The Easter Uprising took place in April 1916 in Dublin and is one of the pivotal events in modern Irish history. At the end of the Easter Uprising, 15 men identified as leaders were executed at Kilmainham Jail. To some, these men were traitors, to others they became heroes. (http://www.historylearningsite.co.uk/1916_easter_rising.htm, accessed 16 April 2014) Organised by seven members of the Military Council of the Irish Republican Brotherhood,[3] the Rising began on Easter Monday, 24 April 1916, and lasted for six days. Members of the Irish Volunteers — led by schoolmaster and Irish language activist Patrick Pearse, joined by the smaller Irish Citizen Army of James Connolly, along with 200 members of Cumann na mBan — seized key locations in Dublin and proclaimed the Irish Republic independent of the United Kingdom. There were some actions in other parts of Ireland: however, except for the attack on the Royal Irish Constabulary barracks at Ashbourne, County Meath, they were minor. With vastly superior numbers and the use of artillery, the British army quickly suppressed the Rising, and Pearse agreed to an unconditional surrender on Saturday 29 April. Most of the leaders were executed following courts-martial, but the Rising succeeded in bringing physical force republicanism back to the forefront of Irish politics. (http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Easter_Rising, accessed 16/04/2014) Sackville Street Dublin is now known a O'Connell Street.Seven black and white postcards showing photographic scenes before and after the Rising in Dublin.chatham family archive, chatham, holmes, ireland, dublin, uprising, sackville street, o'connell bridge, citizen army, liberty hall, henry street, nelson's pillar, post office, arnott's, abbey street, ruins, hotel metropole, the rising, easter uprising, easter rebellion, o'connell, chatham family archive, chatham, holmes, ireland, dublin, uprising, sackville street, o'connell bridge, citizen army, liberty hall, henry street, nelson's pillar, post office, arnott's, abbey street, ruins, hotel metropole, the rising, easter uprising, easter rebellion, o'connell

This book is a replica of a booklet printed in the United Kingdom. In 1848, when it was published in London as a guide to prospective emigrants, 23,904 people left the United Kingdom for the Australian colonies and New Zealand. In 1847, with the failure of potato crops threatening famine in Ireland and growing political unrest at home, the British Government had once again encouraged emigration by offering free passage to candidates of 'good character'. Immigration, particularly by the labouring classes, was intended to relieve both the overburdened Mother Country and the colonies which had acute labour shortages. The booklet gives some history of each colony as well as the sale of lands, mines and mining, produce, the price of living, wages and, generally, the situation. The emigrant's friend, or authentic guide to South Australia including Sydney: Port Phillip, or Australia Felix: Western Australia, or Swan River Colony: New South Wales: Van Dieman's Land: and New Zealand. Reprint. Reader's Digest Services Pty Limited; Surrey Hills (NSW); 1974. 40 p. Soft cover. australia; colonies; settlement; nsw; port phillip; western australia; south australia; van dieman's land; new zealand; emigration; immigration;

Parnell was an Irish nationalist and statesman who led the fight for Irish Home Rule in the 1880s. Charles Stewart Parnell was born on 27 June 1846 in County Wicklow into a family of Anglo-Irish Protestant landowners. He studied at Cambridge University and was elected to parliament in 1875 as a member of the Home Rule League (later re-named by Parnell the Irish Parliamentary Party). His abilities soon became evident. In 1878, Parnell became an active opponent of the Irish land laws, believing their reform should be the first step on the road to Home Rule. In 1879, Parnell was elected president of the newly founded National Land League and the following year he visited the United States to gain both funds and support for land reform. In the 1880 election, he supported the Liberal leader William Gladstone, but when Gladstone's Land Act of 1881 fell short of expectations, he joined the opposition. By now he had become the accepted leader of the Irish nationalist movement. Parnell now encouraged boycott as a means of influencing landlords and land agents, and as a result he was sent to jail and the Land League was suppressed. From Kilmainham prison he called on Irish peasants to stop paying rent. In March 1882, he negotiated an agreement with Gladstone - the Kilmainham Treaty - in which he urged his followers to avoid violence. But this peaceful policy was severely challenged by the murder in May 1882 of two senior British officials in Phoenix Park in Dublin by members of an Irish terrorist group. Parnell condemned the murders. In 1886, Parnell joined with the Liberals to defeat Lord Salisbury's Conservative government. Gladstone became prime minister and introduced the first Irish Home Rule Bill. Parnell believed it was flawed but said he was prepared to vote for it. The Bill split the Liberal Party and was defeated in the House of Commons. Gladstone's government fell soon afterwards.(http://www.bbc.co.uk/history/historic_figures/parnell_charles.shtml, accessed 21 January 2014) The Irish National Land League (Irish: Conradh na Talún) was an Irish political organisation of the late 19th century which sought to help poor tenant farmers. Its primary aim was to abolish landlordism in Ireland and enable tenant farmers to own the land they worked on. The period of the Land League's agitation is known as the Land War. Within decades of the league's foundation, through the efforts of William O'Brien and George Wyndham (a descendant of Lord Edward FitzGerald), the 1902 Land Conference produced the Land (Purchase) Act 1903 which allowed Irish tenant farmers buy out their freeholds with UK government loans over 68 years through the Land Commission (an arrangement that has never been possible in Britain itself). For agricultural labourers, D.D. Sheehan and the Irish Land and Labour Association secured their demands from the Liberal government elected in 1905 to pass the Labourers (Ireland) Act 1906, and the Labourers (Ireland) Act 1911, which paid County Councils to build over 40,000 new rural cottages, each on an acre of land. By 1914, 75% of occupiers were buying out their landlords, mostly under the two Acts. In all, under the pre-UK Land Acts over 316,000 tenants purchased their holdings amounting to 15 million acres (61,000 km2) out of a total of 20 million acres (81,000 km2) in the country. Sometimes the holdings were described as "uneconomic", but the overall sense of social justice was undeniable. (http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Irish_National_Land_League, accessed 21 January 2014) The Irish National Land League was founded at the Imperial Hotel in Castlebar, the County town of Mayo, on 21 October 1879. At that meeting Charles Stewart Parnell was elected president of the league. Andrew Kettle, Michael Davitt, and Thomas Brennan were appointed as honorary secretaries. This united practically all the different strands of land agitation and tenant rights movements under a single organisation. The two aims of the Land League, as stated in the resolutions adopted in the meeting, were: ...first, to bring out a reduction of rack-rents; second, to facilitate the obtaining of the ownership of the soil by the occupiers. That the object of the League can be best attained by promoting organisation among the tenant-farmers; by defending those who may be threatened with eviction for refusing to pay unjust rents; by facilitating the working of the Bright clauses of the Irish Land Act during the winter; and by obtaining such reforms in the laws relating to land as will enable every tenant to become owner of his holding by paying a fair rent for a limited number of years. Charles Stewart Parnell, John Dillon, Michael Davitt, and others including Cal Lynn then went to America to raise funds for the League with spectacular results. Branches were also set up in Scotland, where the Crofters Party imitated the League and secured a reforming Act in 1886. The government had introduced the first ineffective Land Act in 1870, then the equally inadequate Acts of 1880 and 1881 followed. These established a Land Commission that started to reduce some rents. Parnell together with all of his party lieutenants, including Father Eugene Sheehy known as "the Land League priest", went into a bitter verbal offensive and were imprisoned in October 1881 under the Irish Coercion Act in Kilmainham Jail for "sabotaging the Land Act", from where the No-Rent Manifesto was issued, calling for a national tenant farmer rent strike which was partially followed. Although the League discouraged violence, agrarian crimes increased widely. Typically a rent strike would be followed by evictions by the police, or those tenants paying rent would be subject to a local boycott by League members. Where cases went to court, witnesses would change their stories, resulting in an unworkable legal system. This in turn led on to stronger criminal laws being passed that were described by the League as "Coercion Acts". The bitterness that developed helped Parnell later in his Home Rule campaign. Davitt's views were much more extreme, seeking to nationalise all land, as seen in his famous slogan: "The land of Ireland for the people of Ireland". Parnell aimed to harness the emotive element, but he and his party preferred for tenant farmers to become freeholders on the land they rented, instead of land being vested in "the people".(http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Irish_National_Land_League, accessed 21 January 2014)Image of bearded man known as Charles Stewart Parnellballarat irish, parnell, charles parnell, home rule

Daniel O’Connell was born near Cahirciveen, Co. Kerry, on 6 August 1775. His wealthy childless uncle adopted him at an early age and brought him up at Derrynane. He spoke Irish and was interested in the traditional culture of song and story still strong in Kerry at the time. He also understood how the rural mind worked which served him well in later years. In 1791 he was sent to school at St. Omer and Douai and what he saw there of the French Revolution left him with a life-long hatred of violence. He read law at Lincoln’s Inn (1794 -96) and continued his studies in Dublin where he was called to bar in 1798. He had soon built up an enormous practice. The 1798 rising and the terrible butchery that followed it confirmed his horror of violence. While he approved of the principles of the United Irishmen, their call for reform and for Catholic Emancipation, he disagreed with their methods. In 1815 O’Connell criticised harshly the Dublin corporation. O’Connell was challenged to a duel by one member D’Esterre. In the exchange of shots D’Esterre was killed and O’Connell vowed never to fight again. O’Connell was soon drawn into political action. Hopes of Catholic emancipation had been raised by promises given while the act of union was being passed. In 1823, O’Connell founded the Catholic Association. The aim of the organisation was to use all the legal means available to secure emancipation. It turned into a mass crusade with the support of the Catholic clergy. All members of the association paid a membership of a penny a month (the Catholic rent). This helped to raise a large fund. The Clare election in 1828 was a turning point. O’Connell, with the support of the forty-shilling freeholders, managed a huge victory against the government candidate. He was well supported by the clergy whose influence on the poor uneducated peasant class was enormous. The polling took place in Ennis at the old courthouse where the O’Connell monument now stands. At the final count, O’Connell was elected by a majority of about eleven hundred votes. The ascendancy party had suffered its first big knock since 1798. The whole country was aflame. The British Government feared a rising and granted Catholic emancipation in April 1829. The franchise was, however, raised to 10 pounds which excluded the forty-shilling freeholders. O’Connell was now the undisputed leader in Ireland and he gave up his practice at the bar to devote his time entirely to politics. At the King’s insistence, O’Connell was not allowed to take his seat until he had been re-elected for Clare. In February 1830, O’Connell became the first Catholic in modern history to sit in the House of Commons. For the rest of his life, he was supported by “The O’Connell Tribute”, a public collection out of which O’Connell paid all his expenses. O’Connell now decided to concentrate on winning repeal of the act of union and getting an Irish parliament for the Irish people. British political leaders feared repeal as they did not fear emancipation. They saw repeal of the Act of Union as the first step in the break-up of the act of union, as the spirit of the repeal movement was revived when the young Ireland writers wrote about it in the Nation. In 1841, O’Connell was elected Lord Mayor of Dublin and in 1843 the subscriptions to his Repeal Association, the Repeal “Rent” came to 48,400 pounds. He now began to organise monster meetings throughout the country. It is thought that three-quarters of a million people gathered on the hill of Tara to hear the man they called the “Liberator”. The government became alarmed at the strength of the Repeal Movement and a meeting which O’Connell had planned for 8 October 1843 in Clontarf, Dublin was banned. Huge crowds were already on their way when O’Connell called off the meeting to avoid the risk of violence and bloodshed. He was charged with conspiracy, arrested and sentenced to a year in jail and a fine of 2,000 pounds. The sentence was set aside after O’Connell had been three months in prison. When he was released he continued with his campaign for repeal. However, a turning point had been reached. The tactics that had won emancipation had failed. O’Connell was now almost seventy, his health failing and he had no clear plan for future action. There was discontent within the Repeal Association and the Young Irelanders withdrew. There was also some failure in the potato crop in the 1840’s, a sign of things to come in the Great Famine of 1845-1847. Aware of the fact that he had failed with his great goal, (the Repeal Movement), O’Connell left Ireland for the last time in January 1847. He made a touching speech in the House of Commons in which he appealed for aid for his country. In March, acting on the advice of his doctor, he set out to Italy. Following his death in Genoa on 15 May 1847, his body was returned to Ireland and buried in Glasnevin Cemetery. [http://www.clarelibrary.ie/eolas/coclare/people/daniel.htm, accessed 13/12/2013]Portrait of a man known as Daniel O'Connell.ballarat irish, daniel o'connell, o'connell

Queen Victoria was born at Kensington Palace, London, on 24 May 1819. She was the only daughter of Edward, Duke of Kent, the fourth son of George III. Her father died shortly after her birth and she became heir to the throne because the three uncles who were ahead of her in the succession - George IV, Frederick Duke of York, and William IV - had no legitimate children who survived. Warmhearted and lively, Victoria had a gift for drawing and painting; educated by a governess at home, she was a natural diarist and kept a regular journal throughout her life. On William IV's death in 1837, she became Queen at the age of 18. Queen Victoria is associated with Britain's great age of industrial expansion, economic progress and, especially, empire. At her death, it was said, Britain had a worldwide empire on which the sun never set. In the early part of her reign, she was influenced by two men: her first Prime Minister, Lord Melbourne, and then her husband, Prince Albert, whom she married in 1840. Both men taught her much about how to be a ruler in a 'constitutional monarchy, in which the monarch had very few powers but could use much influence. Albert took an active interest in the arts, science, trade and industry; the project for which he is best remembered was the Great Exhibition of 1851, the profits from which helped to establish the South Kensington museums complex in London. Her marriage to Prince Albert produced nine children between 1840 and 1857. Most of her children married into other Royal families in Europe. Edward VII (born 1841), married Alexandra, daughter of Christian IX of Denmark. Alfred, Duke of Edinburgh and of Saxe-Coburg and Gotha (born 1844) married Marie of Russia. Arthur, Duke of Connaught (born 1850) married Louise Margaret of Prussia. Leopold, Duke of Albany (born 1853) married Helen of Waldeck-Pyrmont. Victoria, Princess Royal (born 1840) married Friedrich III, German Emperor. Alice (born 1843) married Ludwig IV, Grand Duke of Hesse and by Rhine. Helena (born 1846) married Christian of Schleswig-Holstein. Louise (born 1848) married John Campbell, 9th Duke of Argyll. Beatrice (born 1857) married Henry of Battenberg. Victoria bought Osborne House (later presented to the nation by Edward VII) on the Isle of Wight as a family home in 1845, and Albert bought Balmoral in 1852. Victoria was deeply attached to her husband and she sank into depression after he died, aged 42, in 1861. She had lost a devoted husband and her principal trusted adviser in affairs of state. For the rest of her reign she wore black. Until the late 1860s she rarely appeared in public; although she never neglected her official Correspondence, and continued to give audiences to her ministers and official visitors, she was reluctant to resume a full public life. She was persuaded to open Parliament in person in 1866 and 1867, but she was widely criticised for living in seclusion and quite a strong republican movement developed. Seven attempts were made on Victoria's life, between 1840 and 1882 - her courageous attitude towards these attacks greatly strengthened her popularity. With time, the private urgings of her family and the flattering attention of Benjamin Disraeli, Prime Minister in 1868 and from 1874 to 1880, the Queen gradually resumed her public duties. In foreign policy, the Queen's influence during the middle years of her reign was generally used to support peace and reconciliation. In 1864, Victoria pressed her ministers not to intervene in the Prussia-Denmark war, and her letter to the German Emperor (whose son had married her daughter) in 1875 helped to avert a second Franco-German war. On the Eastern Question in the 1870s - the issue of Britain's policy towards the declining Turkish Empire in Europe - Victoria (unlike Gladstone) believed that Britain, while pressing for necessary reforms, ought to uphold Turkish hegemony as a bulwark of stability against Russia, and maintain bi-partisanship at a time when Britain could be involved in war. Victoria's popularity grew with the increasing imperial sentiment from the 1870s onwards. After the Indian Mutiny of 1857, the government of India was transferred from the East India Company to the Crown, with the position of Governor-General upgraded to Viceroy, and in 1877 Victoria became Empress of India under the Royal Titles Act passed by Disraeli's government. During Victoria's long reign, direct political power moved away from the sovereign. A series of Acts broadened the social and economic base of the electorate. These acts included the Second Reform Act of 1867; the introduction of the secret ballot in 1872, which made it impossible to pressurise voters by bribery or intimidation; and the Representation of the Peoples Act of 1884 - all householders and lodgers in accommodation worth at least £10 a year, and occupiers of land worth £10 a year, were entitled to vote. Despite this decline in the Sovereign's power, Victoria showed that a monarch who had a high level of prestige and who was prepared to master the details of political life could exert an important influence. This was demonstrated by her mediation between the Commons and the Lords, during the acrimonious passing of the Irish Church Disestablishment Act of 1869 and the 1884 Reform Act. It was during Victoria's reign that the modern idea of the constitutional monarch, whose role was to remain above political parties, began to evolve. But Victoria herself was not always non-partisan and she took the opportunity to give her opinions, sometimes very forcefully, in private. After the Second Reform Act of 1867, and the growth of the two-party (Liberal and Conservative) system, the Queen's room for manoeuvre decreased. Her freedom to choose which individual should occupy the premiership was increasingly restricted. In 1880, she tried, unsuccessfully, to stop William Gladstone - whom she disliked as much as she admired Disraeli and whose policies she distrusted - from becoming Prime Minister. She much preferred the Marquess of Hartington, another statesman from the Liberal party which had just won the general election. She did not get her way. She was a very strong supporter of the Empire, which brought her closer both to Disraeli and to the Marquess of Salisbury, her last Prime Minister. Although conservative in some respects - like many at the time she opposed giving women the vote - on social issues, she tended to favour measures to improve the lot of the poor, such as the Royal Commission on housing. She also supported many charities involved in education, hospitals and other areas. Victoria and her family travelled and were seen on an unprecedented scale, thanks to transport improvements and other technical changes such as the spread of newspapers and the invention of photography. Victoria was the first reigning monarch to use trains - she made her first train journey in 1842. In her later years, she became the symbol of the British Empire. Both the Golden (1887) and the Diamond (1897) Jubilees, held to celebrate the 50th and 60th anniversaries of the Queen's accession, were marked with great displays and public ceremonies. On both occasions, Colonial Conferences attended by the Prime Ministers of the self-governing colonies were held. Despite her advanced age, Victoria continued her duties to the end - including an official visit to Dublin in 1900. The Boer War in South Africa overshadowed the end of her reign. As in the Crimean War nearly half a century earlier, Victoria reviewed her troops and visited hospitals; she remained undaunted by British reverses during the campaign: 'We are not interested in the possibilities of defeat; they do not exist.' Victoria died at Osborne House on the Isle of Wight, on 22 January 1901 after a reign which lasted almost 64 years, then the longest in British history. Her son, Edward VII succeeded her. She was buried at Windsor beside Prince Albert, in the Frogmore Royal Mausoleum, which she had built for their final resting place. Above the Mausoleum door are inscribed Victoria's words: "Farewell best beloved, here, at last, I shall rest with thee, with thee in Christ I shall rise again." Source: https://www.royal.uk/queen-victoria This picture captures Queen Victoria in her later years. It may well have been painted to commemorate her Golden Anniversary in 1887, or her Diamond Anniversary in 1897.Picture, print, reproduction of a drawing or photograph of Queen Victoria. She is wearing a dark-coloured dress, white headdress and a diamond necklace and earrings. On her left shoulder is the Royal Order of Victoria and Albert, awarded to female members of the British Royal Family and female courtiers. There are four grades or classes of this Royal Order as well as the Sovereign's Badge, which is exclusive to her. Also across her left shoulder, is a blue riband representing the Order of the Garter. The picture is in a medium-coloured timber frame with a white string across the width at the rear. The label says it was framed by Hoy Art, Warrnambool. The signature of the Queen is on the picture but is not obvious since the picture has been re-framed."HOY ART / PICTURE FRAMING / 48 Kepler St, Warrnambool 3280 / Phone (055) 62 8022" Signature (hidden by new framing) "Victoria H.R.S."flagstaff hill, warrnambool, shipwrecked-coast, flagstaff-hill, flagstaff-hill-maritime-museum, maritime-museum, shipwreck-coast, flagstaff-hill-maritime-village, picture of queen victoria, queen victoria, the royal order of victoria and albert, the order of the garter, hoy art

William Rutledge [born 1806, Ireland] was a self-made, larger-than-life man who involved himself prominently in business, municipal, political, community and social aspects of life. Eldest son of James and Martha [nee Forster], William arrived in Australia from Ireland in 1829 and within six years had sufficiently established himself to purchase land in New South Wales. He married Eliza Kirk in Sydney in august 1840. They had two sons and five daughters. In 1843 he began his association and life in Port Fairy and soon became prominent and influential in almost all aspects of that developing town. His interests encompassed mercantile, civic, pastoral, shipping, importing, exporting, immigration, politics and social aspects with in the district and colony. He was a major contributor to the building of St John’s Anglican Church, Port Fairy. He acquired three special surveys with historical importance in Victoria. In south west Victoria that interest being especially the Farnham Survey of 5120 acres between Dennington and Tower Hill/Killarney. This was farmed by immigrant tenant and lessee farmers, some of whom were brought to the Australia at William Rutledge’s own expense and by whom he was considered a kind and considerate landlord. His endeavours were not without failures and in 1862 his Port Fairy Company failed with debts of over £170,000. This debt was redeemed in full within a year. According to reported accounts, William Rutledge had a tempestuous manner with an “explosive” temper, although he did not hold grudges. This is countered by accounts of his kindness, generosity, honesty and practical, progressive outlook in all his undertakings. After the failure and closure of his Company, William Rutledge moved to his property at Farnham Park near Warrnambool where he concentrated his interest in breeding sheep and horses. Throughout his life his home was reputed to be convivial and hospitable. William Rutledge died at Farnham Park on June 1st, 1876. William Rutledge's place in the history of settlement in south west Victoria gives importance to this memorial.Stained glass window, south wall, main nave, depicting Jesus bearing the Cross. The background is quite floral. A medallion shape holds the title as printed on a ribbon: "By thy cross and passion good Lord deliver us".In Latin: In Memoriam Gulielmi Rutledge qui A.D. MDCCCVI underimo ante Kal: Feb: natus vitam posuit/ Kal: Jun: MDCCCLXXVI Filae amantissimae hanc fenestram pietatis indirio posueruntrutledge, william rutledge, farnham survey, port fairy, christ church warrnambool

Maroon coloured cloth covered spine and cardboad covers. Text in gold.lord russell of killowen, political history, social history

ir Charles Gavan Duffy KCMG, Irish-Australian nationalist, journalist, poet and politician, was the 8th Premier of Victoria and one of the most colourful figures in Victorian political history. The suburb of Duffy in the Australian Capital Territory is named after him.(Wikipedia)Image of Charles Gavin Duffy. young ireland, charles gavin duffy, premier of victoria, gavin duffy

Michael Davitt was born in Straide, County Mayo, on March 25th 1846 at the height of the Great Famine. He was the second of five children born to Martin and Catherine Davitt. At the tender age of four Michael and his family were evicted from their home and forced to emigrate to Haslingden, Lancashire, England. At the age of eleven while working in a cotton mill, Davitt had his arm so badly maimed in an accident that it had to be amputated. At sixteen, while working for the local postmaster, he began evening classes in Irish history at the Mechanic's Institute. It was at this time that his thoughts began to turn to politics and he joined the Fenian movement in England. The Fenians Joining the Fenians in 1865 he rose through the ranks to become organising secretary for England and Scotland but was arrested in 1870 for arms smuggling and sentenced to fifteen years penal servitude. After seven years he was released on a ticket of leave.(http://www.museumsofmayo.com/davitt1.htm, accessed 21 January 2014)Images of a bearded man known as Michael Davitt. He is writing at a large table in a large room with chandelier. ballarat irish, davitt, michael davitt

McCarthy, JUSTIN, Irish politician, journalist, novelist, and historian, b. at Cork, November 22, 1830; d. at Folkestone, England, June 24, 1912. He was the son of Michael McCarthy, and was educated at a private school in his native city. At the age of eighteen he obtained a position on the literary staff of the "Cork Examiner". In 1853 he went to Liverpool as a journalist; in 1860 became Parliamentary reporter of the London "Morning Star", which he edited later (1864-68). From 1868 till 1871 he lectured with great success throughout the United States of America and was one of the assistant editors of the New York "Independent". On his return to England he contributed frequently to the "Nineteenth Century", the "Fortnightly Review", and the "Contemporary Review", and for many years was leader writer for the London "Daily News". From 1879 till 1896 he was a member of the British Parliament, representing the Irish constituencies of County Longford, Derry City, and North Longford. In November, 1880, he joined the Irish Land League, which won so many victories for the Catholic peasantry; two years later he became chairman of the National Land and Labor League of Great Britain. In 1886 he revisited the United States. From 1890 till 1896 he was chairman of the Irish Parliamentary party in succession to Parnell, having previously been vice-chairman for many years. His courtesy and moderation won him the respect of all parties in Parliament. Though participating so actively in the political life of Ireland, McCarthy took more interest in letters than in politics. His first novel, "The Waterdale Neighbors", appeared in 1867, and was followed by about twenty others, many of which are still popular. Of these the chief are: "Dear Lady Disdain" (1875); "A Fair Saxon" (1873); "Miss Misanthrope" (1877) and "The Dictator" (1893). Other publications were: "Con Amore", a volume of essays (1868), and biographies of Sir Robert Peel (1891), Leo XIII (1896), and Gladstone (1897). McCarthy's popularity as a writer depends rather on his historical writings, which are always lucid, forceful, and wonderfully free from party spirit. Of these works the most important are: "History of our own Times" (7 vols., London, 1879-1905), dealing with the events from the year 1830 to the death of Queen Victoria and supplemented by "Reminiscences of an Irishman" (1899); "A short History of our own Times" (1888); "The Epoch of Reform, 1830-1850" (London, 1874); "History of the Four Georges" (4 vols., 1884-1901), of which vols. 3 and 4 were written in collaboration with his son, Justin Huntly McCarthy well-known as a novelist and play-writer; "Ireland and her Story" (1903); "Modern England" (1899); "Rome in Ireland" (1904). Failing health and old age could not induce McCarthy to lay down his pen, and even as late as November, 1911, he published his "Irish Recollections", describing with his wonted charm the events of his earlier life. He was an ardent advocate of Catholic rights, and, though he had been indifferent for many years, in his old age he returned to the practices of his religion. A.A. MACERLEAN [http://oce.catholic.com/index.php?title=Justin_McCarthy, accessed 3/12/2013]Image of a bearded man wearing glasses. He is Justin McCarthy, M.P.ballarat irish, justin mccarthy, cork

The Easter Rising also known as the Easter Rebellion, was an armed insurrection in Ireland during Easter Week in April 1916. The Rising was launched by Irish republicans against British rule in Ireland with the aim of establishing an independent Irish Republic while the United Kingdom was fighting the First World War. It was the most significant uprising in Ireland since the rebellion of 1798 and the first armed conflict of the Irish revolutionary period. Sixteen of the Rising's leaders were executed starting in May 1916. The nature of the executions, and subsequent political developments, ultimately contributed to an increase in popular support for Irish independence.The Six Days' of Rebellion in Dublin - Photo album type book with story of the rebellions and original photos of the damage inflicted on the streets of Dublin. Published by Eason and Sons Ltd., Dublin and Belfast.Inside the front cover: To Pa love from ??. The buildings are shown just as they are at present - I have seen them all. Ireland 1/11/18history, irish rebellion, rebellion in dublin

Index, bib, p.298.non-fictionPart 1 of a 3-part series, the Green Flag, which traces the rise of Irish Nationalism. The focus of this volume, Strongbow - the Great Famine, charts the development of the Irish nationalist impulse.ireland - politics and government, ireland - history - 19th century

p.116.non-fictionThis account of the Easter Rising was first published in October 1916. The text has not been revised thus it retains the sense of immediacy that makes it one of the classic works of the period.ireland - history - dublin, ireland - politics

Index, p.355.non-fictionTerence Brown traces the development of modern Ireland through a juxtaposition of key topics - nationalism, industrialisation, religion, language revival and censorship with an assessment of the major literary and artistic advances achieved during the same era.ireland - social life and customs, ireland - politics and government

Index, ill,notes, p.408.non-fictionThis book examines evidence of political killings in Cork, Ireland, between 1921 and1922.ireland - civil war - 1921-22, ireland - history and politics

Index, bib, p.223.non-fictionA useful summary of militant activity and a corrective to the conventional orthodoxy which would almost completely dismiss the social dimension of the Irish revolution.labour movement - ireland - history, political activity - working class - ireland

p.192.non-fictionAn account of an incident which occurred in County Cork between IRA and British Forces in 1921.ireland - politics and history, irish republican army

Index, plates, ill., bib, p.177.non-fictionUlick O'Connor's account of his own and his family involvement in the turbulent and violent events which occurred in Ireland during the period, 1912-1922.ireland - politics and government, ireland - history 1912-1922

Four Lever Arch folders relating to the Anglo-Irish lawyer Henry Cuthbert. .1) Henry Cuthbert politics and Victorian Legislative Council (includes information on 'representative Government in Victoria 1851-1993 by Ian McLaren; Charles Gavan Duffy in Australia by J.E. Parnaby; image of Henry Cuthbert from the Australasian Sketcher -Also John Gavan Duffy John Madden, Duncan Gillies, J.G. Francis, R.S. Anderson, James Service, Robert Clark, Thomas Bent, Robert Ramsay. George B. Kerford) .2) Henry Cuthbert Memberships and Affiliations, Freemasons, UFS Dispensary, Yarrowee Lodge NO 10, Ballarat Base Hospital, Ballarat Central Bowling Club, Ballarat Fine Art Gallery, Ballarat Mecahnics' Institute, Ballarat School of Mines, Ballarat Observatory, Ballarat Benevolent Asylum, Ballarat Gas Company, Ballarat Orphanage .3) Henry Cuthbert - Ireland .4) Henry Cuthbert family information and biographies and photographslawyers, legal, dianne campbell goldfields lawyers collection, ireland, irish, anglo-irish, henry cuthbert, solicitor-general, william collard smith, duncan gillies, victorian legislative council, federal convention, melbourne club, the rest is history, the rest is history by dorothy wickham, ballarat orphanage, ballarat orphan asylum, ballarat gas company, annie cuthbert, john headon cuthbert, john bryan cuthbert, emma cuthbert, anna cuthbert, john cuthbert, tom cuthbert, robert cuthbert, family history, genealogy

This work is from a series centred around the Chinese proverb “to hold a book in one’s hand is to hold a house of gold” in which the artist positions himself within sites of colonial power. Set within the National Wool Museum gallery, the artist references the pose of an exhausted shearer after a long day of arduous labour. However he is reclining while reading The Fire Stick by Wulla Merrii, a novel set against the 1891 Queensland Shearer’s Strike, questioning cultural stereotypes and how they pertain to concepts of work and leisure. Dressed in sub fusc, his official uniform as an Oxford scholar, Thompson is a defiant intellectual challenging past and continued misperceptions of First Nations people, while embracing both the intersections of his identity and his ancestral heritage. Dr Christian Thompson AO is a Bidjara man of the Kunja Nation with Irish and Chinese heritage. His practice spans across video, photography, sculpture, textiles, performance and sound, evolving through a process of auto – ethnography. While employing various modes of research, he connects his own experience to larger social, political, cultural meanings and understandings. His doctoral research and art practice has had a critical impact on International and Australian art, making global history as one of the first Australian Indigenous students at Oxford University. In 2018 he was made an Officer of the Order of Australia for distinguished services to the visual arts and as a role model to young indigenous artists in the Queen’s Birthday honours list.Framed photograph showing a man dressed in an academic gown, laying on their back holding a book. The setting is a reconstructed shearing shed, inside the galleries of the National Wool Museum.dr christian thompson, first nations, artwork, photography, oxford, heritage, national wool museum