1/28media, media bays, nursery

Black and white photograph of the Media Bays in the Nursery. September 1942. 2/6media bays, e. m. gibson collection, nursery

Galway Bay was a hit around the world for the American singer Bing Crosby in the late 1940s. Crosby was very popular in Australia and had planned to visit Australia in 1949.The phonograph disc record was the primary medium used for music reproduction until late in the 20th century, replacing the phonograph cylinder record—with which it had co-existed from the late 1880s through to the late 1920s. Records were still the most popular media even when new formats such as compact cassette were mass-marketed. By the late 1980s, digital media, in the form of the compact disc, had gained a larger market share, and the vinyl record left the mainstream in 1991. This item is representative of the music popular in the mid 20th century.Double sided black disc with a single central hole. A side is Galway Bay. B side is My Girl's An Irish Girl. Both are vocal with orchestra by Bing Crosby. On the central label is Y6121 and detailed information of the maker, Columbia Gramophone Company (Aust)., in gold print on black background.Pressed - WL4583T20Aphonogram-record vinyl crosy-bing music-irish

Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerPhotograph crowds gathering on June 16 on the streets of Causeway Bay before an estimated 2 million people take part in march protesting the government's push for extradition laws to China and demanding an apology from the chief executrive Carrie Lam. Nearly 2 million’ people take to streets, forcing public apology from Hong Kong leader Carrie Lam as suspension of controversial extradition bill fails to appease protesters. (https://www.scmp.com/news/hong-kong/politics/article/3014737/nearly-2-million-people-take-streets-forcing-public-apology )carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, protest, protestors

Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerPhotograph of a crowd or protestors against proposed extradition laws gathering on the streets of Causeway Bay, Hong Kong, leading down to the gathering area. carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, protest, protestors

This photograph is part of the Caulfield Historical Album 1972. This album was created in approximately 1972 as part of a project by the Caulfield Historical Society to assist in identifying buildings worthy of preservation. The album is related to a Survey the Caulfield Historical Society developed in collaboration with the National Trust of Australia (Victoria) and Caulfield City Council to identify historic buildings within the City of Caulfield that warranted the protection of a National Trust Classification. Principal photographer thought to be Trevor Hart, member of Caulfield Historical Society. Most photographs were taken between 1966-1972 with a small number of photographs being older and from unknown sources. All photographs are black and white except where stated, with 386 photographs over 198 pages. Glen Eira Heritage Management Plan 1996 by Andrew Ward https://www.gleneira.vic.gov.au/media/4777/heritage_mment_plan_vol_3b.pdf (as of 27/01/2021) - p90 An imposing single storeyed Italianate bi-chromatic brick villa with three staged tower surmounting the entry and facetted corner bay with conical roof. White tuckpointed black body bricks are relieved with reds and stucco work. Gable ends are fretted and there is a concave cast iron verandah to the principal elevations.Victorian Heritage Database (as of 27/10/2020) - HO49 225 North Road Caulfield South https://vhd.heritagecouncil.vic.gov.au/places/42426 "Maniar" (?) is a substantial late Victorian Italianate villa with tower and extensive grounds built for Frederick Curwan, an inspector of the National Bank, in 1890. It is aesthetically and historically important. An imposing single storeyed ltalianate bi-chromatic brick villa with three staged tower surmounting the entry and facetted comer bay with conical roof. White tuckpointed black body bricks are relieved with reds and stucco work. Gable ends are fretted and there is a concave cast iron verandah to the principal elevations. It is aesthetically important as an imposing and substantially intact villa residence demonstrating the changing architectural fashions of the 1890's, evidenced by the use of face brickwork and fretted gables in the Queen Anne manner. It is historically important for the manner in which it demonstrates the lifestyle to which a businessman could aspire during the boom period.Page 150 of Photograph Album with four landscape photographs of Fairfield Hall on North Road.Handwritten: "Fairfield Hall" 225 North Rd cnr Younger Ave [top right] / 150 [bottom right]trevor hart, jenny o'donnell, verandah, porch, tower house, tower, mansion, three storey tower, bichromatic brickwork, fairfield hall, 1890's, george jobbins, conical roofed projecting corner bay, conical roofed bay, timber ceilings, north road, younger avenue, frederick wallis curwan, curwan, italianate, queen anne, australian homestead, arched windows, curved windows, columned parapet, return verandah, fairfield estate, fairfield street, slate roofed, red brick, polychrome bricks, victorian style, cast iron work, caulfield south, maniar, house names

Produced by Robert Frost of Alfred Street for use in Bay Street informational stalls by Port Melbourne 'Residents' Picket Group' against the SCDC Bayside development, 1988Large black display board with captions of environmental information connected by string to points on an aerial photo of Port Melbourne/Fishermen's Bend; indicates sources of contamination in Port Melbourne and on the bend.public action campaigns, environmental issues, town planning - proposals shelved - bayside, fishermans bend, industry - manufacturing, robert frost, residents picket group, british petroleum group, elders ixl, glazebrook paints, csiro, state electricity commission

Donated by Barbara GARDINER, daughter of William HEGARTY, centre. This strong team, founded before WWI, later served as PMFC seconds and provided many top players to PMFC. By 1925 Railway United were effectively the PMFC Seconds and were referred to in the media as Port Melbourne Junior Football Club although the Railway United name remained in use locally for many years. The Victorian Junior Football Association (VJFA) had been split into two sections. Section B consisted of teams associated with senior clubs playing in the Victorian Football Association (VFA) with unaligned teams making up Section A. Finals were played between the top teams in each section and then the two winners (premiers) played off in a final match to determine which club won the John Wren Shield as premier of the VJFA. 1925: Port Melbourne 12.11.83 def Williamstown 6.12.48 at Yarraville on 5 Sep 1925 to claim the B Section premiership. In the challenge match for the John Wren Shield played at the Motordrome, 3 Oct 1925, Yarraville 10.15.75 def Port Melbourne 5.10.40.Laserprint copy of Port Melbourne Railway United Football Club photo, 1925 Premiers; football held by Bill HEGARTY, centresport - australian rules football, william (bill) hegarty, port melbourne railway united football club, bill wilson snr, bill wilson, len rainbow, allen summers, bill barnett, bill rosewarne, les bolman, mick bragg, jock bolman, port melbourne junior football club, george (chudda) bolman

Displayed at History HouseTinted photo. Baths with blue roof in foreground. Fisherman's Wharf in background, Long Pier, Railway Pier, and Cypress Trees along Bentinck Street. Telegraph Poles along Street. Truck carrying bales. Mounted on cardboard.Front: Panorama of Portland, Victoria (Length of Ocean Pier, 2880 ft).

© Anna Lanyon , Carmel Wallace 2004. Apart from any fair dealing for the purposes of private study, research, criticism or review permitted under the Copyright Act, no text, image or part thereof may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted in any form, without prior written permission from the authors.This suite of etchings explores the natural and social history of Fawthrop Lagoon, an ancient intertidal lagoon that lies at the heart of Portland on the far south-west coast of Victoria, Australia. The work records and interprets essential moments in the life of the lagoon, the plants, birds, insects, water-creatures and humans who have lived and continue to live around its shores. A suite of seven mixed media artworks each piece framed. Each piece is unique and is labelled as A/P (Artists Proof) Text: Anna Lanyon Images: Original etchings printed by Carmel Wallace at Portland Bay Press Victoria Australia 2004 Medium: Etching with chine collé Paper: Blue Lake (Australia) 100% cotton rag 600gsmfawthrop lagoon, portland, victoria, australia, plants, birds, insects, water, creatures, humans

This item was donated by Pte Thomas Robert Loughridge (3791468) who did National Service with the Royal Australian Infantry Corps. He served in Vietnam with the 1st Battalion, The Royal Australian Regiment from March 1968 to Feb 1969.A Copy of Thomas Loughridge's account of his time in the Vietnam War. See media files for more information.pte thomas robert loughridge, 3791468, australian national serviceman, royal australian infantry corps, 1st battalion, the royal australian regiment, document, conscription, puckapunyal, infantry training, singleton, 6 rar, holsworthy, 1 rar, canungra, shoal water bay, hmas sydney, m60 machine gun, nui dat, kangaroo pad, fire support base - coral, saigon, phuoc tuy province, tet offensive, b company, killed in action, wounded in action, "dust off", centurion tanks, 3 rar, viet cong killed, vung tau ferry, malaria, welcome home parade 1987, pte bevan maxwell trimble, 3791291, coral/balmoral, anzac

Bay Chapel won the Bendigo Pacing Cup on the 11 January 1977, followed by Purple Para and Gallagher. Bay Chapel owned by Mr & Mrs J Hussey Jnr, was trained by RV Knight, driven by V Knight. Bay Chapel raced from 1973 (2yo) through to 197 (8yo). Career: 23 wins 14 seconds 17 thirds 132 starts. Refer to Identifier 15.035 (Media) for Full Career Performance Record.Two colour photographs, one small one large in a white frame. At the top: Bendigo Trotting Club 11-1-77/ Bendigo Pacing Cup At the bottom: Left corner: Distance 2615 metres/ Mile rate 2.5.3/5 /Track Record / Greg Matthews Photo Centre: Bay Chapel (Chapel Chief - Princess Del) / Purple Para 2nd / Gallagher 3rd Right corner: Owned by- Mr & Mrs J Hussey Jnr/ Trained by RV Knight/ Driven by - V Knightbendigo harness racing club, horses, race, winner, bendigo trotting club, pacing cup, driver, trainer, owner, 1977, bay chapel, rv knight, mr & mrs j hussey jnr, purple para, gallagher, vj knight, vin knight, bob knight