This photograph was taken in August, 1938, some eight years prior to the establishment of Mt. Beauty a a township. The area was still being used for grazing, and the land was eventually acquired from the local land owners by the State Electricity Commission. The construction of the road, from Tawonga to the High Plains, was commenced in April, 1938 and this photograph was taken August, 1938. This allowed men and heavy equipment to be transported to the work sites for the construction of the Kiewa Hydro Electric Scheme. Prior to this access was by bridle trail, either on horse back or on foot. By 1946 housing construction had commenced for the new town of Mt. Beauty and by 1948 street construction in the southern part of the town was completed as far as Hill Street.This photograph is important as it shows the upper Kiewa Valley as it was before the establishment of the town of Mt. Beauty. The land has been cleared of natural vegetation to allow grazing of cattle. Black and white photograph of grazing farmland with one animal standing in the paddock. The area could possibly be where the golf course now stands with the road to the high plains not yet commenced.Handwritten in the upper left hand corner 'Kiewa 25/8/38'. The number 7 has been stamped in the upper right hand corner. It is part of a set of 8 photographs. On the back are the words Velox repeated several times, indicating the type of photographic papergrazing, kiewa, mt. beauty, secv

This photograph was taken in august, 1938 some eight years prior to the establishment of Mt. Beauty as a township. The area was still being used for grazing cattle and the land was eventually acquired from the local land owners by the State Electricity Commission. The construction of the road, from Tawonga to the High Plains, was commenced in April of 1938. This allowed men and heavy equipment to be transported to the work sites for the construction of the Kiewa Hydro Electric Scheme. Prior to this access was by bridle trail, either on horse back or by foot. By 1946 housing construction had commenced for the new town of Mt. Beauty and by 1948 street construction in the southern part of the town was completed as far as Hill Street.This is an important photograph as it shows the upper Kiewa Valley and the site for Mt. Beauty as it was before the establishment of the town. The land has been cleared of natural vegetation and used for grazing cattle.Black and white photograph of farmland, cattle in the distance, hills in the backgroundHandwritten in the upper left hand corner, in black ink, 'Kiewa 25/8/38'. The number 8 has been stamped in the upper right hand side of the photograph. On the back have been stamped the words Velox, indicating the type of photographic paper.kiewa, mt. beauty, construction, grazing, secv

This pair of "adjustable" boots came from the 1950's era in which the majority of footwear was either locally manufactured or imported from England or Europe. Quality hard wearing leather was a rural necessity especially for the cattle mustering activity in the Kiewa Valley and the Bogong High Plains region. The late 1900's provided a cheaper made riding boot from Asia, however many rural based riders still prefer an Australian made boot. The better quality (stronger stitching) of Australian boots is the main considerations of "stock horse riders". In 1947 a scientific research project started to provide an impact analysis of any damage to alpine vegetation by cattle grazing in the Alpine regions incorporating the Bogong High Plains area. This monitoring is the longest running ecological study ever undertaken in Australia. From this study, compelling evidence was presented to the Victorian Government to cease cattle grazing in the Alpine regions including the Bogong High Plains. All grazing was banned by the Victorian Government in 2005. Recreational horse riding within the Bogong High Plains is still permitted.These pair of women's riding boots are very significant to the Kiewa Valley as the boots were worn by one of the descendants of a pioneer family living and operating a cattle station before the SEC Hydro Electricity Scheme opened up the semi remote rural location in the 1950's. These boots were worn during the annual six weeks (approx.) mustering of cattle in the Bogong High Plains location (Victorian Alps region). The owner of these boots was Clare Roper, part of the Roper Family who built a "lodging" hut on the "High Plains" for accommodating riders during the periods (up to six weeks) when controlling grazing cattle during the summer muster seasons. It was unusual for women in the early to mid 1900's to go up on the High Plains to join the muster, which Clare Roper often did. These boots have high historical significance and good interpretive capacity.These brown "knee high" lady riding boots, are fastened by long "boot" laces which go from the base of the "fastening" position to a boot height of 22 cm. At the top end of the boot is a leather flap which crosses the front section of the boot and is fastened to the outside leg region by two straps. These provide the wearer with an adjustable tie. The boot has a "tongue" of 22 mm long. The boot has six pairs of metal boot lace "hooks" and eight pairs of boot lace "eyelets".ladies riding boots. cattle mustering footwear. rural footwear. cattlemen. bogong high plains. roper family. horses.

This stock horse saddle was probably used in the mid 1900's. This was the period when cattle mustering was at its prime. The movement of cattle was by mounted stock horse only and not by other methods. Northern territory cattle stations in the late 1900's started to use helicopters for "cattle control". In the KIEWA Valley/Bogong High Plains and other rural cattle producing areas required well trained stock horses and stockmen for cattle control. It is only in the later 1900's that motor bikes and four wheeled quad-bikes have taken over, in part, from the mounted stockman.This horse saddle is very significant to the Kiewa Valley because of the early introduction of cattle stations in what initially was regarded as a semi remote location. The maintenance of cattle in the Kiewa Valley is and was an important requirement. A good stock horse saddle as and is important, especially during the period when cattle were grazed on the Bogong High Plains. The mustering and and moving cattle from the valley pastures to the high country was a demanding and dangerous exercise requiring "sure footed" stock horses.The "good" saddle was a vital part of this cattle mustering. A scientific study started in 1947 to study the impact of grazing cattle on the natural Alpine and sub Alpine vegetation found grazing cattle had an adverse affect on the natural Alpine and sub alpine vegetation, and grazing on the plains was stopped by the Victorian Government in 2005.This "camp draft" in the High Plains could take up to six weeks.This all leather "stock horse" saddle shows plenty of wear. It is in "full harness" configaration with stirrups and leg protectors horse, country, leather, gaiters, high, grazing, cattlemen, laces, studs

This type of cast iron kettle was used by pioneer families, mainly rural in the early 1900's upon open fires (log). It covered rural activities that needed a constant readily available source of boiling water, in or mainly outside the kitchen of homesteads. This kettle was used in the early to late 1900's for the refreshment of stock men and farmers that had irregular "tea" breaks under sometimes hard and gruelling conditions.This kettle belonged to and was used by a Kiewa Valley, pioneer family, the Roper Family. This kettle was moved from their Kiewa Valley property to their hut built on the Bogong High Plains. The Bogong High Plains area provided Kiewa Valley cattlemen a good supply of fodder to supplement their Kiewa Valley grazing areas. This "camp draft" activity , in the high plains, could take up to six weeks.This large cast iron modified camp pot (cauldron) has a long tap connection located at the bottom end. The "tap" is made from brass and has a simple elongated "bar" control swivel at the end to control the water flow. The tap suggests that only water was heated (to a constant boil) for the replenishment of cattlemen's, or other horse rider's, tea or coffee mugs. Refreshments at a "temporary" location on the Bogong High Plains. There was a "log" hut built by the Roper family as temporary accommodation for cattlemen and other family members.Ot the flat bottom "FIRST QUALITY 2 GALLONS"camp fire cooking utensils, hot plate, cast iron cooking appliance, drovers kitchen

These horse shoes (one a stock horse and one a draft horse) were probably used in the mid 1900's. They have been roughly made suggesting that a professional blacksmith was not instrumental in their manufacture. On smaller or remote cattle stations either the lead stock man or owner would "fire up" the kiln to provide the adjustments required to the horse shoe to ensure a "tight" fit. The larger cattle stations had a "professional" blacksmith to cover all their "working" horses. Larger properties eg.large Northern territory cattle stations use helicopters for "cattle control".These horse shoes are very significant to the Kiewa Valley because of the early introduction of cattle stations in what initially was regarded as a semi remote location. The maintenance of horses hooves is an important requirement, especially during the period when cattle were grazed on the Bogong High Plains. The mustering and and moving cattle from the valley pastures to the high country was a demanding and dangerous exercise requiring "sure footed" stock horses. A scientific study started in 1947 to study the impact of grazing cattle on the natural Alpine and sub Alpine vegetation found grazing cattle had an adverse affect on the natural Alpine and sub alpine vegetation, and grazing on the plains was stopped by the Victorian Government in 2005.This "camp draft" in the High Plains could take up to six weeks.Both these horse shoes have been "roughly" made but are specifically made for the type of horse which wore them. The smaller of the two is for the stock horse/riding horse and the lager one is for the larger draft horse. Each horse type has a specific role to play in the the type of activity it was used for. The small horse shoe has six "nail" holes for attachment to the horse hoof by special nails. The larger shoe has seven "nail" holes. Both have the three quarter moon shape which fits the curvature of the horses hooves. working horses, bogong high plains camp draft, grazing cattle bogong high plains

This stock horse bridle was probably used in the mid 1900's. This was the period when cattle and sheep mustering was at its prime. The movement of cattle and sheep was by mounted stock horse only and not by other methods. Northern territory cattle stations in the late 1900's started to use helicopters for "cattle control". In the KIEWA Valley/Bogong High Plains and other rural cattle/sheep producing areas required well trained stock horses and stockmen for cattle/sheep control. It is only in the later 1900's that motor bikes and four wheeled quad-bikes have taken over, in part, from the mounted stockman.This horse bridle is very significant to the Kiewa Valley because of the early introduction of cattle and sheep stations in what initially was regarded as a semi remote valley location. The maintenance of cattle and sheep in the Kiewa Valley was, and still is an important requirement of livestock management. A good stock horse bridle is important, especially during the period when cattle and sheep were grazed on the Bogong High Plains. The mustering and and moving cattle/sheep from the valley pastures to the high country was a demanding and dangerous exercise requiring "sure footed" stock horses.The "good specialised" bridle was a vital part of this cattle/sheep mustering. A scientific study started in 1947 to study the impact of grazing cattle/sheep on the natural Alpine and sub Alpine vegetation found grazing cattle had an adverse affect on the natural Alpine and sub alpine vegetation, and grazing on the plains was stopped by the Victorian Government in 2005.This "camp draft" on the Bogong High Plains could take up to six weeks.This harness bridle includes "blinders, winklers or blinkers" and would therefore be used on a pack or "working" horse. This bridle has rings on each end of the browband. The bridle is one used by a horse working in a team configuration pulling a heavy cart or wagon. The bridle has ten adjustable straps to allow it to accommodate a variety of horse sizes. See KVHS 0495 for a stock horse saddle.horse, country, leather bridle, gaiters, high country grazing, cattlemen, laces, studs

These wooden trees for riding stocks are a concept that was brought to early colonial days from "mother" England. Gentle folk of wealth and status used these trees from early 1800's to keep and maintain their riding boots in their correct form. This form of maintaining the tall riding boot structure was maintained in Australia by the rural "elite" both on cattle properties and smaller cattle stations in the early 1900's. Good riding boots were a status symbol in rural and outback Australia. The riding stocks "wooden trees" are very significant in the Kiewa Valley because they were used by members of some of the original grazing cattle families to settle there. Both cattle and sheep properties occupied large areas of the Kiewa Valley and they also herded their flock and herd on the Bogong High Plains region. These stocks and boots were worn by Fred Roper whose great grand daughter donated them to KVHS. Therefore these boots and stocks would date from 1880's to 1920's and are a good representation of the style of boots worn during this period. This pair of wooden stocks for riding boots trees has been manufactured to a very high standard. Each of the four boot tree parts fit snugly together and maintain their form, and that of the boot that they occupy. The groove channels and foot forms (tongue and groove) are exact and once snapped together become very solid. There is a brass ring, attached by a small brass "peg" on each of the thin "sliding" middle uprights. See KVHS 0177 - Riding boots.On top "L" (for left boot), "R" (for right boot)horse. country. leather. gaiters. high plains. grazing. cattlemen. laces. studs. stocks. roper family. bogong high plains.

This Pie Iron was used in the mid to late 1900's when stock, both cattle and sheep, were grazed on the Bogong High Plains. Providing meals for stockmen over open fires, even in log cabins in the Victorian Alpine region, was usually by a "camp cook" or a stockman designated "cook" from the Valley station/property. The use of "camping cooking utensils were a necessity and not a "weekend" affair. Stockmen could spend up to six weeks on the plains and all their cooking needs required had to "pack horsed" from the valley below. A scientific study started in 1947, to study the impact of grazing cattle on the natural Alpine and sub Alpine vegetation found grazing cattle had an adverse affect on the natural Alpine and sub alpine vegetation, and grazing on the plains was stopped by the Victorian Government in 2005.This item is highly significant to the Kiewa Valley as it demonstrates the kind of cooking utensils that were required for camp drafts in the Bogong High Plains environment. As the control of cattle and sheep in the High Plains was very demanding upon horse and rider, good "tucker" was a pre- requisite for a successful operation. As the time spent in this remote location was governed by the climatic condition maximum utilisation of the very good pastures in the High Plains was crucial to a successful and profitable season.This pie iron has two pie forms in horizontal configuration and both top and base rounded forms are connected at one end (Top) with pop rivet application. This application allows for the "opening" up of the two halves. The bodies are made from cast iron in a "cup" form and a metal rod and wooden handle extend to permit the opening of the two sides. The inner side of the "cups" are smooth which relates to pie requirements and not the jaffle/sandwich irons. A clasp metal "D" ring is installed at the end of one wooden handle (to keep the iron in the close/cooking position).camp fire cooking utensils, hot plate, cast iron cooking appliances, pie irons, jaffle irons, drovers kitchen

Cattle were taken up to the High Pains during Summer for grazing on the farmer's lease.Coloured photo of Cattle being driven along a dirt road. In the foreground are two dogs and a man on a horse. droving cattle, roper family

Cattlemen from the Kiewa Valley had huts up on the High Plains. Each Summer they would take their cattle up to the High Plains for grazing.Coloured photo of a Cattleman riding along a bush track and followed by a packhorse. cattlemen, pack horses

These gaiters where used circa 1800's to mid 1900's, by horse riders "cattle men" to protect their shins and long trousers against wear and tear. They were used rather than having expensive boots damaged. Gaiters were a lot easier to fasten and clean than boots. They were used in the Kiewa Valley and the High Plains grazing areas.These gaiters were part of a cattleman's "out fit". The Gaiters were easily cleaned and did away with expensive riding boots. They were used throughout the valley and high plains areas both by horse riders herding cattle and the recreational rider of both sexes. After the 1950s more recreational riders from Melbourne ventured onto the high plains and not so rugged mountain slopes. Small settlements such as Mount Beauty, Bogong village and Falls Creek provided a secure backdrop for short term horse back adventures. The increasing pressure of city life provided a greater flow of stressed out city dweller to find the peace and quiet that city life does not have. Horse riding preceded the modern trail bikes and other recreational vehicles of the late 1900s. Thick leather tapered gaiters with six metal Hooks and Leather lacing through metal eyelets. All bar two eyelets have a metal reinforced punch holes. Left gaiter missing most of lacing.horse, country, leather, gaiters, high, grazing, cattlemen, laces, studs

These long handled "Blacksmith" tongs were used in the late 1800's to mid 1900's by a blacksmith(or others) within the Kiewa Valley. During these times blacksmiths would regularly visit "remote" rural properties and work on any "hard to manufacture" items. A few properties had either stockmen,farm hands, or owners able to do "minor" blacksmith work. The ability to undertake blacksmith functions was sometimes "by necessity" handled by a local "jack of all trades" person. During this period however demand for rural based blacksmiths was very high. The rural store, however was usually very small and many "off" the shelf rural appliances and apparatus available in the larger rural towns were not available to the semi remote rural areas.This long handled shaped nipper tongs is very significant to the Kiewa Valley because it represents one of the essential mores relating to isolated rural regions as was the Kiewa Valley at this period in time (1800's to mid 1900's). This "ingrained " more was the ability to achieve anything that was required to maintain a living standard or survival in a remote grazing, mining and farming region. The remoteness was due to the small population, poor transport routes and flood prone roads winding through the lower lying flat plains of the Kiewa Valley. Any blacksmith work whilst grazing Cattle on the Bogong High Plains or any part of the Kiewa Valley, had to be done in situ. The part of the "culture" of this regions was that of "self help" either from within the family or from a friendly neighbour.Long handled blacksmith's tongs. The handles are rusted and painted orange. The nippers have one central fixing and are flat edged.tools, blacksmith, horses, trades

These long handled "V" shaped tongs were used late 1800's to mid 1900's by a blacksmith within the Kiewa Valley. During these times blacksmiths would regularly visit "remote" rural properties and work on any "hard to manufacture" items. A few properties had either stockmen,farm hands, or owners able to do "minor" blacksmith work. The ability to undertake blacksmith functions was sometimes "by necessity" handled by a local "jack of all trades" person. During this period however demand for rural based blacksmiths was very high. The rural store, however was usually very small and many "off" the shelf rural appliances and apparatus available in the larger rural towns were not available to the semi remote rural areas.This long handled "V" shaped nipper tongs is very significant to the Kiewa Valley because it represents one of the essential mores relating to isolated rural regions as was the Kiewa Valley at this period in time. This "ingrained " more was the ability to achieve anything that was required to maintain a living standard or survival in a remote grazing, mining and farming region. The remoteness was due to the small population, poor transport routes and flood prone roads and lower flat plains of the Kiewa Valley. Any blacksmith work whilst grazing Cattle on the Bogong Plains had to be done in situ.Long handled tongs with "V" shaped ends on the nippers (used by blacksmiths)I.T.O.C.tools, blacksmith, horses, wrought iron tools

This blacksmith's hammer was an integral tool used by cattle property "blacksmith's" for the maintenance of horse shoes and the manufacture/alterations and repair of any other metal item required by the property. Self sufficiency was the key element to the success of a cattle property especially in semi isolated rural areas(early Kiewa Valley) and the larger the property ie. stock holding the greater the need..This blacksmith's hammer would not only have been used on the cattle property of the pioneer family (the Ropers) in the earlier part of the 1900s but also up in the Bogong High Plains grazing region to maintain the constant refurbishment/maintenance of horse shoes and other metal items. Depending on each property's requirement for blacksmith's service, one from the larger property could have serviced all the valley's requirements.Large blacksmith's hammer has a handle of twisted iron encircling 19 cm. hammer head. It has a round striking end and a wedge shaped punch end.V.B. [in dots ]tools, horses, punch, blacksmiths

The artefact is a damaged brass cow bell recovered from the 1878 shipwreck of the LOCH ARD near Port Campbell. It was raised by Flagstaff Hill divers in 1973 and is in storage at the Maritime Village. The LOCH ARD was constructed on the Clyde in 1873 for the prestigious Loch Line of colonial clipper ships, designed for the Australian run. She sailed from England on 1 March 1878 carrying 37 crew, 17 passengers and a diverse general cargo ranging from luxury items to bulk railway iron. On 1 June 1878, emerging from fog and hearing too late the sound of breakers against the tall limestone cliffs, the vessel struck the southern foot of Mutton Bird Island and sank in 23 metres of water. Of the fifty-four people on board only two survived, one young male crewman and one young female passenger. A century later, despite the pounding seas and the efforts of looters, the wreck site continued to provide ample evidence of the extraordinary range of goods being imported into the Colony of Victoria in the post-Gold Rush era. Flagstaff Hill divers in the 1970s reported finds of “Bottles of champagne, window panes, rolls of zinc, barrels of cement, iron rails, clocks, lead shot, corrugated iron, lead, marble, salad oil bottles, ink bottles, copper wire, gin bottles, rolls of carpet, floor tiles, copper rivets, gas light fittings, pocket knives, toys, crystal chandeliers, beer mugs, cutlery, candles sticks, wick scissors, cow bells, and sauce bottles.” From this array of objects on the ocean floor emerged the humble brass cow bell. Cow bells were common to colonial agriculture and transport, used wherever animals were turned out to graze overnight and had to be rounded up again next morning. Bells were fastened around the necks of household milking cows, domestic goats, bullock teams, horse teams, and camel teams, to help find them in the pre-dawn light. Station shepherds and cattle drovers also used them to warn of any disturbances to their flocks and herds overnight. The bells were a necessary item in a largely unfenced continent. So important, that Anthony Mongon began making his pot-bells at Yackandandah from 1861, August Menneke produced the “Wagga Pot” from 1867, and Samuel Jones started manufacturing his distinctively shaped “Condamine Bell” in 1868. However, these deeply resonant Australian bells were made from iron — Mongon and Jones were blacksmiths who simply beat old pitsaw blades into shape. Few genuinely brass cow bells were made here, the vast majority being imported from Britain where the industry of brass founding was already well established. (Some bells were also imported from the United States, but these too were nearly all of iron).This bell is historically significant as typical of a cow bell used by farmers and herdsmen in Colonial Victoria. It was included in the cargo of the Loch Ard. Its significance is increased by being one of a collection of artefacts recovered by the Flagstaff Hill Divers from the wreck of the Loch Ard in the early 1970s. Items that come from several wrecks along Victoria's coast have also been recovered for Flagstaff Hill Maritime Village’s museum collection under a Government permit, illustrating this item’s level of historical value. The cow bell is also significant for being part of Flagstaff Hill’s collection of artefacts from LOCH ARD, which is significant for being one of the largest collections of artefacts from this shipwreck in Victoria. It is significant for its association with the shipwreck, which is on the Victorian Heritage Register (VHR S417). The collection is significant because of the relationship between the objects, as together they have a high potential to interpret the story of the LOCH ARD. The LOCH ARD collection is archaeologically significant as the remains of a large international passenger and cargo ship. The LOCH ARD collection is historically significant for representing aspects of Victoria’s shipping history and its potential to interpret sub-theme 1.5 of Victoria’s Framework of Historical Themes (living with natural processes). The collection is also historically significant for its association with the LOCH ARD, which was one of the worst and best-known shipwrecks in Victoria’s history.Cow bell; a small brass bell, blunt-wedge shaped. The sides expand outwards from the smaller rectangular roof of the bell to a larger open rectangle or bell mouth. The handle, now missing, was fixed in two places at the top. A neat half-circle piece has been cut from the base on a long edge. Recovered from the wreck of the Loch Ard.flagstaff hill, warrnambool, shipwrecked coast, flagstaff hill maritime museum, maritime museum, shipwreck coast, flagstaff hill maritime village, great ocean road, loch line, loch ard, eva carmichael, mutton bird island, loch ard gorge, brass cow bell, colonial cow bells, 1878 shipwreck, shipwreck artefact, flagstaff hill divers, cow bell

The artefact is a damaged brass cow bell recovered from the 1878 shipwreck of the LOCH ARD near Port Campbell. It was raised by Flagstaff Hill divers in 1973 and is in storage at the Maritime Village. The LOCH ARD was constructed on the Clyde in 1873 for the prestigious Loch Line of colonial clipper ships, designed for the Australian run. She sailed from England on 1 March 1878 carrying 37 crew, 17 passengers and a diverse general cargo ranging from luxury items to bulk railway iron. On 1 June 1878, emerging from fog and hearing too late the sound of breakers against the tall limestone cliffs, the vessel struck the southern foot of Mutton Bird Island and sank in 23 metres of water. Of the fifty-four people on board only two survived, one young male crewman and one young female passenger. A century later, despite the pounding seas and the efforts of looters, the wreck site continued to provide ample evidence of the extraordinary range of goods being imported into the Colony of Victoria in the post-Gold Rush era. Flagstaff Hill divers in the 1970s reported finds of “Bottles of champagne, window panes, rolls of zinc, barrels of cement, iron rails, clocks, lead shot, corrugated iron, lead, marble, salad oil bottles, ink bottles, copper wire, gin bottles, rolls of carpet, floor tiles, copper rivets, gas light fittings, pocket knives, toys, crystal chandeliers, beer mugs, cutlery, candles sticks, wick scissors, cow bells, and sauce bottles.” From this array of objects on the ocean floor emerged the humble brass cow bell. Cow bells were common to colonial agriculture and transport, used wherever animals were turned out to graze overnight and had to be rounded up again next morning. Bells were fastened around the necks of household milking cows, domestic goats, bullock teams, horse teams, and camel teams, to help find them in the pre-dawn light. Station shepherds and cattle drovers also used them to warn of any disturbances to their flocks and herds overnight. The bells were a necessary item in a largely unfenced continent. So important, that Anthony Mongon began making his pot-bells at Yackandandah from 1861, August Menneke produced the “Wagga Pot” from 1867, and Samuel Jones started manufacturing his distinctively shaped “Condamine Bell” in 1868. However, these deeply resonant Australian bells were made from iron — Mongon and Jones were blacksmiths who simply beat old pitsaw blades into shape. Few genuinely brass cow bells were made here, the vast majority being imported from Britain where the industry of brass founding was already well established. (Some bells were also imported from the United States, but these too were nearly all of iron).This bell is historically significant as typical of a cow bell used by farmers and herdsmen in Colonial Victoria. Its significance is increased by being one of a collection of artefact recovered by the Flagstaff Hill Divers from the wreck of the Loch Ard in the early 1970s. Items that come from several wrecks along Victoria's coast have also been recovered for Flagstaff Hill Maritime Village’s museum collection under Government permit, illustrating this item’s level of historical value. The cow bell is also significant for being part of Flagstaff Hill’s collection of artefacts from LOCH ARD, which is significant for being one of the largest collections of artefacts from this shipwreck in Victoria. It is significant for its association with the shipwreck, which is on the Victorian Heritage Register (VHR S417). The collection is significant because of the relationship between the objects, as together they have a high potential to interpret the story of the LOCH ARD. The LOCH ARD collection is archaeologically significant as the remains of a large international passenger and cargo ship. The LOCH ARD collection is historically significant for representing aspects of Victoria’s shipping history and its potential to interpret sub-theme 1.5 of Victoria’s Framework of Historical Themes (living with natural processes). The collection is also historically significant for its association with the LOCH ARD, which was one of the worst and best known shipwrecks in Victoria’s history.A small brass cow bell, in poor condition. It is blunt-wedge shaped. The sides expand outwards from the smaller rectangular roof of the bell to a larger open rectangle or bell mouth. A handwritten label is attached to the bel. Recovered from the wreck of the Loch Ard.Label text "["10/6/73, Brass Cow Bell, LOCH ARD, Found in the sandy hole in the centre of the wreck site. Cow bells were part of the cargo" - "10/6/73, LOCH ARD, small brass cow bell salvaged by FHMV divers"]. "LOCH ARD / PETER RONALD"flagstaff hill, warrnambool, shipwrecked coast, flagstaff hill maritime museum, maritime museum, shipwreck coast, flagstaff hill maritime village, great ocean road, loch line, loch ard, eva carmichael, mutton bird island, loch ard gorge, brass cow bell, colonial cow bells, 1878 shipwreck, shipwreck artefact, flagstaff hill divers

Research is still being carried out regarding the inscription on this bell. Perhaps it was used for horses during the war. It may have been a souvenir or perhaps just a political statement, similar to 'Buy Australian'. Cow bells were common to colonial agriculture and transport, used wherever animals were turned out to graze overnight and had to be rounded up again next morning. Bells were fastened around the necks of household milking cows, domestic goats, bullock teams, horse teams, and camel teams, to help find them in the pre-dawn light. Station shepherds and cattle drovers also used them to warn of any disturbances to their flocks and herds overnight. The bells were a necessary item in a largely unfenced continent. So important, that Anthony Mongon began making his pot-bells at Yackandandah from 1861, August Menneke produced the “Wagga Pot” from 1867, and Samuel Jones started manufacturing his distinctively shaped “Condamine Bell” in 1868. However, these deeply resonant Australian bells were made from iron — Mongon and Jones were blacksmiths who simply beat old pitsaw blades into shape. Few genuinely brass cow bells were made here, the vast majority being imported from Britain where the industry of brass founding was already well established. (Some bells were also imported from the United States, but these too were nearly all of iron).This bell is historically significant as typical of a cow bell used by farmers and herdsmen in Colonial Victoria. Cow bell, brass, topless pyramid shape, inverted "U" shaped pin attached. Pin and clapper are iron. Bell is embossed on sides. Embossed "ADVANCE / VICTORIA" and "WWI"flagstaff hill, warrnambool, shipwreck coast, flagstaff hill maritime museum, flagstaff hill maritime village, maritime museum, great ocean road, cow bell, horse bell, bell smith, vintage bell, farmer, shepherd, drover, stock bell, brass bell, advance australia, wwi

The artefact is a brass cow bell recovered from the 1878 shipwreck of the LOCH ARD near Port Campbell. It was raised by Flagstaff Hill divers in 1973 and is in storage at the Maritime Village. The LOCH ARD was constructed on the Clyde in 1873 for the prestigious Loch Line of colonial clipper ships, designed for the Australian run. She sailed from England on 1 March 1878 carrying 37 crew, 17 passengers and a diverse general cargo ranging from luxury items to bulk railway iron. On 1 June 1878, emerging from fog and hearing too late the sound of breakers against the tall limestone cliffs, the vessel struck the southern foot of Mutton Bird Island and sank in 23 metres of water. Of the fifty-four people on board only two survived, one young male crewman, Tom Pearce, and one young female passenger, Eva Carmichael. A century later, despite the pounding seas and the efforts of looters, the wreck site continued to provide ample evidence of the extraordinary range of goods being imported into the Colony of Victoria in the post-Gold Rush era. Flagstaff Hill divers in the 1970s reported finds of “Bottles of champagne, window panes, rolls of zinc, barrels of cement, iron rails, clocks, lead shot, corrugated iron, lead, marble, salad oil bottles, ink bottles, copper wire, gin bottles, rolls of carpet, floor tiles, copper rivets, gas light fittings, pocket knives, toys, crystal chandeliers, beer mugs, cutlery, candles sticks, wick scissors, cow bells, and sauce bottles.” From this array of objects on the ocean floor emerged the humble brass cow bell. Cow bells were common to colonial agriculture and transport, used wherever animals were turned out to graze overnight and had to be rounded up again next morning. Bells were fastened around the necks of household milking cows, domestic goats, bullock teams, horse teams, and camel teams, to help find them in the pre-dawn light. Station shepherds and cattle drovers also used them to warn of any disturbances to their flocks and herds overnight. The bells were a necessary item in a largely unfenced continent. So important, that Anthony Mongon began making his pot-bells at Yackandandah from 1861, August Menneke produced the “Wagga Pot” from 1867, and Samuel Jones started manufacturing his distinctively shaped “Condamine Bell” in 1868. However, these deeply resonant Australian bells were made from iron — Mongon and Jones were blacksmiths who simply beat old pitsaw blades into shape. Few genuinely brass cow bells were made here, the vast majority being imported from Britain where the industry of brass founding was already well established. (Some bells were also imported from the United States, but these too were nearly all of iron). This bell is historically significant as typical of a cow bell used by farmers and herdsmen in Colonial Victoria. Its significance is increased by being one of a collection of artefact recovered by the Flagstaff Hill Divers from the wreck of the Loch Ard in the early 1970s. Items that come from several wrecks along Victoria's coast have also been recovered for Flagstaff Hill Maritime Village’s museum collection under Government permit, illustrating this item’s level of historical value. The cow bell is also significant for being part of Flagstaff Hill’s collection of artefacts from LOCH ARD, which is significant for being one of the largest collections of artefacts from this shipwreck in Victoria. It is significant for its association with the shipwreck, which is on the Victorian Heritage Register (VHR S417). The collection is significant because of the relationship between the objects, as together they have a high potential to interpret the story of the LOCH ARD. The LOCH ARD collection is archaeologically significant as the remains of a large international passenger and cargo ship. The LOCH ARD collection is historically significant for representing aspects of Victoria’s shipping history and its potential to interpret sub-theme 1.5 of Victoria’s Framework of Historical Themes (living with natural processes). The collection is also historically significant for its association with the LOCH ARD, which was one of the worst and best known shipwrecks in Victoria’s history. Brass cow bell, flat-top pyramid shape, rectangular head, shoulders flare out to a rectangular mouth. The hanging yoke is missing. Noneflagstaff hill, warrnambool, shipwrecked-coast, flagstaff-hill, flagstaff-hill-maritime-museum, maritime-museum, shipwreck-coast, flagstaff-hill-maritime-village, loch ard, cowbell, great ocean road, loch line, captain gibbs, eva carmichael, tom pearce, glenample station, mutton bird island, loch ard gorge, cow bell, brass cow bell, shipwreck artefact, flagstaff hill divers, horse bell, bell smith, vintage bell, farmer, shepherd, drover, stock bell, brass bell

The artefact is a brass cow bell recovered from the 1878 shipwreck of the LOCH ARD near Port Campbell. It was raised by Flagstaff Hill divers in 1973 and is in storage at the Maritime Village. The LOCH ARD was constructed on the Clyde in 1873 for the prestigious Loch Line of colonial clipper ships, designed for the Australian run. She sailed from England on 1 March 1878 carrying 37 crew, 17 passengers and a diverse general cargo ranging from luxury items to bulk railway iron. On 1 June 1878, emerging from fog and hearing too late the sound of breakers against the tall limestone cliffs, the vessel struck the southern foot of Mutton Bird Island and sank in 23 metres of water. Of the fifty-four people on board only two survived, one young male crewman, Tom Pearce, and one young female passenger, Eva Carmichael. A century later, despite the pounding seas and the efforts of looters, the wreck site continued to provide ample evidence of the extraordinary range of goods being imported into the Colony of Victoria in the post-Gold Rush era. Flagstaff Hill divers in the 1970s reported finds of “Bottles of champagne, window panes, rolls of zinc, barrels of cement, iron rails, clocks, lead shot, corrugated iron, lead, marble, salad oil bottles, ink bottles, copper wire, gin bottles, rolls of carpet, floor tiles, copper rivets, gas light fittings, pocket knives, toys, crystal chandeliers, beer mugs, cutlery, candles sticks, wick scissors, cow bells, and sauce bottles.” From this array of objects on the ocean floor emerged the humble brass cow bell. Cow bells were common to colonial agriculture and transport, used wherever animals were turned out to graze overnight and had to be rounded up again next morning. Bells were fastened around the necks of household milking cows, domestic goats, bullock teams, horse teams, and camel teams, to help find them in the pre-dawn light. Station shepherds and cattle drovers also used them to warn of any disturbances to their flocks and herds overnight. The bells were a necessary item in a largely unfenced continent. So important, that Anthony Mongon began making his pot-bells at Yackandandah from 1861, August Menneke produced the “Wagga Pot” from 1867, and Samuel Jones started manufacturing his distinctively shaped “Condamine Bell” in 1868. However, these deeply resonant Australian bells were made from iron — Mongon and Jones were blacksmiths who simply beat old pitsaw blades into shape. Few genuinely brass cow bells were made here, the vast majority being imported from Britain where the industry of brass founding was already well established. (Some bells were also imported from the United States, but these too were nearly all of iron). This bell is historically significant as typical of a cow bell used by farmers and herdsmen in Colonial Victoria. Flagstaff Hill’s collection of artefacts from LOCH ARD is significant for being one of the largest collections of artefacts from this shipwreck in Victoria. It is significant for its association with the shipwreck, which is on the Victorian Heritage Register (VHR S417). The collection is significant because of the relationship between the objects, as together they have a high potential to interpret the story of the LOCH ARD. The LOCH ARD collection is archaeologically significant as the remains of a large international passenger and cargo ship. The LOCH ARD collection is historically significant for representing aspects of Victoria’s shipping history and its potential to interpret sub-theme 1.5 of Victoria’s Framework of Historical Themes (living with natural processes). The collection is also historically significant for its association with the LOCH ARD, which was one of the worst and best known shipwrecks in Victoria’s history. Cow bell, brass, covered in encrustation, handle missing from the top.flagstaff hill, warrnambool, shipwreck coast, flagstaff hill maritime museum, flagstaff hill maritime village, maritime museum, great ocean road, shipwreck artefact, loch ard, mutton bird island, glenample, eva carmichael, tom pearce, flagstaff hill divers, cow bell, horse bell, bell smith, vintage bell, farmer, shepherd, drover, stock bell, brass bell

James (Jim) Smith, (died 03/08/1974, aged 93 years) established an orchard growing snow apples in Happy Valley after returning from mining activities in South Africa. The orchard was called "Springdallah" and was beside the Linton/Happy Valley Road across from the old Happy Valley railway station. Jim was the son of George Henry Smith (18/12/1840 - 26/11/1903) and Emma Keys Smith born Keys (07/08/1842 - 28/08/1888). George and Emma left Liverpool with other unassisted immigrants on the "Bates Family" with baby Clara on 08/06/1863 arriving in Melbourne on 08/06/1863. George and Emma emigrated to Australia on the invitation of Emma's brother Edward Keys who owned a property near the school at Happy Valley on which there were two houses. Teddy offered George and Emma the smaller one to live in. When "Teddy" decided to go into hotel keeping George took over the 200 acres of his property and made it a pleasant orchard and garden called "Cress Green Gardens". George had various secretarial jobs - rate collector; paymaster at the mines; until he became Shire Secretary for the Shire of Grenville, whose centre was Linton and Government Auditor for Western Victoria (1894-1903), the means of transport being horse and buggy. Another son followed his father as Shire Secretary. George and Emma had 14 children, Emma dying giving birth to Emma Keys who lived for 16 months. George later married Annie Bolte with 2 more children being born. Annie later sold the property. The land was used for grazing and the two houses fell into disrepair. In 1995 George's grandson Ernest (Alf) Alfred Watson visited the site and reported a wrought iron gate at the site and a mulberry tree near the site of his grandmother's family home. Bluestone blocks can still be seen in the paddocks from the roadside. Jim Smith was the brother of Clara Emma Yung nee Smith.Sepia photo of two men and a girl. One of them is Jim Smith who established on orchard at Happy Valley. He also went to South Africa - mining activities. The orchard is now part of Clarkesdale Bird Sanctuary located at 360 Linton-Piggoreet Rd, Linton, Vic. 3360. Verso: Jim Smith South Africa (Mining) Established orchard halfway between Yendon and Happy Valley. Clara Emma's brother. [ Orchard established near Linton at Happy Valley.]jim smith, james smith, clara emma smith, happy valley, yendon, piggoreet, south africa, mining, orchard, edward keys, george henry smith, emma keys smith, clara emma yung, annie bolte, shire of grenville, clarkesdale bird sanctury

This brass cow bell was recovered from the wreck of the sailing ship ‘Loch Ard’ at Mutton Bird Island, near Port Campbell, Victoria, from late 1960s to early 1970s. Cow bells were listed as part of the cargo on board the Loch Ard. This bell is now part of the John Chance collection. Flagstaff Hill Maritime Village’s divers also recovered similar bells from the Loch Ard wreck in 1973. One of them was found in a sandy hole in the centre of the wreck site. All of the recovered cow bells are without their hangers. A bell of this size could have been used by horse or cattle teams. Cow bells were a common Colonial item. They were hung around the necks of grazing domestic cows and goats, bullock and horse teams, even camel teams so that they could be found again. Sheep and cattle drovers used them as a warning for night time disturbances such as wild animals. The maker of the cow bell, James Barwell, was a bell founder established in Birmingham, England, from 1784. In 1842 he acquired Fiddian’s firm of ‘Steam and Water’, keeping its name and stamping it on some of his products. According to his advertisement in the Exhibitors guide for the Church Congress of 1887, he made bells and fittings for churches and schools. He also made bells for cloches and chimes, and made tuned musical handbells. He repaired and reproduced bells, and he had a team of experienced ringers to “inspect towers and report upon the tone and condition of bells and fittings.” In 1903 he became incorporated as a Limited Company, ‘engineers’ and plumbers’ brasswork, and bell founders.’ In 1914 he advertised as ‘Cock and Bell Founders’, specialising in plumbing and engineering fittings, church bells, and “every description of hanging and hand bells.” Some of Barwell’s products were stamped with his maker’s mark (his initials J. B. either side of a cross entwined with a ‘B’ in an oval of oak leaves (for Birmingham)). James Barwell bells were no longer made after 1920. James Barwell was among makers who exported bells to the Australian colony from the 1860s. Early Australian iron animal bells were also made from the 1860s by blacksmiths such as Anthony Morgan from 1861, August Menneke from 1867, and Samuel Jones from 1868. Few brass bells were produced here in those times. This bell is historically significant as typical of a cow bell used by farmers and herdsmen in Colonial Victoria. Its significance is increased by being an artefact recovered by John Chance, a diver from the wreck of the Loch Ard and other wrecks in the late 1960s to early 1970s. Items that come from several wrecks along Victoria's coast have since been donated to the Flagstaff Hill Maritime Village’s museum collection by his family, illustrating this item’s level of historical value. The cow bell is also significant for being part of Flagstaff Hill’s collection of artefacts from LOCH ARD, which is significant for being one of the largest collections of artefacts from this shipwreck in Victoria. It is significant for its association with the shipwreck, which is on the Victorian Heritage Register (VHR S417). The collection is significant because of the relationship between the objects, as together they have a high potential to interpret the story of the LOCH ARD. The LOCH ARD collection is archaeologically significant as the remains of a large international passenger and cargo ship. The LOCH ARD collection is historically significant for representing aspects of Victoria’s shipping history and its potential to interpret sub-theme 1.5 of Victoria’s Framework of Historical Themes (living with natural processes). The collection is also historically significant for its association with the LOCH ARD, which was one of the worst and best known shipwrecks in Victoria’s history. Cow bell; heavy brass, flat top, pyramid shape, rectangular head, shoulders flare out to rectangular mouth. The head has two same-sized tooled holes for adding the hanging yoke. Inscription on top and one side. Encrustations are on the metal in places. The hanger and clapper are missing. Made by James Barwell of Birmingham.Stamped on the head "BARWELL / - - - / - - -- ING" [Perhaps BARWELL - - - BIRMING. Could size be in centre? 3 3/4 IN?] Stamped on side [motif] (undecipherable) flagstaff hill, warrnambool, flagstaff hill maritime museum, maritime museum, shipwreck coast, flagstaff hill maritime village, great ocean road, john chance, loch ard, mutton bird island, glenample, eva carmichael, tom pearce, james barwell, cow bell, horse bell, bell founder, bell smith, vintage bell, birmingham bell foundry, farmer, shepherd, drover, stock bell

The Sydenham gardens were set up in 1854 to provide an area of relaxation for diggers. A German, Mr Kraemer, made extensive plantings of ornamentals and fruit trees. The area expanded to 11 acres in 1865 and 25 acres in 1916. T O Hunter owned the gardens from about 1896 and initially it was used for many types of entertainment including, picnics, festivals and sporting events. It was situated off Holdsworth Road in what is now Jackass Flat. T O Hunter was a cordial manufacturer in Macrae Street, who was prominent in many sporting areas. He was President of the Bendigo Coursing Association and raced both dogs and horses. By the time he sold the gardens in 1936 to Mr Muir, he was using the gardens as grazing for his horses.Photograph: aerial view of Sydenham Gardens Estate Circa 1972 , as noted on photo Colour photo, A5 sizephoto sydenham gardens estate, aerial photo

Churchill Island Heritage Farm has a large photographic collection dating from the nineteenth century. This series showcases photographs taken in the 1930s and 1940s and shows people who lived and worked on the Island during the Jenkins period. Black and white photograph with white border of two small ponies grazing on hay in front of some machinery and trees. A man in shorts rides the pony on the right side. Digitised from a high resolution copy (original Polaroid is in poor and fragile condition)nilchurchill island, photograph, arthur evans, hay, tractor

Study of Winter's Swamp commissioned by BEN and completed by BHS. The swamp was named after one of the first European settlers in the district. Winter Swamp LAT -37 32 LONG 143 47, Parish of Dowling Forest, County of Grenville Winter Swamp, on the southwest corner of Ballarat West Town Common, was not included in the original proclamation of the Common in 1861. However, being marshland, it was not considered suitable for grazing, so was added to the Common soon after 1861. Winter Swamp is a large wetland with native and exotic pasture significant for wildlife. John Winter (Jock) was born in Berwickshire, Scotland. He married Janet Margaret Irving the daughter of Robert Irving, advocate, Bonshaw, Dumfries, Scotland. Winter died in Ballarat in 1875 and was buried at the Ballaarat Old Cemetery. He took up the run Bonshaw from 1841; Leigh River Buninyong 1842-46; Junction, Delatite, March 1851 to September 1862; with sons: Carag Carag and Corop, April 1857 to September 1872; Colbinabbin and Stewart’s Plains, April 1857 to December 1872; St Germains February 1867 to March 1871. (The name became Winter-Irving in 1890). Mr John Winter, who died on August 22 at the age of 72, was a man of some note it the mining community of Ballarat. He was a self-made man, and one of our oldest colonists, it being over a quarter of a century age since he took up county about Ballarat and settled at Bonshaw. He died very rich. It is calculated that if he had retained an interest in all his runs, his income must have been not less than £10,000 or £50,000 a year. Some eight or ten years ago he sold his Bonshaw pre-emption to the Bonshaw Gold mining Company for £20,000, and a few years later the ground belonging now to Winter's Freehold Company brought him £50,000 more, the payment being made at the requisition of the deceased in sovereigns. In these relations Mr. Winter has been closely identified with the mining industry at Ballarat. The deceased was a native of Lauder, in Berwickshire, and landed in Victoria several years before the gold discovery.The principle task of this project was the delivery of a report outlining the history of European settlement in the Skipton and Cardigan/Ballarat districts as pertinent to the use of and impact on the natural environment of the two reserves Skipton Common and Winter Swamp. The report was delivered in digital form only. The report, upon completion, was presented to the Network’s Committee in order to discuss the project. The report identified and described the uses of Skipton Common and Winter Swamp, and their impacts. In particular, this report examined farming/grazing (official and informal), mining, vegetation removal (including the removal of woodlands for timber, grasslands for pasture improvement) & use of riparian areas for access to water and timber removal. Recording the more benign and environmentally friendly uses such as picnicking, community activities, nature walks and the roles of organisations such as Field Naturalists’ and Bird Observers’ clubs, school and scout/guide groups will be relevant in helping to depict overall community attitudes towards the reserves; e.g.: has the Common generally been viewed as little more than a grazing paddock and fire hazard; has Winter Swamp always been the unknown natural asset that seems to have been its lot for at least the past 40 years? In this regard, the more contemporary history of actions surrounding the use and management of the reserves is of particular interest, in view of the extant evidence at both reserves; e.g. the actions of the Shire of Ballarat in the 1980s in establishing Winter Swamp as something of a competitor to Lake Wendouree but with a more environmental bent (although almost none of the plants used are indigenous species, but that is part of the story); the trotting track constructed on Skipton Common in the 1960s following representations to Premier Henry Bolte and the cropping of the western section of the Common to raise funds for the town’s new swimming pool, the fertilizing of the land putting an end to the native grassland vegetation. There are obviously multiple sources of information to source in preparing the report, however sources that the contractor is specifically requested to consult are the Skipton Historical Society, the former Skipton Common managers (specifically Graeme Pett), the Cardigan Windermere Landcare Group and the Learmonth Historical Society (believed to hold many of the former Shire of Ballarat’s records pertaining to the Council’s role as the Committee of Management for both Winter Swamp and the Ballarat West Town Common – Winter Swamp was split between 2 separate Crown Land tenures). The contractor is also encouraged but not required to utilise community newsletters, such as the Skipton Community Newsletter, to publicise and seek information about the project. Skipton Historical Society (Mary Bradshaw) contacted on Thursday 12 June 2.30pm. Mary lived on a farm out of Skipton but is currently living in the township. She remembers walking along the creek of the Common especially in spring and autumn in bare feet and that it was a very pretty place. There were a few snakes around the waterway in summer. People put cows and a couple of horses on the commonage to graze. Graeme Pett has always lived close to the Common and would know a lot about it. Other possible contacts would be Nicole Petress, Secretary of the Progress Association, and the Corangamite Council, Camperdown. Digital images of Winter's Swampwinter's swamp, ballarat, john winter, ballarat environmental network, mullawullah

The swamp was named after John (Jock) Winter. John Winter (Jock) was born in Berwickshire, Scotland. He married Janet Margaret Irving the daughter of Robert Irving, advocate, Bonshaw, Dumfries, Scotland. Winter died in Ballarat in 1875 and was buried at the Ballaarat Old Cemetery. He took up the run Bonshaw from 1841; Leigh River Buninyong 1842-46; Junction, Delatite, March 1851 to September 1862; with sons: Carag Carag and Corop, April 1857 to September 1872; Colbinabbin and Stewart’s Plains, April 1857 to December 1872; St Germains February 1867 to March 1871. (The name became Winter-Irving in 1890). Mr John Winter, who died on August 22 at the age of 72, was a man of some note it the mining community of Ballarat. He was a self-made man, and one of our oldest colonists, it being over a quarter of a century age since he took up county about Ballarat and settled at Bonshaw. He died very rich. It is calculated that if he had retained an interest in all his runs, his income must have been not less than £10,000 or £50,000 a year. Some eight or ten years ago he sold his Bonshaw pre-emption to the Bonshaw Gold mining Company for £20,000, and a few years later the ground belonging now to Winter's Freehold Company brought him £50,000 more, the payment being made at the requisition of the deceased in sovereigns. In these relations Mr. Winter has been closely identified with the mining industry at Ballarat. The deceased was a native of Lauder, in Berwickshire, and landed in Victoria several years before the gold discovery. BHS were commissioned by Ballarat Environment Network for a project on Winter's Swamp and Skipton Common. Winter's Swamp was part of Ballarat West Common. The principle task of this project was the delivery of a report outlining the history of European settlement in the Skipton and Cardigan/Ballarat districts as pertinent to the use of and impact on the natural environment of the two reserves Skipton Common and Winter Swamp. The report was delivered in digital form only. The report, upon completion, was presented to the Network’s Committee in order to discuss the project. The report identified and described the uses of Skipton Common and Winter Swamp, and their impacts. In particular, this report examined farming/grazing (official and informal), mining, vegetation removal (including the removal of woodlands for timber, grasslands for pasture improvement) & use of riparian areas for access to water and timber removal. Recording the more benign and environmentally friendly uses such as picnicking, community activities, nature walks and the roles of organisations such as Field Naturalists’ and Bird Observers’ clubs, school and scout/guide groups will be relevant in helping to depict overall community attitudes towards the reserves; e.g.: has the Common generally been viewed as little more than a grazing paddock and fire hazard; has Winter Swamp always been the unknown natural asset that seems to have been its lot for at least the past 40 years? In this regard, the more contemporary history of actions surrounding the use and management of the reserves is of particular interest, in view of the extant evidence at both reserves; e.g. the actions of the Shire of Ballarat in the 1980s in establishing Winter Swamp as something of a competitor to Lake Wendouree but with a more environmental bent (although almost none of the plants used are indigenous species, but that is part of the story); the trotting track constructed on Skipton Common in the 1960s following representations to Premier Henry Bolte and the cropping of the western section of the Common to raise funds for the town’s new swimming pool, the fertilizing of the land putting an end to the native grassland vegetation. There are obviously multiple sources of information to source in preparing the report, however sources that the contractor is specifically requested to consult are the Skipton Historical Society, the former Skipton Common managers (specifically Graeme Pett), the Cardigan Windermere Landcare Group and the Learmonth Historical Society (believed to hold many of the former Shire of Ballarat’s records pertaining to the Council’s role as the Committee of Management for both Winter Swamp and the Ballarat West Town Common – Winter Swamp was split between 2 separate Crown Land tenures). The contractor is also encouraged but not required to utilise community newsletters, such as the Skipton Community Newsletter, to publicise and seek information about the project. Skipton Historical Society (Mary Bradshaw) contacted on Thursday 12 June 2.30pm. Mary lived on a farm out of Skipton but is currently living in the township. She remembers walking along the creek of the Common especially in spring and autumn in bare feet and that it was a very pretty place. There were a few snakes around the waterway in summer. People put cows and a couple of horses on the commonage to graze. Graeme Pett has always lived close to the Common and would know a lot about it. Other possible contacts would be Nicole Petress, Secretary of the Progress Association, and the Corangamite Council, Camperdown. Mary can’t remember any photos in the Skipton Historical Society that pertain to the Common. Digital photos of Winter's swamp surrounds, later known as Mullawullah.winter, winter's swamp surrounds, winter's swap, john winter, ballarat environmental network, ballarat, mullawullah

During the desert campaign in World War One (1914-1918) when grazing was non existent the horses began eating their neck ropes as a substitute. As a result the ropes were replaced with the British cavalry neck chain. The links are for securing the toggle piece when it was around the horses neck whilst being ridden. When the rider dismounted he would unlink the chain and use it as the horses lead chain. It was also used to tether the horse. It is doubtful if the chains were ever issued to light horse in Australia so it is likely this chain was brought home from the Middle East after the war.Rare relic of the Middle East campaign during World War One (1914-1918).Chain with loop om one end, toggle on the other and two intermediate plates with a cross shaped hole punched through them.military, chain, horse, desert campaign, wwi (1914-1918), cavalry

The Lady Barbara Grimwade Costume Collection is comprised of Lady Barbara Grimwade's personal apparel and includes 145 pieces of clothing, 10 hats, 19 handbags, 66 pairs of shoes and assorted accessories of gloves, belts and scarves. In its breadth, this significant acquisition ranges from the mundane to the memorable, therefore giving a balanced representation of one person's taste. Following Lady Barbara Grimwade’s death in March 1990, Ararat Gallery formally accepted the generous gift of clothing and accessories donated by Lady Grimwade's son, Mr Angus K Grimwade, on 28 August 1991. Subsequent smaller donations in 1995 enhanced the collection. Lady Grimwade's Scottish forebears, the Gaerloch Campbells, first settled in Australia in 1861 in the Ararat-Beaufort district. Her great great grandfather, Mr Henry Campbell, died on the voyage to Australia. His widow, Jane, with 10 of her 13 children, farmed and grazed land, firstly at Stockyard Hill then at Fiery Creek, near Buangor, before leaving the shire in 1873. Lady Grimwade held a privileged position in Melbourne society. As the wife of Sir Andrew Grimwade, a prominent businessman, Chairman of several boards and a Trustee of various committees, Lady Grimwade met with royalty, heads of state, politicians, corporate directors, and horse and cattle breeders. Excerpt from 'Hot Pink Summers' catalogue essay, Helen Jackson, 1995.

The Lady Barbara Grimwade Costume Collection is comprised of Lady Barbara Grimwade's personal apparel and includes 145 pieces of clothing, 10 hats, 19 handbags, 66 pairs of shoes and assorted accessories of gloves, belts and scarves. In its breadth, this significant acquisition ranges from the mundane to the memorable, therefore giving a balanced representation of one person's taste. Following Lady Barbara Grimwade’s death in March 1990, Ararat Gallery formally accepted the generous gift of clothing and accessories donated by Lady Grimwade's son, Mr Angus K Grimwade, on 28 August 1991. Subsequent smaller donations in 1995 enhanced the collection. Lady Grimwade's Scottish forebears, the Gaerloch Campbells, first settled in Australia in 1861 in the Ararat-Beaufort district. Her great great grandfather, Mr Henry Campbell, died on the voyage to Australia. His widow, Jane, with 10 of her 13 children, farmed and grazed land, firstly at Stockyard Hill then at Fiery Creek, near Buangor, before leaving the shire in 1873. Lady Grimwade held a privileged position in Melbourne society. As the wife of Sir Andrew Grimwade, a prominent businessman, Chairman of several boards and a Trustee of various committees, Lady Grimwade met with royalty, heads of state, politicians, corporate directors, and horse and cattle breeders. Excerpt from 'Hot Pink Summers' catalogue essay, Helen Jackson, 1995.