrich III, German Emperor. Alice (born 1843) married Ludwig IV, Grand Duke of Hesse and by Rhine. Helena (born 1846) married Christian of Schleswig-Holstein. Louise (born 1848) married John Campbell, 9th Duke of Argyll. Beatrice (born 1857) married Henry of Battenberg. Victoria bought Osborne House (later presented to the nation by Edward VII) on the Isle of Wight as a family home in 1845, and Albert bought Balmoral in 1852. Victoria was deeply attached to her husband and she sank into depression after he died, aged 42, in 1861. She had lost a devoted husband and her principal trusted adviser in affairs of state. For the rest of her reign she wore black. Until the late 1860s she rarely appeared in public; although she never neglected her official Correspondence, and continued to give audiences to her ministers and official visitors, she was reluctant to resume a full public life. She was persuaded to open Parliament in person in 1866 and 1867, but she was widely criticised for living in seclusion and quite a strong republican movement developed. Seven attempts were made on Victoria's life, between 1840 and 1882 - her courageous attitude towards these attacks greatly strengthened her popularity. With time, the private urgings of her family and the flattering attention of Benjamin Disraeli, Prime Minister in 1868 and from 1874 to 1880, the Queen gradually resumed her public duties. In foreign policy, the Queen's influence during the middle years of her reign was generally used to support peace and reconciliation. In 1864, Victoria pressed her ministers not to intervene in the Prussia-Denmark war, and her letter to the German Emperor (whose son had married her daughter) in 1875 helped to avert a second Franco-German war. On the Eastern Question in the 1870s - the issue of Britain's policy towards the declining Turkish Empire in Europe - Victoria (unlike Gladstone) believed that Britain, while pressing for necessary reforms, ought to uphold Turkish hegemony as a bulwark of stability against Russia, and maintain bi-partisanship at a time when Britain could be involved in war. Victoria's popularity grew with the increasing imperial sentiment from the 1870s onwards. After the Indian Mutiny of 1857, the government of India was transferred from the East India Company to the Crown, with the position of Governor-General upgraded to Viceroy, and in 1877 Victoria became Empress of India under the Royal Titles Act passed by Disraeli's government. During Victoria's long reign, direct political power moved away from the sovereign. A series of Acts broadened the social and economic base of the electorate. These acts included the Second Reform Act of 1867; the introduction of the secret ballot in 1872, which made it impossible to pressurise voters by bribery or intimidation; and the Representation of the Peoples Act of 1884 - all householders and lodgers in accommodation worth at least £10 a year, and occupiers of land worth £10 a year, were entitled to vote. Despite this decline in the Sovereign's power, Victoria showed that a monarch who had a high level of prestige and who was prepared to master the details of political life could exert an important influence. This was demonstrated by her mediation between the Commons and the Lords, during the acrimonious passing of the Irish Church Disestablishment Act of 1869 and the 1884 Reform Act. It was during Victoria's reign that the modern idea of the constitutional monarch, whose role was to remain above political parties, began to evolve. But Victoria herself was not always non-partisan and she took the opportunity to give her opinions, sometimes very forcefully, in private. After the Second Reform Act of 1867, and the growth of the two-party (Liberal and Conservative) system, the Queen's room for manoeuvre decreased. Her freedom to choose which individual should occupy the premiership was increasingly restricted. In 1880, she tried, unsuccessfully, to stop William Gladstone - whom she disliked as much as she admired Disraeli and whose policies she distrusted - from becoming Prime Minister. She much preferred the Marquess of Hartington, another statesman from the Liberal party which had just won the general election. She did not get her way. She was a very strong supporter of the Empire, which brought her closer both to Disraeli and to the Marquess of Salisbury, her last Prime Minister. Although conservative in some respects - like many at the time she opposed giving women the vote - on social issues, she tended to favour measures to improve the lot of the poor, such as the Royal Commission on housing. She also supported many charities involved in education, hospitals and other areas. Victoria and her family travelled and were seen on an unprecedented scale, thanks to transport improvements and other technical changes such as the spread of newspapers and the invention of photography. Victoria was the first reigning monarch to use trains - she made her first train journey in 1842. In her later years, she became the symbol of the British Empire. Both the Golden (1887) and the Diamond (1897) Jubilees, held to celebrate the 50th and 60th anniversaries of the Queen's accession, were marked with great displays and public ceremonies. On both occasions, Colonial Conferences attended by the Prime Ministers of the self-governing colonies were held. Despite her advanced age, Victoria continued her duties to the end - including an official visit to Dublin in 1900. The Boer War in South Africa overshadowed the end of her reign. As in the Crimean War nearly half a century earlier, Victoria reviewed her troops and visited hospitals; she remained undaunted by British reverses during the campaign: 'We are not interested in the possibilities of defeat; they do not exist.' Victoria died at Osborne House on the Isle of Wight, on 22 January 1901 after a reign which lasted almost 64 years, then the longest in British history. Her son, Edward VII succeeded her. She was buried at Windsor beside Prince Albert, in the Frogmore Royal Mausoleum, which she had built for their final resting place. Above the Mausoleum door are inscribed Victoria's words: "Farewell best beloved, here, at last, I shall rest with thee, with thee in Christ I shall rise again." Source: https://www.royal.uk/queen-victoria This picture captures Queen Victoria in her later years. It may well have been painted to commemorate her Golden Anniversary in 1887, or her Diamond Anniversary in 1897.Picture, print, reproduction of a drawing or photograph of Queen Victoria. She is wearing a dark-coloured dress, white headdress and a diamond necklace and earrings. On her left shoulder is the Royal Order of Victoria and Albert, awarded to female members of the British Royal Family and female courtiers. There are four grades or classes of this Royal Order as well as the Sovereign's Badge, which is exclusive to her. Also across her left shoulder, is a blue riband representing the Order of the Garter. The picture is in a medium-coloured timber frame with a white string across the width at the rear. The label says it was framed by Hoy Art, Warrnambool. The signature of the Queen is on the picture but is not obvious since the picture has been re-framed."HOY ART / PICTURE FRAMING / 48 Kepler St, Warrnambool 3280 / Phone (055) 62 8022" Signature (hidden by new framing) "Victoria H.R.S."flagstaff hill, warrnambool, shipwrecked-coast, flagstaff-hill, flagstaff-hill-maritime-museum, maritime-museum, shipwreck-coast, flagstaff-hill-maritime-village, picture of queen victoria, queen victoria, the royal order of victoria and albert, the order of the garter, hoy art

William Rutledge [born 1806, Ireland] was a self-made, larger-than-life man who involved himself prominently in business, municipal, political, community and social aspects of life. Eldest son of James and Martha [nee Forster], William arrived in Australia from Ireland in 1829 and within six years had sufficiently established himself to purchase land in New South Wales. He married Eliza Kirk in Sydney in august 1840. They had two sons and five daughters. In 1843 he began his association and life in Port Fairy and soon became prominent and influential in almost all aspects of that developing town. His interests encompassed mercantile, civic, pastoral, shipping, importing, exporting, immigration, politics and social aspects with in the district and colony. He was a major contributor to the building of St John’s Anglican Church, Port Fairy. He acquired three special surveys with historical importance in Victoria. In south west Victoria that interest being especially the Farnham Survey of 5120 acres between Dennington and Tower Hill/Killarney. This was farmed by immigrant tenant and lessee farmers, some of whom were brought to the Australia at William Rutledge’s own expense and by whom he was considered a kind and considerate landlord. His endeavours were not without failures and in 1862 his Port Fairy Company failed with debts of over £170,000. This debt was redeemed in full within a year. According to reported accounts, William Rutledge had a tempestuous manner with an “explosive” temper, although he did not hold grudges. This is countered by accounts of his kindness, generosity, honesty and practical, progressive outlook in all his undertakings. After the failure and closure of his Company, William Rutledge moved to his property at Farnham Park near Warrnambool where he concentrated his interest in breeding sheep and horses. Throughout his life his home was reputed to be convivial and hospitable. William Rutledge died at Farnham Park on June 1st, 1876. William Rutledge's place in the history of settlement in south west Victoria gives importance to this memorial.Stained glass window, south wall, main nave, depicting Jesus bearing the Cross. The background is quite floral. A medallion shape holds the title as printed on a ribbon: "By thy cross and passion good Lord deliver us".In Latin: In Memoriam Gulielmi Rutledge qui A.D. MDCCCVI underimo ante Kal: Feb: natus vitam posuit/ Kal: Jun: MDCCCLXXVI Filae amantissimae hanc fenestram pietatis indirio posueruntrutledge, william rutledge, farnham survey, port fairy, christ church warrnambool

William Hill Irvine was born 6 July, 1858 in Newry, County Down, Ireland. He arrived in Melbourne December 1879 and taught at Geelong College. He was admitted to the Supreme Court in 1884 having qualified from Melbourne University and practiced in Melbourne. In 1891 he married Agnes Somerville Wanliss and they had one son, William Mitchell (1901 Armadale) and two daughters, Beatrice Wanliss (1899 Armadale) and Agnes Somerville Wanliss (1903 Armadale). Sir William Irvine sat in the Victorian Parliament (as Liberal Member for Lowan) from 1894 to 1906 and was Premier of Victoria from 1902 to 1904. He then switched to Federal politics and sat in the Commonwealth Parliament (as Liberal Member for Flinders) from 1906 to 1918. He was considered a potential Prime Minister, but his abrupt manner and hard-line conservatism (particularly his attitude to a railway strike) made him unacceptable even to many Liberals: he was known in Parliament as "Iceberg Irvine". He lived at Richmond, but in 1908 purchased land in Laughing Waters Road at Eltham, where he built the house ‘Killeavey’, initially as a weekend retreat. The site, a peninsula surrounded on three sides by the Yarra River, is of geological importance and has considerable cultural significance to the Wurundjeri. In 1912 Sir William moved to Killeavey and in 1913 purchased more land, extending his property to Reynolds Road. In 1923 he shifted to Toorak, donating Killeavey to his daughter Beatrice as a wedding gift. Sir William was a founding member of the RACV and was Acting Governor of Victoria from 1931 to 1934. He was also a notable public figure involved in several local events including the: 1919 Unveiling of Eltham War Obelisk 1921 Eltham Primary School Extensions 1921 Eltham Primary School Roll of Honour of prior students 1928 Opening of Eltham Higher Elementary School 1926 Unveiling the Shire of Eltham War Memorial in Memorial Park at Kangaroo Ground He died in 1943 and is buried in Eltham Cemetery with his wife Agnes along with son William Mitchell Irvine and his wife, Dora Haswell Sacred to the memory of William Hill Irvine G.C.M.G. Lieutenant Governor And Chief Justice of Victoria Born 6th July 1858 At Newry, Northern Ireland Died 20th August 1943 Also his wife Agnes Somerville Born at Ballarat 16th Nov 1867 Died at Eltham 16th Aug 1954 W. M. W. Irvine 1901-1975 And Dora Haswell Wife of W. M. W. Irvine 1900-1979Born Digitaleltham cemetery, gravestones, agnes sommerville irvine (nee wanliss), dora haswell irvine, william hill irvine, william mitchell irvine