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Wodonga & District Historical Society Inc
Functional object - Seal - Police Office, Belvoir, c1854
... This seal was used for official police and court documents..." This seal was used for official police and court documents ...This seal was used for official police and court documents by the Belvoir Police Office.The initial land survey for the city now known as Wodonga was first undertaken in 1852 by Thomas Wedge - Assistant Surveyor. The new township was called "Belvoir" and was proclaimed by that name in 1852 and again in 1861. The first sale of land in Belvoir was held at Wangaratta on April 28, 1854, when all the allotments surveyed by Thomas Wedge (excepting those set apart for reserves, government and public areas) were offered at auction. Following representations by the Postmaster General on June 23, 1869, the Governor in Council, on July 12, 1869, approved of its Aboriginal name "Wodonga" being restored. The seal was found at the Yackandandah Courthouse by the Circuit Judge, the late Mr. Jim Humphrey. As the Wodonga Historical Society was in recess at that time, the seal was held in trust by the North-East Historical Society in Wangaratta. It was donated to the Wodonga Historical Society in 1987.This item was the official seal of the Belvoir Police office from the beginning of the European settlement of the modern day city of Wodonga, then know as Belvoir. It is one of the earliest relics of that period of history, until its name was changed in 1869.Wood and metal seal bearing the official emblem of the Police Office Belvoir. It would have been used to apply a wax seal to official documents. The seal is mounted in a timber and glass case so that the imprint of the seal can be seen reflected in a mirror mounted in the base of the box.Around the edges of the seal "POLICE OFFICE / BELVOIR"belvoir police, official seal, history wodonga -
Eltham District Historical Society Inc
Document - Binder, Eltham Justice Precinct, 1969-2020
... festivities for the State’s 150th) 11. We will keep your court... festivities for the State’s 150th) 11. We will keep your court ...EDHS_04863 - Binder: Eltham Justice Precinct 1. Courthouse 1. Eltham Courthouse interesting facts 2. Plan and elevation drawings 3. Other courthouse plans and fittings 1880s – Brunswick, Maffra, Dunolly , Sunbury, Landsborough and Wodonga 4. Newspaper articles: i. ELTHAM POLICE COURT. (1892, April 1). Evelyn Observer, and South and East Bourke Record (Vic. : 1882 - 1902), p. 2 (MORNING.). Retrieved July 5, 2022, from http://nla.gov.au/nla.news-article60667022 ii. BREAKING A PUBLICAN'S LEG. (1900, July 13). Evelyn Observer, and South and East Bourke Record (Vic. : 1882 - 1902), p. 2 (MORNING.). Retrieved July 5, 2022, from http://nla.gov.au/nla.news-article60688367 iii. ELTHAM COURT. (1901, March 1). Mercury and Weekly Courier (Vic. : 1878 - 1903), p. 3. Retrieved July 5, 2022, from http://nla.gov.au/nla.news-article58578953 iv. ANNIE CHASES A TINKER. (1902, October 3). Evelyn Observer, and South and East Bourke Record (Vic. : 1882 - 1902), p. 2 (MORNING.). Retrieved July 5, 2022, from http://nla.gov.au/nla.news-article64029968 v. ELTHAM POLICE COURT. (1927, May 6). Advertiser (Hurstbridge, Vic. : 1922 - 1939), p. 4 (AFTERNOON). Retrieved July 5, 2022, from http://nla.gov.au/nla.news-article57754748 vi. ELTHAM POLICE COURT. (1927, May 20). Advertiser (Hurstbridge, Vic. : 1922 - 1939), p. 3 (AFTERNOON). Retrieved July 5, 2022, from http://nla.gov.au/nla.news-article57754814 vii. Eltham Police Court (1931, January 9). Advertiser (Hurstbridge, Vic. : 1922 - 1939), p. 4. Retrieved July 5, 2022, from http://nla.gov.au/nla.news-article56734073 viii. Repairs to Eltham Police Station, The Advertiser (1929, May 24). Advertiser (Hurstbridge, Vic. : 1922 - 1939), p. 2 (AFTERNOON.). Retrieved July 5, 2022, from http://nla.gov.au/nla.news-article57759907 ix. ELTHAM COURT. (1929, August 2). Advertiser (Hurstbridge, Vic. : 1922 - 1939), p. 4 (AFTERNOON.). Retrieved July 5, 2022, from http://nla.gov.au/nla.news-article57760345 x. See also Trove list https://trove.nla.gov.au/list/116634 5. Letter: Shire of Eltham Historical Society to Shire of Eltham, 1 July 1969 regarding potential replacement of Eltham Courthouse and the building’s historical significance and acknowledgement 10 July 1969 6. Letter: Shire of Eltham Historical Society to Law Department, 26 May 1972, re preservation of Eltham Courthouse and potential classification and acknowledgement 7 June 1972 7. Newspaper article: Strangers around, so Eltham sought protection by Marguerite Marshall, Diamond Valley News, Tuesday, April 6, 1982, p2 (On reverse side, Top job for our Pauline, p1) 8. Eltham Courthouse Colour Scheme, Public Works Department, 10 September 1983 9. Newspaper article: Eltham Courthouse under threat of closure by Helen Gillman, Diamond Valley News, October 16, 1984 10. Newspaper article: Courthouse to close by Helen Gillman, Diamond Valley News, Tuesday, November 20, 1984, p1 (also on p2 an article about Diamond Valley Shire festivities for the State’s 150th) 11. We will keep your court – Kennett, Diamond Valley News (probable), c.Dec. 1984 12. Letter: Shire of Eltham to Shire of Eltham Historical Society, 15 March 1985, regarding potential for use of building as a museum and reply dated 17 April 1985 regarding Society’s interest in use of the building 13. Letter: Department of Conservation Forests & Lands to Shire of Eltham, August 1987, regarding expressions of interest in the building and letter from Shire (18 August 1987) to Society advising of same 14. Letter: Department of Conservation Forests & Lands to Shire of Eltham, 30 March 1988, advising Courthouse to be used by Eltham Youth Resources Centre and the rear section by other community groups. Noted that the historical society was suggested by Council as a future user of the adjoining police residence when Council first sought management of the building and that should be investigated. Includes Schedule of Repair and Maintenance Work (4 pages), Existing Conditions Survey 30/7/1987 (6 pages) and 1 page plan view diagram 15. Memo: Historic Places Section to Eltham Youth Resource Centre re paint analysis of Courthouse, 17/5/1988, (6 pages) 16. Newspaper article: Courthouse renovation by Jodie Haythorne, Diamond Valley News, November 23, 1992 17. National Trust of Australia Registration (classified 20 Oct 1977), printed March 2000 18. Letter: Heritage Victoria 28 Feb 2002 regarding the replacement of the Courthouse Stand (Witness Box) 19. Article: There’s still order in this stately court house, Eltham Shire (magazine), date unk., p22-23 20. Eltham Court House, Statement of Significance, Heritage Victoria Register, printed Nov 2004 21. Eltham 1860 Former Court House 730 Main Road Eltham, collated by Eltham District Historical Society Incorporated 2005 (4 pages) 22. Book Extract: Eltham, Historical Court Houses of Victoria by Michael Challinger, Palisade Press, 2001 23. Newspaper article: Courthouse rich with history by Harry Gilham, Nillumbik Mail, c.2001 (see also EDHS_03333) 24. Notes on history of site from Crown Reserve File Rs 12128, Municipal Buildings (Local Community Welfare Reserve) at Eltham, Department of Sustainability and Environment, April 2005 (4 pages) 25. Newspaper article: Historic building upgrade, Diamond Valley Leader, August 3, 2005, p17 26. Newspaper article: Courthouse regeneration secures boost, Valley Weekly, August 10, 2005 with picture of Harry Gilham, Steve Herbert and Greg Johnson 27. Newspaper article: Poets are summonsed, Diamond Valley Leader February 22, 2006, p37 features picture of Helen Lucas at the Eltham Courthouse 28. Newspaper article: Sharing a love of legalities, Diamond Valley Leader, March 1, 2006, p7 features a picture of Rob Hulls and Steve Herbert talking to students in the courthouse 29. Newspaper advertisement: Nillumbik Tender No. 2021-33, Building Restoration Works, Old Eltham Courthouse, The Age, November 7, 2020 30. Form: Police Officer’s Return To A Warrant Of Distress 31. Handwritten notes: three pages listing all 48 of the pigeon hole form listings in the cabinet in the courthouse 2. Police Quarters 1. 1971 Surveyors Plan of 728 Main Road and the Adjoining Courthouse 2. Letter: Shire of Eltham to Shire of Eltham Historical Society, 5 June 1981, requesting the society give consideration to the suitability of the existing buildings (former Vermin and Noxious Weeds Office, Department of Crown Lands and Survey) for historical purposes such as a museum 3. Minutes: Shire of Eltham Historical Society Committee Meeting, 10 June 1981 (2 pages) includes reference to possible use of building as a museum (also reference to Bills Horse trough to be retained) 4. Extract from Victoria Police Gazette 1930 with details of building and site 5. Newspaper article: Cubby haven, Diamond Valley News, October 28, 1991 about replica Police Station with picture of replica along with Monika Roitinger and Garry Bartlett outside the Police Station 6. Environment office up for sale? Mountain Views, Monday, June 12, 1995 (Nillumbik Shire Council proposing to sell property. Did not proceed as ownership held by the State of Victoria) 7. Extract from National Trust February 1998 edition, “Police Rescue” which states Heidelberg and Eltham Police Residences are the oldest known Police Residences in the Melbourne Metropolitan district 8. Newspaper article: The first police office by Harry Gilham, Nillumbik Mail, December 13, 2000 (also photocopy with notations on picture identifying buildings and Harry’s typed draft) 9. Fax Memo: Victoria Police List of Officers in Charge, Eltham Police Station, 1857-1991 onward, 21 Jan 2003 10. Former Police Quarters, Statement of Significance, Heritage Victoria Register, printed Nov 2004 11. Eltham 1860 Former Police Quarters 728 Main Road Eltham, collated by Eltham District Historical Society Incorporated 2005 (5 pages) 12. Report: Eltham District Historical Society to Living and Learning Nillumbik, 14 April 2010 regarding the poor state of condition of the former Police Residence 13. Photocopy of three photos of the former Police Residence, former Police Station (relocated to rear of site) and Stables, October 18, 1991 3. Lockup 1. Newspaper article: Heritage permit bid, Diamond Valley News, January 17, 2001 (also article “Eltham library tops”) includes picture of lockup located in Youth Road 2. Newspaper article: Old lockup in new site, Diamond Valley Leader, March 21, 2001, p15. Includes picture of Harry Gilham with lockup at justice Precinct 3. Letter: Victoria Police to Eltham District Historical Society, 20 March 1991 including laser print photo of lockup in 1963 at 23 Pryor Street 4. Fax: Graham Clark, Associated Crane Trucks Pty Ltd, 833 Main Road Hurstbridge; Quote 26.2.99 for $1,080 to move lockup from Youth Road to 728 Main Road 4. Local History Centre 1. Victoria Government Gazette: Photocopy, No. 165, Tuesday, December 7, 1858, establishment of a Court of Petty Sessions at Eltham, 7 December 1858 2. Victoria Government Gazette: Photocopy, September 16, 1859, contract issued for Police buildings at Eltham to Langridge and Co., McCarter, Baillie, Nicol and Co, Chadley, Amos and Co., Cameron, Payne, £1,150.7.0 3. Victoria Government Gazette: Photocopy, October 2, 1860, contract issued for Court of Petty Sessions at Eltham to James Duncan, £600 4. President’s Report, Eltham District Historical Society, Annual General Meeting, Wednesday, March 11, 1998 – covers the establishment of the Local History Centre and new home for the Society 5. Extract for EDHS Newsletter July 1998 – Eltham Local History Centre – Official Opening 6. Unveiling of 728 Street Sign, Speech notes by Cr Dianne Bullen, December 2000, includes invoice from John Sharp Signs Pty Ltd, 24/10/2000 and planning approval drawing dated 24/3/1999 reproduced in Newsletter No. 135 November 2000 7. Letter: Eltham District Historical Society to Living and Learning Centre, undated draft regarding being a member of the committee reviewing the development of the site 8. Notes from Rod Grant re funding of site development under the Community Jobs Program 9. Letter: Eltham District Historical Society to Nillumbik Living and Learning, 28 October 2004 re inclusion of the Society in enhancing the site under the Community Jobs Program 10. Letter: Department of Sustainability and Environment to Eltham District Historical Society, 28 February 2005 re preparing draft Conservation Plan and copy of cover letter in response 2 April 2005 11. Levels and Layout Plan, Nillumbik Shire Council, September 2005, AO copy 12. Letter: Department of Sustainability and Environment to Eltham District Historical Society, 12 September 2005 re Eltham Justice Precinct Conservation Management Plan 13. Letter: Living and Learning Nillumbik, 2 February 2006 to Eltham District Historical Society re forming a Committee to advise on the use, maintenance, management and preservation of the Justice Precinct 14. Minutes: Meeting of a Task group to explore the establishment of a Committee to manage the Eltham Justice Precinct, 20 December 2005 (with hand written notes) 15. President’s notes (EDHS), General Meeting item, 11 May 2006 pertaining to use and condition of the Eltham Justice Precinct 16. Paint estimates, Old Eltham Court House, undated 17. Notes from meeting 26 September (2006), Eltham Justice Precinct Committee 18. Notes from meeting 27 November (2006), Eltham Justice Precinct Committee 19. Terms of Reference for the Eltham Justice Precinct Committee, Draft for Living and Learning Committee Meeting 24 Jan 2007 (4 pages) 20. Newspaper article: Panel set up, Diamond Valley Leader, 7 March 2007 21. Minutes: Meeting of Eltham Justice Precinct Subcommittee, 10 May 2007 22. Minutes: Meeting of Eltham Justice Precinct Subcommittee, 5 July 2007 23. Minutes: Meeting of Eltham Justice Precinct Subcommittee, 11 October 2007 24. Minutes: Meeting of Eltham Justice Precinct Subcommittee, 7 February 2008 25. Minutes: Meeting of Eltham Justice Precinct Subcommittee, 10 April 2008 26. Minutes: Meeting of Eltham Justice Precinct Subcommittee, 14 August 2008 27. Letter: EDHS (Sue Law) to Living and Learning, 6 September 2008 re proposed signage 28. Agenda: Meeting of Eltham Justice Precinct Subcommittee, 16 October 2008 29. Suggested guidelines for use of the Court House for exhibitions 30. Handwritten note re Ken Eckersal and Uniting Church of possible donation of church organ for sale, proceeds to be used for activities at the Justice precinct 31. One page typed notes on each of the buildings in the Eltham Justice Precinct 5. Miscellaneous 1. Photocopy from Pioneers & Painters (2 pages) covering the establishment of Police and Court of Petty Sessions at Eltham 2. Photocopy of photo looking northeast across Little Eltham buildings c.1910 with notes 3. Photocopy of J.H Clarke photo looking up Maria Street from near Dalton Street with notes identifying precinct buildings 4. Photocopy of photo of Court House and Police Quarters with cow outside from Heather Jenkins scrapbook with notes identifying buildings 5. Sketch and notes with dimensions for blue stone lockup including other miscellaneous handwritten notes 6. Unidentified heritage review details of Justice Precinct (c.2004) 7. Hand written notes of telephone conversation held with Dennis McKay (6 May 1997) re Council use of site 8. Flyer: Victoria Police Historical Unit 9. Photocopy of thumbnail images of various Justice Precincts (not identified) 10. Email correspondence, 4 and 10 January 2008; J. Connor to Council and Councillors pertaining to proposed new toilet facilities at rear of Courthouse annexe. Two ring lever arch binder, white with various photocopies, printouts, newspaper clippingsHG Folders 15/52/59 integratedharry gilham collection, eltham courthouse, eltham justice precinct, eltham police residence, lockup, eltham community festival, eltham festival, eltham, heritage assessment, police residence -
City of Moorabbin Historical Society (Operating the Box Cottage Museum)
Containers, matchbox 'Redhead' with matches, 20thC
On 15th December 1909, Bryant & May, Australia’s first match factory at Church Street, Richmond, Victoria. was opened by The Honourable Alfred Deakin, Prime Minister of Australia, and Mrs. Deakin. It was heralded by the first Commonwealth Government of newly-federated Australia because the government of the day was anxious to encourage secondary industry and pledged tariff protection of local manufacturers. The building was constructed in 1909 as the Empire Works to a design by prolific Melbourne architect William Pitt and was purchased soon after by British safety match manufacturer Bryant and May, who significantly expanded the building, adding another level and the landmark clock tower. Bryant and May were unique in that they operated as a model factory, providing workers with conditions and amenities that even today seem generous. These included a dining hall and sports facilities such as a tennis court and bowling green which were constructed in the 1920s. Bryant and May ceased Australian match manufacture in the early 1980s as a result of import competition. Their iconic Redheads matches are now imported from Sweden. The complex has since been converted for use as offices and showrooms but is extremely well preserved. It is listed on the Victorian Heritage Register. Bryant and May was a United Kingdom (UK) company created in the mid-nineteenth century specifically to make matches. Their original Bryant and May Factory was located in Bow, London. They later opened other match factories in the United Kingdom and Australia, such as the Bryant and May Factory, Melbourne; and owned match factories in other parts of the world. Bryant and May survived as an independent company for over seventy years, but went through a series of mergers with other match companies and later with consumer products companies. To protect its position Bryant and May merged with or took over its rivals. In 1971 the Northern Ireland factory, Maguire & Patterson closed down following a terrorist attack.. In the 1980s, factories in Gloucester and Glasgow closed too leaving Liverpool as the last match factory in the UK, until December 1994. . The registered trade name Bryant and May still exists and it is owned by Swedish Match, as are many of the other registered trade names of the other, formerly independent, companies within the Bryant and May group. Two French chemists, Henri Savene and Emile David Cahen, proved in 1898 that the addition of phosphorus sesquisulfide meant that the substance was not poisonous, that it could be used in a "strike-anywhere" match, and that the match heads were not explosive. British company Albright and Wilson, was the first company to produce phosphorus sesquisulfide ( Red Phosphorous) matches commercially. The company developed a safe means of making commercial quantities of phosphorus sesquisulfide in 1899 and started selling it to match manufacturers. Matches were first produced by Bryant & May in Australia in 1909. The Redhead name applies to the red striking heads of the matches which were introduced to Australia in 1946. The logo on the matchbox depicted the head and shoulder of a redheaded woman and has had four major updates since that time with a number of special issues depicting birds, animals and notable persons also produced.The Bryant & May Ltd factory in Church St Richmond is a listed building and has been converted to apartments following the closure of the Company 1980. Bryant & May's Ltd were influential in fighting against the dreadful disease known as Phossy jaw which was caused by white phosphorus used in the manufacture of the early matches. They were also the object of the 'Match Girls Strike' in London 1888, which won important improvements in working conditions and pay for the mostly female workforce working with the dangerous white phosphorus. The public were slow to purchase these safety matches because of the higher price .A box of safety matches with unused matches made by Bryant & May Pty Ltd , Richmond Victoria Australia. The tray containing the matches slides inside the open ended cover.. The striking patch is on both sides of the cover. Av. CONTENTS 50 MADE IN AUSTRALIA / Brymay / 1/3 / Safety Matches / Redheads / a colour picture of a Kookaburra / Laughing KOOKABURRAsafety matches, bryant & may pty ltd, phossy jaw disease, early settlers, moorabbin, bentleigh, cheltenham, lights, lamps, tobacco, white phosphorous, phosphorus sesquisulfide, swedish match pty ltd, pitt william, savens henri, cahen emile david , richmond victoria, -
City of Moorabbin Historical Society (Operating the Box Cottage Museum)
Photographs, x3 Colour, Highett Gasworks c1974, 1974
3 of 5 photographs of the Highett Gasworks c 1974 The Brighton Gas Company was established 1877 by local residents including Thomas Bent. Initially all went well for residents as gas light replaced kerosene lamps and street lights were installed. However disruption to supply, poor quality and failure to reach all house lead to dissatisfaction. Thomas Bent therefore began the Central Brighton and Moorabbin Gas Company 1885 and a price war ensued. This was unsustainable and the two companies amalgamated in 1877 supplying gas from the New Street Works site. 1930 this Company expanded to Highett where it had purchased 45 acres adjacent to the train line. 1927 a gas holder was built connected to the Brighton works 1936 construction began on a complete gas-making unit and the Highett Gasworks, Nepean Highway, began supply 1939. 1950 an extension program was completed. However by 1965 , with the discovery of Natural Gas offshore in Bass Strait, changes to Gas distribution were apparent. At first some of the facilities at Highett were used to distribute the gas piped from Sale, Gippsland. However after conversion of 450,000 homes to Natural Gas the Highett site was redundant. The gasometers were removed 1978. Moorabbin Council obtained part of the land for public recreation purposes. ( Dr. G Whitehead KCC Historian ) c2012 the Moorabbin Justice Centre / Magistrates Court of Victoria was built and further development of the area for apartments proceeds. The establishment of the Brighton Gas Company 1877 and the Highett Gasworks 1885 brought bright lighting to houses, businesses and streets in Moorabbin Shire and cooking ovens and heating improved the living conditions of residents. 3 x Colour photographs of the Highett Gasworks c1970bass strait gas, highett gasworks, brighton gasworks 1877, central brighton and moorabbin gas company 1885, whitehead dr. graham, magistrates court of victoria, horse drawn carts, toll gates brighton, motor cars 1900, steam engines, early settlers, bentleigh, parish of moorabbin, city of moorabbin, county of bourke, moorabbin roads board, shire of moorabbin, henry dendy's special survey 1841, were j.b.; bent thomas, o'shannassy john, king richard, charman stephen, highett william, ormond francis, maynard dennis, market gardeners, vineyards, orchards -
City of Moorabbin Historical Society (Operating the Box Cottage Museum)
Photograph, black & white Cheltenham Tennis Club 1920, and 2 Documents, 1920
Cheltenham Tennis Club was established 1883 when Shire of Moorabbin released land in Cheltenham Park for recreational use. 1924 The Shire of Moorabbin gave permission for the development of extra Courts.Cheltenham Tennis Club 1883 was one of the first Tennis Clubs established in Melbourne.A black and white photograph of men and women seated and standing in and around the Cheltenham Tennis Clubhouse in Cheltenham Park, Cheltenham in 1920. Letter Handwritten 1883 Shire of Moorabbin, South Brighton , release of land in Cheltenham Park for the development of Tennis Courts. Letter Typed 1924 Shire of Moorabbin, permission for extra Courts, signed by the shire secretary, Alexander Chalmers Smith.PHOTO ; written on back : Cheltenham Tennis Club 1920 / Cheltenham Park Letter ; signed John Keys Shire of Moorabbin South Brighton Logo 1871 Letter ; Shire of Moorabbin Logo 1924charman road, cheltenham, 1920, tennis club. charman stephen, gettens mary, spring grove, charman road, balcombe road, nepean road, dairy farmers, market agrdeners, poultry farmers, methodist church, keys john, shire of moorabbin, colsamix, cheltenham park melbourne, sabbath victorian law article 26, cheltenham golf club -
City of Moorabbin Historical Society (Operating the Box Cottage Museum)
Manufactured Objects, safety matches 'Redheads' 2015, c2015
This is a current example of the 'Redhead' logo used by Bryant & May Ltd Richmond,Victoria, Australia c 1946 - 1980 On 15th December 1909, Bryant & May, Australia’s first match factory at Church Street, Richmond, Victoria. was opened by The Honourable Alfred Deakin, Prime Minister of Australia, and Mrs. Deakin. It was heralded by the first Commonwealth Government of newly-federated Australia because the government of the day was anxious to encourage secondary industry and pledged tariff protection of local manufacturers. The building was constructed in 1909 as the Empire Works to a design by prolific Melbourne architect William Pitt and was purchased soon after by British safety match manufacturer Bryant and May, who significantly expanded the building, adding another level and the landmark clock tower. Bryant and May were unique in that they operated as a model factory, providing workers with conditions and amenities that even today seem generous. These included a dining hall and sports facilities such as a tennis court and bowling green which were constructed in the 1920s. Bryant and May ceased Australian match manufacture in the early 1980s as a result of import competition. Their iconic Redheads matches are now imported from Sweden. The complex has since been converted for use as offices and showrooms but is extremely well preserved. It is listed on the Victorian Heritage Register. Bryant and May was a United Kingdom (UK) company created in the mid-nineteenth century specifically to make matches. Their original Bryant and May Factory was located in Bow, London. They later opened other match factories in the United Kingdom and Australia, such as the Bryant and May Factory, Melbourne; and owned match factories in other parts of the world. Bryant and May survived as an independent company for over seventy years, but went through a series of mergers with other match companies and later with consumer products companies. To protect its position Bryant and May merged with or took over its rivals. In 1971 the Northern Ireland factory, Maguire & Patterson closed down following a terrorist attack.. In the 1980s, factories in Gloucester and Glasgow closed too leaving Liverpool as the last match factory in the UK, until December 1994. . The registered trade name Bryant and May still exists and it is owned by Swedish Match Industries as are many of the other registered trade names of the other, formerly independent, companies within the Bryant and May group. Two French chemists, Henri Savene and Emile David Cahen, proved in 1898 that the addition of phosphorus sesquisulfide meant that the substance was not poisonous, that it could be used in a "strike-anywhere" match, and that the match heads were not explosive. British company Albright and Wilson, was the first company to produce phosphorus sesquisulfide ( Red Phosphorous) matches commercially. The company developed a safe means of making commercial quantities of phosphorus sesquisulfide in 1899 and started selling it to match manufacturers. Matches were first produced by Bryant & May in Australia in 1909. The Redhead name applies to the red striking heads of the matches which were introduced to Australia in 1946. The logo on the matchbox depicted the head and shoulder of a redheaded woman and has had four major updates since that time with a number of special issues depicting animals, birds and notable persons also producedThe Bryant & May Ltd factory in Church St Richmond is a listed building and has been converted to apartments following the closure of the Company 1980. Bryant & May's Ltd were influential in fighting against the dreadful disease known as Phossy jaw which was caused by white phosphorus used in the manufacture of the early matches. They were also the object of the 'Match Girls Strike' in London 1888, which won important improvements in working conditions and pay for the mostly female workforce working with the dangerous white phosphorus. The public were slow to purchase these safety matches because of the higher price An empty box of 'Redheads' safety matches made in Sweden for ST-Group, Springvale, Victoria, Australia c2015. The tray for the matches slides inside the open ended cover. The striking patch is on both sides of the cover. The matches have been removed. Matches were first produced by Bryant & May in Australia in 1909. The Redhead name applies to the red striking heads of the matches which were introduced to Australia in 1946. The logo on the matchbox depicted the head and shoulder of a redheaded woman and has had four major updates since that time with a number of special issues depicting animals, birds and notable persons also produced. Bryant and May ceased Australian match manufacture in the early 1980s.Top of cover ; Redheads / 45 safety / matches . Logo ; head & shoulders of a female with red hair Base of coverMade in Sweden / Redheads (R) is proudly marketed / by ST- Group Australia. / 718 Princes Highway Springvale Vic. 3171 / .............../ Readheads is a registered trademark / of Swedish Match Industries AB. / Complies ith European / Match Standard EN 1783-1997-SAF/ WARNING; / KEEP OUT OF REACH / OF CHILDREN. STRIKE / GENTLY AWAY FROM BODY . / barcode.redheads safety matches, safety matches, bryant & may pty ltd, phossy jaw disease, early settlers, moorabbin, bentleigh, cheltenham, lights, lamps, tobacco, white phosphorous, phosphorus sesquisulfide, swedish match pty ltd, pitt william, savens henri, cahen emile david , richmond victoria, match girls strike 1888, -
City of Moorabbin Historical Society (Operating the Box Cottage Museum)
Photograph, postcard "Boiling the Billy" c1900, Early 1900's "Boiling the Billy", c1900
Early 1900's. "Boiling the billy". The term billy or billycan is particularly associated with Australian usage, but is also used in the UK and Ireland. It is widely accepted that the term "billycan" is derived from the large cans used for transporting bouilli or bully beef on Australia-bound ships or during exploration of the outback, which after use were modified for boiling water over a camp fire. Postcards developed out of the complex tradition of nineteenth-century printed calling cards, beginning with the advent of the Cartes-de-Visite in France. In the 1850s, Parisian photographer Andre Adolphe Eugene Disderi invented a photographic process involving egg white, albumen, and silver nitrate to create inexpensive portraits on paper cards. These photographic Cartes-de-Visites were 2 1/2 (75mm) by 4 inches (98mm) and became a popular, collectable form of "visiting cards" world-wide. Photographers would reprint portraits of famous individuals they had taken at their studios or during travel and sell them as collectable cards. Postcards as we know them now first began in 1861 as cards mailed by private post. In the 1870s picture postcards grew in popularity throughout the United States, Britain, Europe, and Japan. Cards were first permitted to have a "Divided Back," with text written on the left half of a dividing line and the address on the right half, beginning in England in 1902. Around 1900 the first postcards made of "Real Photos" rather than artwork began to circulate, aided in by advances in amateur photography equipment by companies such as Kodak. Kodak also introduced postcard paper for photographic development and photography studios began to offer portraits printed as postcards Many local town, countryside, and architectural images were captured during this period by local photographers, then printed and sold as postcards . Advances in amateur photography all contributed to a postcard craze that lasted from 1900 to the First World War. Postcards were the preferred means to send a quick note, whether across town or across a continent.Postcard with a black and white Photograph on the front and a 'Divided Back ' for the message and address. There are seven men surrounding the billy suspended over a camp fire. The ground has a lot of dead branches around. One man is bending down towards the billy. Two men on either side of the camp fire are carrying either a white bag across their shoulders or the fish in their hands. You can see, that there is some steam also coming out of the billy, which means that its hot. Court Post Card. / this space may be used for correspondence. / The address only to be written here.1900's, boiling the billy , postcards, photographers, england, hungary, america, cartes-de-visite, visiting cards, moorabbin, cheltenham, bentleigh, market gardeners, early settlers, pioneers, -
Federation University Historical Collection
Plans, Plans of the Ballarat School of Mines, Lydiard Street South, Ballarat, 1953
.3) Ballarat School of Mines plan for water supply installation to prefabricated classrooms associated with the Ballarat Girls' Techncial School, April 1953 .4) Ballarat School of Mines plans for three prefabricated classrooms to be used as the Ballarat Girls' Techncial School, Hickman Street, Ballarat by Percy E. Everett, 16 December 1952. Earthworks undertaken by T.G. James. .5) Ballarat Sewerage Authority Plan of Drainage Prefabricated Class Rooms Ballarat School of Mines by Chief Architect Percy E. Everett, 13 April 1953. The plan shows basket ball court and shelter, classrooms, contours, excavations and girls toilet associated with the Ballarat Girls' Techncial School, Hickman Street, Ballarat. ballarat junior girls' technical school, ballarat girls' technical school, ballarat school of mines, hickman street, white flat, t.g. james -
Federation University Historical Collection
Book, Victoria Education Gazette and Teachers' Aid, 1911-1919, 1910-1919
Black hard covered book with red spine, holding Victorian Education Gazettes for one calendar year. .1) 1910 .2) 1912 .3) 1911 .4) 1914 .5) 1918 Images: Open Air Classroom Black Rock; Open Air Classroom, Jeetho, Gippsland; Open Air Nurses bedroom, Mildura; Gym at Canterbury School ; Babies and Nurses at Melbourne Foundling Hospital; Camp at Portland; Alexander Peacock Opens a Melbourne School; Unveiling Major Mitchell Memorial at Mt Arapiles; Agricultural Plot; School Interior; Swimming Drill; Graham Dux Prize Board; Bathing Place; Classroom with blackboard and pictures; Major Mitchell's Map; Melbourne, Derbyshire; Market Place Melbourne; The Blackwood; World War One Send-off at The Athenaeum; Scarsdale Old Boy's logo; Sloyd articles for the Field Hospital; World War One; Gifts for Transport to the Wharf; soldiers; ANZAC Day; ANZAC Day Medalion .5) 1915: Education Department's War Relief Fund, William Park obituary, Closer Settlement Act 1912, Agriculture, needlework, Swimming and Life Saving, explorers, Gregory Blaxland, Matthew Flinders, Composition, Geography, potatoes, onions, gardens, Needlework for Infants, Iona and Staffa, Trained Primary Teacher's Course, Electricity, Electrical Technology, hygiene, Arbour Day, Horticulture, Wattle Day, Bird Day, Technical Schools, Landing at Gaba Tepe, Evils of Alcohol, Old Boys of Scarsdale, Belgium, Teachers' College Images: The British at War, The Sonnet, History and Patriotism, Male Swimming Teachers Summer School at Geelong, Women Swimming Teachers at Port Fairy, Buln Buln State School, Burwood East State School, needlework plans, methods of Rescue and Resucitation. plan of the journey of Gregory Blaxland, Macquarie House, teachers killed (William Ross Hoggart, Stanley Robert Close, William Roy Hodgson, Campbell McDiarmid Peter, William Henry Dawkins, William Hugh Hamilton, Frederick McRae Neal, Vernon Brookes, Frank J. Olle, Alfred J. Collins, Ernest R. Fairlie, William J. McLaren, A.E. Smith, Thomas Patton, Francis W. Kemp, Frederick G. Hall, Rupert O. Hepburn, Woolston J. Govan), Frederick Harold Tubb VC, Botanic Gardens Red Gum, Shelter Pavillions, Head of Wheat, Australian Commonwealth Flag, Iona Cathedral, Drawing exercises, ANZAC Madallion, School Rolls of Honor .6) 1916 - Nature Study, war relief, school gardening, horticulture, singing class, geography of the war, School Rolls of Honour, Ponsonby Carew-Smyth, Astronomy, ANZAC Day, Empire Day, Arbor Day, "Some Suul of Goodness in Things Evil" by Frank Tate, War Relief Gardeners' League, ANZAC Day medallion, Solar System, Abolition of German Schools in Victoria, ANZAC Avenues, avenues of honour, Geography of the War: The West, War relief and handwork, Victorian State Schools Horticultural Society, Patrick Maloney obituary, formalin lamps, Victoria League of Victoria, Wonwondah East Roll of Honor Images - Teachers killed (John Clarke, A.C.H. Jackson, Alexander Robertson, Noel Gambetta, Ralp E. Leyland, Laurance J. Woodruff, Walter E. Cass, Percy D. Moncur, Thomas M. Carmichael, Edward G. Brain, Reginald N.F. Woods, George E. James, William Colvin, David Dobson, Stanley L. Robinson, Charles Allen, G.E. James, H.F. Curnow, Franl L. Cousins, James R. Thompson, Henry H. Campbell, George E. Read, Ernest D. Morshead, Wilfred S. Merlin, Henry R. Wright, George B. Webb, Noel Nicholas, David H. Thomas, Charles A. Levens, Thomas R. Fenner, John M. Daniell, P.J. Larkin, Ralph Smith, Philip Ormsby), school rolls of honour, Swimming Instructors at Queenscliff, The Southern Sky, Map of the North Sea and its Littorals, Easter School of Horticulture at Oakleigh, Map of the Eastern Front, Map of Mesopotamia, Map of the War Area in the Egyptian Campaign, leeches for the Melbourne Hospital .7) 1917 - Swimming and Life-Saving, Childre's FLower Day, Education Department's War Relief Fund, State War Council, Horticulture, Bird Day, Swimming, Growing Chicory at Cowes Images - Teachers killed during World War One (G.M. Nicholas, William C.W. Spencer, J.W.C. Profitt, Ivon C. Bromilow, John Colwell, Robert W. Campbell, Arthur P. Bourchier, Francid G. Houston, Claude N. Harrison, Edgar Williams, Leslie A. Stevens, Charles E. W. Chester, Stanley R. Green, Walter Baker, Arthur G. Scott, Harry L. Swinburne, Horace W. Brown, Arnold Bretherton, Edward W. Jenkins Aubrey Liddelow, Ewen A. Cameron, Edmund R. Lyall, John H. Martin, Harry Bell, Frank L. Nicholls, Melville R. Hughes, Edwin W. Hauser, Walter S. Filmer, Walter G. Barlow, Henry A. Donaldson, Edward H. Jones, Walter W. Raw, Alfred W. Dean, Wiliam Lea, Frederick G. Drury, J.T. Richards, Norman G. Pelton, Lance-Corporal Doran, Kenneth F. McKenzie, William F. Robertson, Wiliam Jarrott, Norman Graham, George G. Paul, Victor Green, Arthur William Rennie, Alfred J. Glendinning, Robert B. Liston, Eward P. Toll, George Jones, Errol E. Rodda, Christian P. Christensen, Charles F. Sydes, H.G. Clements, Norman C. Fricker, J.M. Romeo. Eric N. Lear, Thomas J. Bartley, Norval Birrell, Frederick H. Tubb. J.T. Hamilton Aram, Arthur Wilcock, William M. Conroy, Alex. H. Miller, Patrick J. Cunningham, Charles S. Mitchell, John R. Maddern, James Roadknight, Harry Arundel, Jack C. McKellar, duncan M. McKellar, George S. Manfield, Edgar C. Holmes, George A. Young, Raymond A. Gardiner, William B. Bell, William Opie, George R. Scott, Richard V.B. Vine, Herbery S. Marshall, Hugh St Omer Dentry, George B. Fullerton, Harry Oulton, Iva F. Morieson), School Honor Books, Drawing, Presentation of 30,000 pounds to the British Red Cross at Melbourne Town Hall .8) 1918 .9) 1919 - Photographs of World War One soldiers from the Education Department, Margaret Montgomery Memorial, 1918 Act relating to State School Teachers, State Scolarships, Victorian State Schools' Horticultural Society, Pneumonic Influenza, Spanish Flu, epedemic, swimming and life savinfJunior cadet training, vacancies in Fiji, School Committees, Arbor Day, Arbour Day, Henry Harding of Yinnar, Planting Trees and Shrubs, Juvenile Crime, The use of 'Get', Soldier-Teachers from Overseas in Congress London, Australia's Effort in the War, Military, Working Bees, Tree Planting, fence building, Welcoming Home a Returned Soldier, Avenue of Honour planting, Discipline, Unveiling an Honor Board, School gymnasium, school tennis court, E. E. Crogger grave at Aldershot, The School Honor Book. War Relief Fund, Commonwealth War Record, Caulfield Military Hosptial, ANZAC Day Pilgrimage, Jimmie Panikin, Donald Fraser, Arthur Mee, Card Sun Dial, Balboa Day in Honolulu, William Hamilton, Alfred Jackson, The Backward Child, Flies, Language Teaching and Learning, Spelling, The Education of the Adolescent, victorian education gazette, education gazette and teachers' aid, sloyd, william a. cavanagh, james i froebel, school, education, world war one, memorials, alfred williams, exploration and settlement, cadets, australian naval college, bernard o;dowd, birds, swimming, drawingempire league, eucalypts, paper in history, forestry, arbor day, identification of trees, forestrey museums, fiji, gravel hill school band, horticulture, hygiene, gould league of bird lovers, life saving, la perouse, bandin, j. holland, w. hamilton, charles sturt, principles of archimedes, james holland, william hamilton, scarsdale old boys' reunion, foundling home melbourne, montessori education, open air schools, james hughes, marie corelli, flinders sydney harbour, major mitchell's map, tooth brushing, r.h.s. bailey -
Federation University Historical Collection
Photograph - Black and white sketch, Former Ballarat Supreme Courthouse (later Courthouse Theatre), c1994
The former Ballarat Supreme Court building was unique in design for the time. The central court room and the flanking wings were all two storey with hipped roofs. This made this building different from other Public Works designs. The building was erected by the Public Works Department in 1868. Early in the 1940s the former Supreme Court was abandoned. Today the building is used as a performing arts centre.Colour photograph of the former Ballarat Supreme Court. This building did not follow the regular design for Public Works design. Central court room and adjacent wings are all two storey. The central section is recessed with ground floor arcade and arched windows. ballarat school of mines, former ballarat supreme courthouse, courthouse theatre, hipped roof, public works department, performing arts centre, legal -
Federation University Historical Collection
Black and white photograph, Rear view of the former Ballarat Supreme Court, Lydiard Street South, c2004
Black and white photograph of the rear of the former Supreme Court. Built in 1868 as part of the Ballarat Gaol complex, it became part of the Ballarat School of Mines in 1947 and used for Electrical Engineering. It has now been transformed into a performing arts centre. New building shown is Amenities Building and was officially opened in 1981. Radiating beams used for the top window are made from Oregon wood. Thought to be the last building using this wood for this purpose. Drive up to the building comes off Grant Street. All this is part of Federation University - Grant Street Campus.Black and white photograph of the rear of the former Courthouse. Built in 1868, it became part of the Ballarat School of Mines in 1947. New building shown is the Amenities Building. All part of Federation University - Grant Street Campus.ballarat supreme court, ballarat gaol, ballarat school of mines, electrical engineering, performing arts centre, amenities building, oregon cedar, grant street, grant street, federation university -
Federation University Historical Collection
Image, Ballarat Teachers' College Students Playing Basketball at Gillies Street, 1966-1968, 1967-1968
These images were used in a rolling slide show during the 2017 reunion of Ballarat Teachers' College 1967-1968.Black and White photograph of Ballarat Teachers' College students playing basketball on the court at the Gillies Street Campus. ballarat teachers' college, basketball -
Federation University Historical Collection
Image, Ballarat Teachers' College Students looking at Teaching Resources, 1966-1968, 1967-1968
These images were used in a rolling slide show during the 2017 reunion of Ballarat Teachers' College 1967-1968.Black and White photograph of Ballarat Teachers' College students playing basketball on the court at the Gillies Street Campus. ballarat teachers' college, teacher resources, teaching kits, electronics -
Federation University Historical Collection
Photograph, Clare Gervasoni, Ballarat School of Mines Technical Art School, c2008
The former Ballarat Circuit Court Building, later the first building of the Ballarat School of Mines, was demolished to make way for a new custom built Art School building. Sir Alexander Peacock opened the Ballarat Technical Art School in July 1915. It cost 10,000 pounds and was constructed by the Public Works Department from plans drawn by the then Art School Principal, Herbert H. Smith. The building contractors were Messrs Gower and Eddards. According to the SMB Annual Report of 1914 'the internal upholstering and fittings have all been carried out in Australian timbers, with Queensland maple largely used throughout.' Before this building was constructed art and craft classes were held in various buildings around Ballarat. The building could be described as federation-art deco in style. It features sandstone insertion with sandstone string coursing. The base of the building is rusticated sandstone. The relief stone panel on the front with the words "Technical Art School" features stone pilaster brackets and corbels. In the centre front can be seen rectangular sandstone pediment with decorative stonework incorporating the date of construction. The windows in the lower floor feature five supporting keystones whereas the upper windows have sandstone lintels. The building also features decorative cast iron downpipes. The entrance on the northern side has attractive leadlight glazing in an art deco style. Above the door a miner's lamp and pick are featured in the design. The building is functional in design with large metal windows in the south wall to ensure good light into the studios. The northern wall has standard double hung windows. The interior of the building features a carved wooden staircase and cast iron ceiling vents. The rear drawing studios can be made into one large studio by opening panelled timber doors. This opening features classical plaster pilasters with a pediment above.Colour photographs of a double storey, red brick building built - the Ballarat Technical Art School, a division of the Ballarat School of Minesballarat school of mines, ballarat technical art school, architecture, art, gribble building -
Federation University Historical Collection
Invitation, Invitation to the Opening of the Ballarat School of Mines Museum, 1982, 03/1982
Federation University Australia was established on 1 January 2014. Formerly known as the University of Ballarat, its enabling legislation was the University of Ballarat Amendment (Federation University Australia) Act 2013. Although formally created as a University in 1994, the University of Ballarat has a lineage back to 1870 with the establishment of the School of Mines Ballarat, making it the third institution of higher learning to be established in Australia and the first to be established in regional Australia. On 1 January 1994, Ballarat University College became the University of Ballarat and in 1998 the University merged with three TAFE Institutes to become a dual sector institution with multiple campuses. On 1 January 2014, the University of Ballarat amalgamated with the Monash University Gippsland Campus to form Federation University Australia. The Gippsland Campus also had a long lineage dating back to 1928 with the establishment of the Yallourn Technical School which became a predecessor institution to the Gippsland College of Advanced Education formed in 1968. In 1990, it was renamed the Monash University College and in 1993 became the Gippsland Campus of Monash University. In 2016, Federation University Australia announced plans to take possession, over a two-year period, of Monash’s Berwick Campus in the south-east corridor of Melbourne. Federation University Australia, or FedUni, is headquartered in Ballarat and offers programs in Higher Education and Vocational Education and Training to regional Victoria and beyond. The University’s commitment to educational and social equity, teaching excellence, research distinction, environmental sustainability and regional capacity building has enabled it to develop in a way that draws on its proud heritage to inform its future. Its regional character sets a framework for the University’s priorities but does not constrain it from serving wider community interests, nationally and internationally. The name Federation University Australia was chosen to convey the scope and capacity of an expanded regional university with a federated network of campuses.Cream folded card invitation with an image of the Former Ballarat Circuit Court on the front. This building was used as the first Ballarat School of Mines when it first opened in 1870.ballarat school of mines, ballarat school of mines museum, g.h. beanland, museum reopening -
Federation University Historical Collection
Photograph - Lantern Slides, Boxed Lantern Slides, c1920
The lantern slides were most probably used at the Ballarat School of Mines. The image of Rome from St Peter's (Vatican) was taken before 1929. The "Via Conciliazione", built by Mussolini in 1929 is not present in the image. Hinged timber box designed to hold glass lantern slides. The box contains 50 lantern slides including: * male Turk in turbin *interior of a cathedral * Cavalry Scene, Boer War (c1900) * Richard Seddon portrait * Fishermen at Sea * Turkish domed building * Eddystone Lighthouse, England * image of early printing * Cloister Court, Trinity College, Cambridge * Farm Cove, Sydney Harbour (by I.F.E) * National Park, Sydney * Customs House, Sydney * View from the Dome of St Peter's, Rome (Pre 1929) * Botanical Gardens, Sydney * Coogee Bay, NSW * Keeble College Chapel, Oxford * Holy Land - The Village of Endor * Sydney Cove * Interior portrait of members of the Victorian Legislative Assembly, Parliament House, Melbourne * Palace Dela Concord, Italylantern slides, entertainment, ballarat school of mines, boer war, richard seddon, sydney harbour, coogee beach, legislative assembly, rome, roma, vatican, vaticono, fairyland, lake wendouree -
Federation University Historical Collection
Document, Lease for the Former Ballarat Circuit Court House, Lydiard Street, Ballarat, 1870 and 1877, 05/1870; 1877
... Circuit Court House for use as a mining school (the Ballarat... Document Document Lease for the Former Ballarat Circuit Court House ...The Ballarat School of Mines opened in the former Ballarat Circuit Court House in 1870. The court house was demolished in 1915 to make way for the Ballarat Technical Art School. The Ballarat School of Mines is a predeccessor of Federation University Australia..1) Handwritten agreement on blue paper with green thread. The agreement is between the Board of Land and Works and Redmond Barry and others concerning a seven year lease of the former Ballarat Circuit Court House for use as a mining school (the Ballarat School of Mines). .2) Four lined fooscap pages relating to specifications of several works required to the Old Court House. .3) Rough notes on proposed lease of the Court House.lease, former ballerat circuit court house, redmond barry, legal, crown solicitor, gurner, robert davidson, warrington rogers, john warrington rogers, william warrington rogers, rivett henry bland, p. saunders, james williams, ballarat school of mines, ballarat school of mines establishment -
Federation University Historical Collection
Photograph - Photograph - Black and White, School of Mines Ballarat; c1910, c1910
The former Ballarat Circuit Courthouse was used as the first site of the Ballarat School of Mines in 1870.Black and white photograph of two buildings at the Ballarat School of Mines. The one on the right is the former Ballarat Circuit Court House which was demolished to make way for the Ballarat Technical Art School (Gribble Building). The building on the left was orginally known as the New Classrooms and were opened in 1901. It is now known as the Administration Building (A-Building).ballarat school of mines, administration building, new classrooms, ballarat circuit court house, lydiard street south -
Federation University Historical Collection
Photograph - black and white, Ballarat School of Mines Model Mine, 06/03/1972
These images were supplied by Philip Law in support of capital extimates requests to the state and Commonwealth Governments. Eleven black and white imaes of a number of Ballarat School of Mines Buildings. .1) Former Supreme Court House (Electrical Trades) .3) Pre Fab Building with brick wall .4) Lean to (Possibly added to pottery building as a store and used for pottery hand work in 1972. .5), .6), .9), 10), .11) Corrugated iron buildings - former Model Mine, Albert Street, Ballarat .8) Prefab buildings used for motor mechanicsballarat school of mines model mine, ballarat school of mines mining laboratory, ballarat school of mines mining workshop, albert street, ballarat, former ballarat supreme court, motor mechanics, electrical trades, phil law -
Federation University Historical Collection
Plan, Ballarat School of Mines Future Development: A Southern Terminal to Lydiard Street, 1947, 09/12/1947
... to the western side of the former Ballarat Supreme Court (later... Supreme Court (later Courthouse Theatre) for use by Wool Classing ...In 1947 Percy Everett, Chief Architect for the Victorian Government, drew up plans to accomodate the growth in student numbers on the Ballarat School of Mines site. It was an era of government buildings surrounding the Ballarat School of Mines campus either being transfered to the school or foreshadowed for transfer. In 1947 two Red Cross huts were transferred from Victoria Park to the western side of the former Ballarat Supreme Court (later Courthouse Theatre) for use by Wool Classing and Motor Mechanics. In the same year additional facilities were provided for Pottery due to the increase in enrolments and a large brick classroom was built at the rear of the Ballarat Junior Technical School Building. In the annual report of 1947 the President said: "These transfers are, however, only temporary expedients and indicate the pressing need for more buildings of a permanent nature". By the end of the year the School Council decided to request the Education Department of Victoria to proceed with the implementation of the School's long-range plan whch had received approval earlier and to treat it as an urgent post-war requirement. After much communication a plan for a six-storied building, flanked by two three storied buildings was planned to be built on the site of the Ballarat Gaol was developed. The plan was sent to the Education Department for the Minister's Approval. It is not know if approval was granted, but the building did not proceed, possibly becausse the Ballarat Gaol was still very miuch in use. When a tertiary division of the Ballarat School of Mines was being developed in 1967 it corresponded with the closure of the Ballarat Gaol. It was determined that the Lydiard Street South site had no room for future growth so a new campus was sought. The new campus was purchased at Mt Helen, and was initially known as the Ballarat Insittute of Advanced Education. In 1976, when the Ballarat Teachers' College merged into the structure, the campus became known as the Ballarat College of Advanced Education and it was no longer a part of the Ballarat School of Mines. Plans for a proposed building to replace the Ballarat Gaol buildings. The proposed building was never built, the concept being replaced by a new teritary facility at Mt Helen. buildings, percy everett, ballarat school of mines battery, ballarat technical art school, engineering workshops, machine shop, ballarat junior technical school, architectural plans, ballarat school of mines, smb campus -
Federation University Historical Collection
Photograph - Colour photograph, Stables Used by Mounted Police, Smythesdale, 13/06/2018
A brick building originally used by the mounted police at Smythesdalesmythesdale, smythesdale stables, mounted police, court house -
Federation University Historical Collection
Photograph - Colour, Jarrod Watt, Hong Kong Street Flyer by an unknown artist, 2019, 06/2019
Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerPhotograph of a street art poster taken on the streets of Hong Kong during the protests against legislation to allow Hong Kong suspects to be extradited to mainland Chinese carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, poster art, posters -
Federation University Historical Collection
Photograph - Colour, Jarrod Watt, A thousand protestors surround Hong Kong's main police headquarters on Arsenal Street in Wan Chai on June 26th 2019, 21/06/2019
Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerMore than a thousand protestors surround Hong Kong's main police headquarters on Arsenal Street in Wan Chai on June 26th following a peaceful rally at Edinburgh Place in Central. Doors to the complex were barricaded by protestors, who left after a six hour siege in protest at police violence at a prtest held earlier on 12 June 2019. Protesters ended a six-hour siege of Hong Kong’s police headquarters – their second in a week over the now-suspended extradition bill – early on Thursday morning. More than 1,000 were involved at the height of the protest, which began after 10pm on Wednesday. Around 100 were left at the end and dispersed without a fight when officers with riot shields emerged from the building in Wan Chai at 4am on Thursday. After a peaceful rally attended by thousands earlier at Edinburgh Place in the Central business district, hundreds descended on Arsenal Street, blocking the junction with Lockhart Road to all traffic and sealing the entrances to the police base. (https://www.scmp.com/news/hong-kong/politics/article/3016238/hong-kong-police-under-siege-again-protesters-surround )carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, protest, protestors -
Federation University Historical Collection
Photograph - Photograph - Colour, Jarrod Watt, Seven police officers stand guard in front of Hong Kong's main police headquarters on Arsenal Street in Wan Chai, 2019, 21/06/2019
Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerSeven police officers stand guard in front of Hong Kong's main police headquarters on Arsenal Street in Wan Chai as an estimated one thousand protestors surround on 26 June 2019. Protestors take turns to step up and hurl abuse at the officers, in a protest lasting 6 hours before peacefully dispersing. The protesters chanted 'Release the martyrs' and 'Stop police violence' in reference to violent clashes with police in the days previous. ( https://www.scmp.com/news/hong-kong/politics/article/3016238/hong-kong-police-under-siege-again-protesters-surround)carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, protest, protestors, police, wan chai -
Federation University Historical Collection
Photograph - Colour, Jarrod Watt, Crowds Gather on June 16 on the Streets of Causeway Bay, 2019, 17/06/2019
Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerPhotograph crowds gathering on June 16 on the streets of Causeway Bay before an estimated 2 million people take part in march protesting the government's push for extradition laws to China and demanding an apology from the chief executrive Carrie Lam. Nearly 2 million’ people take to streets, forcing public apology from Hong Kong leader Carrie Lam as suspension of controversial extradition bill fails to appease protesters. (https://www.scmp.com/news/hong-kong/politics/article/3014737/nearly-2-million-people-take-streets-forcing-public-apology )carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, protest, protestors -
Federation University Historical Collection
Photograph - Photograph - Colour, Jarrod Watt, Street Protests in Hong Kong against proposed extradition laws, 2019, 17/06/2019
Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerPhotograph of a crowd or protestors against proposed extradition laws gathering on the streets of Causeway Bay, Hong Kong, leading down to the gathering area. carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, protest, protestors -
Federation University Historical Collection
Photograph - Colour, Jarrod Watt, Street Protests in Hong Kong against proposed extradition laws, 2019, 17/06/2019
Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerPhotograph of a crowd on the streets of Hong Kong to protest against proposed extradition laws, heading towards Admiralty. carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, protest, protestors, admiralty -
Federation University Historical Collection
Photograph - Colour Photograph, Street Protests in Hong Kong against proposed extradition laws, 2019, 17/06/2019
Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerCrowds mass on Queens Way in Hong Kong as an estimated 2 million people march in protest at the government's refusal to withdraw a controverisal law allowing people to be extradited to mainland China. Chants demanded the chief executive apologise and the legislation be withdrawn, while many held signs protesting police violence. Nearly 2 million protesters flooded the streets of Hong Kong on Sunday, organisers claimed, delivering a stunning repudiation of Chief Executive Carrie Lam Cheng Yuet-ngor’s governance and forcing a public apology out of the city’s leader over her campaign to bulldoze a controversial extradition bill through the legislature. A day after Lam suspended her push for the bill, expecting it to defuse a crisis that has seen violent clashes between mostly young protesters and police, the centre of Hong Kong was brought to a complete standstill as the masses marched to chastise her for refusing to withdraw the bill or apologise when first asked to, and declaring that nothing short of her resignation would satisfy them now. (https://www.scmp.com/news/hong-kong/politics/article/3014737/nearly-2-million-people-take-streets-forcing-public-apology ) carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, protest, protestors, admiralty -
Federation University Historical Collection
Cuttings, Teachers' College Reunion Memorabilia, 1989
Thirteen pages of memorabilia used at the Teachers' College 40 year Reunion in 1989 and 25th Reunion in 1974. It includes photographs, newspaper clippings and lettersBallarat Courier in Retrospect 1989 Ballarat Courier in Retrospect 40 Years ago reunion, teachers college ballarat, 40 years, photograph, clippings, m.j. page, j.m. dunn, m.e. blaby, g.j.white, m.l. collins, d.g. prowse, f.l. english, w,j, cook, f.j. barnett, t.m. dowling, v.m. tyson, m.b. court, s. freckleton, n.g. heinrich, n. miller, m. godfrey, m. eveston, r.l. witney, e.m. gearing, j.m. clarke, n.m. george, d.h. evans, k.b. richardson, w.p. hall, w.p. baker, peter fryar, laurence peter fryar, j.m. addinsall, m.j. reynolds, margaret reynolds, v.j. kelly, p.j. hudson, a.i. mcintosh, t.w.h. turner, w.f. ford, l.s. mcrae, l.a. campbell, j.m. pentney, b.j heron, j.h. gervasoni, john hogan gervasoni, m. miller, e.n. tippett, j.w. blackie, r.m. preece, g.n fithall, m. mcewin, i.p. ryan, l.i. irving, p. aldred, b.c. webb, v.m. ward, a.m. panther, j.h. dunn, m.m. gallagher, e.b. hughes, r.h.lam. stowell, d.j. collins, i.g. mcmahon, b.m. thorpe, a.e. white -
Federation University Historical Collection
Object, Coat of Arms of the Supreme Court of Victoria, from the Ballarat Law Courts
Removed from the Ballarat Law Courts at the time that is was being prepared for use as the Arts Academy. Metal coat or arms made in the Era of George V.coat of arms, state offices, law courts, ballarat