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Flagstaff Hill Maritime Museum and Village
Scale, 1920
Inventor Biography: Percival Everitt was a Norfolk-born engineer and regarded as the father of the coin-op industry. in 1884 he patented one of his many inventions the coin-operated scales. For many people, it was their first exposure to coin-operated machines. As a young man in 1877, Everitt invented a hay and corn pitcher, a turnip thinner in 1878 and an “Automatic Travelling Anchor” in 1880. But he hit his stride in 1883 with the first postcard-vending machine over a hundred of which he distributed around London. Everitt went on to invent the one penny scale which prompted the formation of the Weighing Machine Company in 1885. Further inventions followed a blow tester in 1887 also the machine for testing a person grip in 1888 and the dispensing machine that opera glasses could be hired from in 1889 also the fortune-telling machine in 1890. He also invented a mechanism to shut coin slots when vending machines were empty, but then as now vandals posed a problem by jamming paper into the slot. Everitt sadly did not make his fortune he died suddenly in February 1893, in his late forties with £71 to his name. Penny Slot Weighing Machine: When the Australian colonies federated to form the Commonwealth of Australia in 1901 their post and telegraph departments were merged to form the national Postmaster General's (PMG) Department. The subject scale is an automatic public weighing machine, No.387, made in England by George Salter and Co. of West Bromwich. The Australasian Automatic Weighing Machine Co. Ltd in 1923 tendered for the right to place Automatic Weighing Machines on railway and tram premises throughout New South Wales subsequently for five-year terms in return for a fixed payment per machine and a portion of the revenue to the NSW Government. The company also made arrangements with the Postmaster General's Department to place machines outside post offices across the country. Weights were measured in stones and pound's up to 20 stone (127 kg) and average weights were shown separately for men, women, boys and girls by various heights in feet and inches. The subject item has had its scale change by the Eastern Scale Company to metric and it is believed to have occurred shortly after April 2000 as the company was first registered and began trading on this date. This weighing machine was originally installed by the Australasian Automatic Weighing Machine Co. Ltd at Warrnambool Post Office and was made by the firm, George Salter and Company, in West Bromwich, England to the Percival Everitt patent. Salter advertised that these machines were suitable for hotels, pleasure gardens, theaters, exhibition halls, clubs, baths and places of public resort. The company had been established in 1760 by the brothers, Richard and William Salter, manufacturing springs and pocket steelyards (spring balances). After several generations, the company was taken over by a nephew, George, and in 1884 the Salter trademark was registered to show a Staffordshire knot pierced by an arrow. The company's expanded range of products included the first coin-operated public weighing machines in the 1880s and in 1895 the first English made typewriter. When the last George Salter died in 1917, the company passed into the hands of other relatives but continued to grow before being bought out by Staveley Industries in 1973. Despite several subsequent mergers, the Salter name continues today on home ware products such as digital scales.A very rare example of a penny in the slot weighing machine imported into Australia and used in public places the item is significant as it gives a snapshot into community life at the time where the public could go and get weighed given there were no personal weighing machines or equipment that people could use at home. So if they needed to post a letter or go on a train journey they could use a machine to check their weight. Whats interesting is that this patent by Percival Everitt was the worlds first slot machine and the start of casino, arcade and other types of slot machines. Personal weighing scale metal large silver painted penny coin operated. Weight measurements are in stones and pounds. Australian Automatic Weighing Machine 60 lb Everitt Patent. flagstaff hill, warrnambool, shipwrecked-coast, flagstaff-hill, flagstaff-hill-maritime-museum, maritime-museum, shipwreck-coast, flagstaff-hill-maritime-village -
Flagstaff Hill Maritime Museum and Village
Furniture - Screen, Thomas Hope, 1905-1913
The fire screen was part of the original furnishings of the Lighthouse Keeper's Quarters in Merri Street, Warrnambool. It was made by Lighthouse Keeper, Thomas Hope. Thomas served two terms as an assistant lighthouse keeper in Warrnambool. His first term was from 1905 to 1907. He later returned from 1910 to 1913, when he was appointed as Keeper five months after the untimely death of his predecessor Peter Quinn. Woodworking was one of Thomas Hope’s hobbies, and the three-panel fire screen he made as a lighthouse keeper is now in the Flagstaff collection and is displayed in the Lighthouse Keeper’s Cottage. Thomas Hope 1857 - 1928 Thomas James Hope was born in Camden, Surrey, England in 1857. His father, also called Thomas, was reputed to be a member of the Royal Family, and Thomas Hope Junior his illegitimate son. Thomas was subsequently brought up on the estate of the Earl of Hopetoun in Somerset and it was thought that Thomas was the Earl’s grandson. Against the wishes of those in charge of Thomas, he joined the navy at an early age, seeing much of the world until he settled in New Zealand at the age of twenty-four. After some years in New Zealand, he came to Australia to live. One of the jobs Thomas Hope had prior to becoming an assistant lighthouse keeper in 1896 was as a cook in the Lunatic Asylum at Sunbury, Victoria. He served as an assistant keeper at Shortlands Bluff, Gabo Island, Split Point and Warrnambool, retiring in 1918. He bought a house in Nicholson St, Warrnambool and died in March 1928. He is buried in the Warrnambool cemetery. Thomas Hope is recorded in family history as being of short stature and, not surprisingly given his alleged aristocratic connections, possessed a beautiful speaking voice. He and his wife Elizabeth nee Waters, whom he married in New Zealand, had six children (Thomas, killed in World War One), Ellen (Nell), Nora (who was married at the Warrnambool lighthouse keepers cottage), William (who died in Warrnambool), Marion and Alan. Joseph Hoover (Dec 29, 1830, to Aug 7, 1913) Joseph Hoover, the printer of the pictures on the screen, was born in Baltimore, of Swiss-German heritage. He was trained as an architectural woodturner. In 1856 Hoover moved to Philadelphia and began producing elaborate wooden frames in his wood-turning and framing business. By 1865 Hoover had started to produce popular prints for publishers and artists, which included noted Philadelphia artist James F. Queen. In the 1880s Hoover set up a complete plant specialising in chromatography, the process of producing colour prints from lithographic plates. The coloured prints he produced were affordable to business and private customers. In 1893 his son Henry L., a trained lithographer, joined the company as overseer and it was called J. Hoover & Son. It became one of the largest in America by the turn of the century. Hoover won a medal for Excellence for his Chromolithographs of James Queen’s works. In 1904 Joseph’s other son, Joseph W, joined the business as a partner and the company was called Jos. Hoover & Sons. Hoover died of a heart attack in 1913. He was survived by his wife and six children: two sons who were also his business partners, and four daughters. The firm continued in production until around 1985. Hoover’s prints included scenes, still life and landscapes of America and other locations. They were sold in America and overseas to countries including Canada, Germany, Mexico and England. The three-panelled screen in the Lighthouse Keeper’s Cottage was made by the Assistant Lighthouse Keeper, Thomas Hope during one of his two terms at the Lighthouse Keepers' Quarters. It is the only object in the collection known to be connected to Hope. The Lighthouse Keeper's Cottage is part of the Lady Bay Lighthouse Complex, which is listed on the Victorian Heritage Register for being of historical, scientific (technological) and architectural significance to the State of Victoria.Fire screen comprising three black wood framed panels hinged together. Each panel contains a glass-encased print depicting a rural landscape. Ornate stencil cut wood edging and quilt-inspired parquetry sits above each panel. The central panel is taller than those either side. Screen is lined in black-painted cardboard.Printed at the base of each of the three prints “COPYRIGHT 1896 BY J. HOOVER & SON, PHILAD’’A.”flagstaff hill, warrnambool, shipwrecked coast, flagstaff hill maritime museum, firescreen, thomas hope junior, ellen (nell) hope, nora hope, william hope, marion hope, alan hope, jos. hoover & sons of philadelphia, lighthouse keeper, assistant lighthouse keeper, carved screen, merri street, lighthouse keeper's cottage, lighthouse residence, lighthouse, wood carving, lighthouse complex, lady bay lighthouse, fire screen -
Bendigo Historical Society Inc.
Document - BENDIGO TOWN HALL, THE MUSIC ADVANCEMENT SOCIETY OF BENDIGO, 1952
a/ The Music Advancement Society of Bendigo presents the 'Astra' Chamber Orchestral Society. Conductor: Madame Asta Flack. Soloist: Boris Stupel, Violinist. Town Hall, Bendigo, Saturday, 23 February, 1952, 8pm. Hon. Secs: Madge Edgar, Merle Bockholt. Includes Programme. Orchestra. Piano: Mary Crompton. Advertisements: Frank J Every & Sons, Hargreaves St., Bendigo. Phone 874. Allan's, Allans' Walk Bendigo. Edgars Authorised Newsagency, 293 Hargreaves St., Bendigo. Telephone 238. b/ The Music Advancement Society of Bendigo presents the Second Concert 1952 Series. Cellist: Otto Veit. Pianist: Bernice Lehmann. Town Hall, Bendigo. Sat 5th, April, 1952, 8.15pm. Hon. Sec.: Madge Edgar, Merle Bockholt. Advertisements: Alan C Hampton, Newsagent Bookseller Stationer. 243 Mitchell St., Bendigo. Phone 421. Allan's 'The Home of Music' Bendigo. c/ The Music Advancement Society of Bendigo presents the Third Concert 1952 Series. Flautist: John Amadio. Soprano: Marie Collier. Pianist: Meryl Ross. Town Hall, Bendigo. Saturday, 2nd August, 1952, 8.15pm. Hon. Sec: Madge Edgar, Merle Bockholt. Advertisements: Frank J Every & Sons, Hargreaves Street, Bendigo. Ph: 874. Allan's for the Latest Classical Recordings. Allan's Walk, Bendigo. Edgars' 293 Hargreaves St. Bendigo. Telephone 238. d/ The Music Advancement Society of Bendigo presents the Fourth Concert 1952 Series in association with The Argus, Melbourne. Argus Lieder Prizewinners: Merlyn Todd, Margaret Bourne, Accompanist: Phyllis House. Paul McDermott Quartette. Paul McDermott First Violin. Leon La Gruta Second violin. Paul O'Brien Viola. Otti Veit 'Cello. Town Hall, Bendigo on Saturday, 20th September 1952. 8.15pm. Hon. Sec.: Madge Edgar, Merle Bockholt. Broadcast by 3LO, 9.30 - 10.00pm. Advertisements: A C Hampton, Mitchell Street, Bendigo. Whatever you are needing for writing or reading. Booked, Stationery, Newspapers and Magazines. Allan's, Allans' Walk, Bendigo. Beale Pianos. Moderately priced. Easy terms arranged. Edgars' Booksellers, Stationers, Authorised Newsagents, 293 Hargreaves St. Bendigo. Telephone 238. Insert: National Theatre Movement of Australia, Bendigo Branch. The Three Arts Festival, October 11th - 16th, Halls as advertised. Saturday, 11th Oct.: Victoria Anderson & Viola Morris. Monday, 13th Oct.: The Late Edwina Black. Wednesday, 15th Oct.: Bendigo Orchestra & Shakespeare Society. Thursday, 16th Oct.: Vocal & Instrumental Concert. Ticket costing listed, bookings at Allan's opens for Season's Bookings 1st Oct. and for separate Concerts on 6th October.Bolton Bros. Pty. Ltd., Printers, Bendigoprogram, theatre, music advancement society of bendig, a/ the music advancement society of bendigo presents 'astra' chamber orchestral society. conductor: madame asta flack. soloist: boris stupel, violinist. town hall, bendigo, 23 feb, 1952. hon. secs: madge edgar, merle bockholt. includes programme. orchestra. piano: mary crompton. advertisements: frank j every & sons, hargreaves st., bendigo. phone 874. allan's, allans' walk bendigo. edgars authorised newsagency, 293 hargreaves st., bendigo. ph 238. b/ second concert 1952 series. cellist: otto veit. pianist: bernice lehmann.. 5th, april, 1952. advertisements: alan c hampton, newsagent bookseller stationer. 243 mitchell st., bendigo. ph 421. allan's 'the home of music' bendigo. c/ third concert 1952 series. flautist: john amadio. soprano: marie collier. pianist: meryl ross. 2nd august, 1952, 8.15. hon. sec: madge edgar, merle bockholt. advertisements: frank j every & sons, hargreaves street, bendigo. ph: 874. allan's for the latest classical recordings. allan's walk, bendigo. edgars' 293. bendigo. ph 238. d/ fourth concert 1952 the argus, melbourne. argus lieder prizewinners: merlyn todd, margaret bourne, accompanist: phyllis house. paul mcdermott quartette. paul mcdermott first violin. leon la gruta second violin. paul o'brien viola. otti veit 'cello. town hall, bendigo on saturday, 20th september 1952. broadcast by 3lo, 9.30 - 10.00pm. advertisements: a c hampton, bendigo.. allan's, allans' walk, bendigo. beale pianos. moderately priced. edgars'. bendigo. telephone 238. insert: national theatre movement of australia, bendigo branch. the three arts festival, october 11th - 16th, halls as advertised. 11th oct.: victoria anderson & viola morris. 13th oct.: the late edwina black. wednesday, 15th oct.: bendigo orchestra & shakespeare society. 16th oct.: vocal & instrumental concert -
Victorian Aboriginal Corporation for Languages
Book, Aboriginal placenames : naming and re-naming the Australian landscape, 2009
"Aboriginal approaches to the naming of places across Australia differ radically from the official introduced Anglo-Australian system. However, many of these earlier names have been incorporated into contemporary nomenclature, with considerable reinterpretations of their function and form. Recently, state jurisdictions have encouraged the adoption of a greater number of Indigenous names, sometimes alongside the accepted Anglo-Australian terms, around Sydney Harbour, for example. In some cases, the use of an introduced name, such as Gove, has been contested by local Indigenous people." "The 19 studies brought together in this book present an overview of current issues involving Indigenous placenames across the whole of Australia, drawing on the disciplines of geography, linguistics, history, and anthropology. They include meticulous studies of historical records, and perspectives stemming from contemporary Indigenous communities. The book includes a wealth of documentary information on some 400 specific placenames, including those of Sydney Harbour, the Blue Mountains, Canberra, western Victoria, the Lake Eyre district, the Victoria River District, and southwestern Cape York Peninsula." -- Publisher description. Contents: Introduction: Old and new aspects of Indigenous place-naming /? Harold Koch and Luise Hercus NSW &? ACT: 1. Aboriginal placenames around Port Jackson and Botany Bay, New South Wales, Australia: sources and uncertainties /? Val Attenbrow 2. Reinstating Aboriginal placenames around Port Jackson and Botany Bay /? Jakelin Troy and Michael Walsh 3. The recognition of Aboriginal placenames in New South Wales /? Greg Windsor 4. New insights into Gundungurra place naming /? Jim Smith 5. The methodology of reconstructing Indigenous placenames: Australian Capital Territory and south-eastern New South Wales /? Harold Koch Victoria: 6. Toponymic books and the representation of Indigenous identities /? Laura Kostanski 7. Reviving old Indigenous names for new purposes /? Laura Kostanski and Ian D. Clark 8. Reconstruction of Aboriginal microtoponymy in western and central Victoria: case studies from Tower Hill, the Hopkins River, and Lake Boga /? Ian Clark South Australia &? Central Australia: 'Aboriginal names of places in southern South Australia': placenames in the Norman B.Tindale collection of papers /? Paul Monaghan 10. Why Mulligan is not just another Irish name: Lake Callabonna, South Australia /? J.C. McEntee 11. Murkarra, a landscape nearly forgotten: the Arabana country of the noxious insects, north and northwest of Lake Eyre /? Luise Hercus 12. Some area names in the far north-east of South Australia /? Luise Hercus 13. Placenames of central Australia: European records and recent experience /? Richard Kimber Northern Australia: 14. Naming Bardi places /? Claire Bowern 15. Dog-people: the meaning of a north Kimberley story /? Mark Clendon 16. 'Where the spear sticks up': the variety of locatives in placenames in the Victoria River District, Northern Territory /? Patrick McConvell 17. 'This place already has a name' /? Melanie Wilkinson, Dr R. Marika and Nancy M. Williams 18. Manankurra: what's in a name? placenames and emotional geographies /? John J. Bradley and Amanda Kearney 19. Kurtjar placenames /? Paul Black.Maps, b&w photographs, tables, word listsaustralian placenames, sociolinguistics, linguistics, anthropology, sydney harbour placenames, blue mountains placenames, canberra placenames, western victoria placenames, lake eyre placenames, victoria river district placenames, cape york peninsula placenames -
Eltham District Historical Society Inc
Negative - Photograph, Sketch; Sweeney's Cottage, Culla Hill, Eltham (n.d.), c.1970
The original sketch was photographed in 1970 for reproduction in the Shire history publication Pioneers & Painters (1971). The very fragile original was kept in the Council stoungroom and suffered significant damage to its edges over the years, no doubt it has also yellowed. A comparison of the original as digitised (2022) with the negative taken 50 years earlier also reveals that the left 20% of the sketch has been cut off, probably due to damage. In June 1842 Thomas Sweeney applied to the Superintendent, C.J. La Trobe, asking permission to purchase a portion of the recently surveyed ‘Parish of Nillumbik'. His request was allowed and handed to the sub-treasurer and Land Board. He paid £110 for 110 acres and called the land 'Culla Hill'. He first built a temporary house, a slab hut 12 feet by 10 feet, in which he lived with his wife, an Irish girl whom he had married in 1838. (His first wife had been drowned at Port Jackson.) Some time later he built a permanent residence on the model of a Tipperary farmhouse. It was a rectangular building of hand-made bricks and stone quarried from the Western Hill with a recessed verandah in front, and bore a slate roof. The out-buildings consisted of a detached kitchen, stable and a barn. It was in this house that succeeding generations of Sweeneys were reared. The original slab hut became a washhouse and survived till recent years. 'Culla Hill' became a social centre for the district, church services being held there on various occasions. The first wheat crop in the district was planted by Sweeney who also supplied the first grain for a mill that later was built at Eltham. He took an active interest in the development of the district. At this time travelling people--many of them runaway sailors or convicts--often passed the settlement, and some of them stayed and worked with Sweeney. A tribe of aborigines living on the river below 'Culla Hill' were apparently on good terms with Sweeney, for it is said that they helped him with the building of his house. Very little is known about the aborigines who originally lived in the Eltham district. There must have been many of them; their stone axes, grinding stones, and anvil stones have been found in the gullies around Research and canoe trees and artifacts were found on the Kangaroo Ground hills. Early settlers remembered a tribe that camped on the site of the present railway bridge at Eltham. They held corroborees there and visited settlers for hand-outs of 'flour and bacca’. There was an aboriginal reserve on the Yarra, upstream from Eltham, but most of those who had collected there later went to live on the Pound Reserve at Warrandyte, where the last aborigines in the area finally ended their days. The Pound Reserve, of 1,103 acres, was established at Pound Bend in 1841. The chief protector, George Robinson, and his four assistants, were given instructions to care for the aged and sick, to provide blankets and rations for all who lived there, to train the able-bodied men in agriculture and other trades and to find them jobs. The Yarra blacks, who later came under the protection of William Thomas, have been described as a 'fine race, well made and above the average height'. Thomas Sweeney died on 6 September 1867 and was buried in the Eltham Cemetery. To his wife Margaret and his son John, he left the entire property of 'Culla Hill'. To his other son Patrick, he left 150 acres, including a small two-roomed wooden cottage. He had five daughters: Kate and Margaret (twins) who were born in 1842, Ellen 1846, Annie 1848 and Johanna 1851. John Sweeney farmed 'Culla Hill' until his death in 1909. He had ten children; one of them, Mary, became Mrs M. Carrucan whose son, Mr John Carrucan, still lives at Eltham. 'Culla Hill' passed out of the Sweeneys possession in 1939 and was renamed by its new owners, 'Sweeneys', in memory of its pioneers. - Pioneers & Painters: One Hundred Years of Eltham and its Shire, Alan Marshall 1971, pp10-12 4 x 5 inch black and white negative of original colour sketchculla hill, sweeey's cottage -
Flagstaff Hill Maritime Museum and Village
Document - Financial agreement, Bank of Australasia et al, Banks' Agreement, 5-2-1877 to 15-5-1878
This Banks' Agreement refers to one of several agreements made between the Warrnambool and district bank Managers not to exceed the stated rates of interest. The first section of the Agreement is dated 5th February 1877 and the last date is 15th May 1879. The Banks agreed to specific interest rates for fixed deposits and the terms of those deposits. The first page refers to a previous Agreement being terminated on 14th August 1875. A document from the ANZ Bank, Melbourne, refers to another Agreement dated 2nd April 1879. A transcription of the Banks' Agreement is attached to this record. The four banks subscribing to the Agreement are: - Bank of Australasia Bank of Victoria Colonial Bank of Australasia National Bank of Australasia The Bank of Australasia was incorporated by the Royal Charter of England in March 1834. The bank began in Australia on 14th December 1835, opening in Sydney. The Acting Superintendent of the bank at that time was David Charters McArthur. He was Superintendent from 1867 to 1876. The Melbourne branch opened on 28th August 1838 in a two-roomed brick cottage on the north side of Little Collins Street, where two huge mastiff dogs were used at night to guard the bank. The government also provided an armed military sentinel. Due to the bank's rapid growth, a new building for the Melbourne branch was opened in 1840 at 75 Collins Street West. By 1879 the bank had been upgraded to a magnificent two-storey building on the corners of Collins and Queens Streets, with the entry on Collins Street. In 1951 the Bank of Australasia amalgamated with the Union Bank to form Australia and New Zealand Bank, now known as the ANZ. Then in 1970, the ANZ merged with both the ES&A and the London Bank of Australia to form the ANZ Banking Group Limited. The ANZ Banking Group Ltd kindly donated various historic items from the Bank of Australasia. BANK of AUSTRALASIA, WARRNAMBOOL – In 1854 Warrnambool had two banks, the Union Bank and the Bank of Australasia. Later, completely different bank businesses opened; in 1867 the National Bank of Australasia, then in 1875 the Colonial Bank of Australasia. The original Warrnambool branch of the Bank of Australasia was established in July 1854, and operated from a leased cottage on Merri Street, close to Liebig Street. The bank later bought a stone building previously erected by drapers Cramond & Dickson on the corner of Timor and Gibson Streets. Samuel Hannaford was a teller and then Manager at the Warrnambool branch from 1855 to 1856 and the Warrnambool Council chose that bank for its dealings during 1856-57. In 1859 Roberts & Co. was awarded the contract to build the new Bank of Australasia branch for £3,000. The land was on a sand hill on the northeast corner of Timor and Kepler Streets and had been bought in 1855 by investor James Cust. The new building opened on May 21, 1860. The bank continued to operate there until 1951 when it merged with the Union Bank to form the ANZ Bank, which continued operating from its Liebig Street building. Warrnambool City Council purchased the former Bank of Australasia building in 1971 and renovated it, then on 3rd December 1973 it was officially opened as the Art Gallery by Cr. Harold Stephenson and Gallery Director John Welsh. The Gallery transferred to the purpose-built building on Liebig Street in 1986 and the old bank building is now the Gallery Club. Staff at the Bank of Australasia in Warrnambool included the following men but others were also involved: Samuel Hannaford, Teller then Manager from 1855-1856; W H Palmer, Manager from January 1857 until November 1869 when the Teller Basil Spence was promoted to Manager; H B Chomley, Manager from April 1873 and still there in 1886; A Butt, Manager in 1895-1904; J R McCleary Accountant and Acting Manager for 12 months, until 1900; A Kirk, Manager 1904; J Moore, staff until his transfer to Bendigo in December 1908; J S Bath was Manager until 1915; C C Cox, Manager until April 1923; Richard C Stanley, Manager 1923 to April 1928. This Banks' Agreement has historical significance as it belonged to the Bank of Australasia which was established in Australia in 1835 by Royal Charter. One of the four parties of the Agreement was the Warrnambool branch, so the document is also a historical record of the financial agreements between similar institutions in the local area. The document is significant for its association with the Bank of Australasia in Warrnambool, the first bank in Warrnambool, established in 1854. The bank continued to operate until its merger in 1951 when it became the ANZ Bank, which is still in operation today. The Bank was an integral part of the establishment and growth of commerce in Colonial Warrnambool and throughout Australia.Document titled the Banks Agreement; a four-page document handwritten in black ink with a nib pen on heavy cream-coloured paper. The document describes the agreement between four banks local to Warrnambool and the district. It specifies interest rates for fixed deposits, the period of the deposits and the penalty for early withdrawal. It includes banks in Warrnambool, Belfast (now Port Fairy) and Koroit and is dated from February 1877 to May 1878. It has been signed by the Banks' Managers. The contents are an agreement not to exceed the stated rates of interest. This copy belonged to the Bank of Australasia, Warrnambool."Banks' Agreement" "Warrnambool" "Belfast" "Koroit" "5th February 1877" "17th February 1877" "16th May 1877" "6th May 1878" "14th May 1878" "15th May 1878"flagstaff hill, warrnambool, flagstaff hill maritime museum, maritime museum, commerce, banking, bank of australasia, australia & new zealand bank, anz bank, david charters mcarthur, banks' agreement, bank of victoria, colonial bank of australasia, national bank of australasia, belfast (now port fairy), koroit, fixed term deposits, interest rates, 1877, 1878, bills, promissory notes, current accounts -
Plutarch Project
English wooden ship model, Cutty Sark replica, circa 1997
This replica ship was modelled to exact scale by Denis Paraskevatos with the original basic kit enhanced by a large number of brass and mahogany wooden parts used and showing on two labels positioned at the base of the model. These replica parts were specifically designed and constructed by D. Paraskevatos with the help of his family. This model along a large number of others have been displayed at the Victorian Parliament for ten days from the 18th March 2002 (Queens Hall) to the 28th March 2002, and the Melbourne Town Hall from 19th to 27th August 2004. The history of the 65 meter British vessel named Cutty Sark is as follows: THE CUTTY SARK (history) The “Cutty Sark” was a British clipper ship, aptly named of course as a [clipper for its speed ], which was built in 1869 on the [river Clyde in Scotland ] by the Jock Willis Shipping Corporation. It was primarily used to transport tea from China to Great Britain, as well to a lesser extent later in its life, wool from Australia; however, with the advent of the steam engines and the creation also of the Suez Canal in 1869, its days of operation as a sailing vessel were numbered, as the steam ships were now prevailing as technologically advanced cargo carriers through the shorter route by the Suez Canal to China. In fact, within a few years of its operation, as its delegation in the tea industry was declining, it was assigned primarily the duty of transporting wool from Australia to England, but this activity was thwarted again by the steam ships, as they were enabled by their technologies to travel faster to Australia. Eventually, the “Cutty Sark” in 1895 was sold to a Portuguese company called “Ferreira and Co.”, where it continued to operate as a cargo ship until 1922, when it was purchased on that year by the retired sea captain Wilfred Dowman, who used it as a training ship in the town of Falmouth in Cornwall. After his death, the ship was conferred as a gesture of good will to the “Thames Nautical Training College” in Greenhithe in 1938, where it became an auxiliary cadet training ship, outliving its usefulness as a training vessel by 1954, and permanently [being dry docked in Greenwich, London, ] for public viewing. Of course, the “Cutty Sark” was not the only tea clipper constructed and owned by the Jock Willis Corporation, as there were others who were also used for the transportation of tea from China to Great Britain. Noteworthy additionally in its impressive resume is the fact that, the “Cutty Sark” was not only valued and admired for its speed, but also for its prestige that it afforded to its owners, [as media coverage was insatiable during a tea race that was regarded a national sporting event, with fiscal bets being placed on a predicted winning ship ]. Disappointingly, even though the English tea clippers were the best in the world at the time in terms of marine design, they had never won a tea race, and Jock Willis was certainly determined to achieve this goal, as the American clippers were considered the fastest in the tea trade. Nonetheless, the British clippers were proven to be formidable opponents to their American counterparts in the tea trade, when in 1868 a British tea clipper called [“Thermopylae”, managed to travel from the port of London to Melbourne, in only sixty one (61) days, which Jock Willis was hoping to improve on such a feat with the “Cutty Sark” ] . Remarkably, the maximum speed that the “Cutty Sark” could achieve was 17.5 knots in spite of the challenges of the unpredictable winds, if any at times, and the high seas or ferocious storms. Interestingly, [the “Cutty Sark’s” greatest recorded achievement in distance in twenty four (24) hours was three hundred and sixty three (363) nautical miles ], which meant that it was averaging approximately fifteen (15) knots; much faster obviously than the recorded twenty four (24) hour distance of the “Thermopylae” which had accomplished three hundred and fifty (358) nautical miles. .... ______________ -*- Please read the complete history of the Cutty Sark vessel by Maria Paraskevatos in one of the attachments provided with this exhibit. This model along with a large number of others was constructed by the Master craftsman Denis Paraskevatos, in Melbourne and has a historic, artistic significance because of the time and artist efforts in construction.The English Cutty Sark replica model is a wooden replica scaled at 1:25. The wood is mahogany and it is normally displayed in a glass covered enclosure. It has three masts and it is the largest vessel of Denis Paraskevatos collectionCUTTY SARK LONDONreplica, ship, art, model, cutty, sark, greek, artist, paraskevatos, παρασκευάτος, πανομοιότυπο -
Port Fairy Historical Society Museum and Archives
Photograph
The steamer S.S.CASINO was much loved by the whole Port Fairy community- with the possible exception of some of the fishermen whose boats she ran down! Transport of the large quantities of wool, potatoes, onions, grain, sheep, cattle and other produce grown on the rich lands of the Western District Belfast was served by a plethora of shipping, both sail and steam, but only one of the steamers then in the regular trade (S.S. DAWN) would ever be able to get up the river and reap the cost savings of loading against a wharf. It was not unusual for four steamers to be anchored in the bay at once and for seven or eight different steamers to call during a week. A number of inter-colonial steamers also called to pick up produce for delivery to Melbourne, Sydney and Adelaide. Production in the Western District was increasing and virtually all of that production had to go through one of the western ports in order to reach markets. By 1882 a meeting 15ft. March, 1882, in the office of auctioneer, J.B. HoIden in Cox Street took action and it was unanimously resolved - that the Belfast & Koroit Steamship Company be formed with a capital of £20,000 in 10,000 shares of £2 each". A number of steamers were offered by letter to the fledgling company, including the new and almost sister ships, CASINO and HELEN NICHOLL. The CASINO was on her delivery voyage from England was due to arrive in Warrnambool to load potatoes for Sydney and, initially, arrangements were made for her to call into Port Fairy for inspection by the BKNS Co directors. She eventually proceeded direct to Warrnambool and the Directors inspected her there. Without hesitation they purchased her even though they had to raise a large bank loan to do so. The CASINO arrived in Port Fairy on Saturday, 29th. July, 1882, steaming triumphantly up the Moyne River, and was greeted by crowds, many of whom had driven in from the surrounding countryside, which gave her “loud ringing English cheers". By 1884 the CASINO could not carry all the cargoes available to her and in December of that year the company purchased the new steamer BELLINGER to provide additional capacity. She helped to open up the intermediate ports of Lorne, Apollo Bay and Port Campbell, but the BELLINGER was not really suitable for the trade and she was sold in 1887, leaving the CASINO to operate alone -as she was to do for almost all of the next 45 years. The opening of the railway in 1890 decreased the cargo available to the steamers and the economic depression of the early 1890's worsened the situation. The weak soon began to fall by the wayside and when the Portland & Belfast SN Co. decided to go into liquidation in April 1895, the Belfast & Koroit Company bought the Portland Company's steamer DAWN on advantageous terms, a substantial part of the payment being in BKSN Co shares. The BKNS Co and the Howard Smith Line came into direct head to head competition and nearly forced the BKNS Co out of existence. Cargo dropped to such an extent that in 1899, they reached agreement that only one ship would run and that the ship which ran would pay a weekly amount to the competitor to stay out of the trade. This controlled service ceased in1909, and competition intensified when Howard Smith placed the newly built, larger steamer EUMERALLA on the run. The BKNS Co survived this competition and even prospered during it partly by extending on a more regular basis, the CASINO'S voyages to South Australian ports Port Macdonnell, Kingston, Beachport, Robe and, on occasions Adelaide. There were setbacks when, on 20 October 1924, CASINO went ashore at the Kennett River, near Apollo Bay, and again, in February l929, when she struck a submerged object at Warrnambool and had to be beached. The railways placed great competitive pressure on the small steamship company and this pressure was intensified when the Great Depression slashed the market for Western District produce, BKNS Co struggled on, paying dividends in most years, and the company planned a big celebration for the CASINO'S fiftieth anniversary in the trade on 29th July, 1932. Disaster struck soon after 9 o'clock on the morning of Sunday I0 July, 1932 when the CASINO was lost at Apollo Bay together with the lives of 10 crew members. Black and white photograph of s.s.Casino steaming down to berth at her wharf on the left fishing boats in foregroundship, boat, industry, belfast and koroit steam navigation company, moyne river, river, s.s.casino, wharf -
Port Fairy Historical Society Museum and Archives
Photograph - Panoramic Photograph, A.C. Aberline, Moyne River East Beach Port Fairy. SS Casino
The steamer S.S.CASINO was much loved by the whole Port Fairy community- with the possible exception of some of the fishermen whose boats she ran down! Transport of the large quantities of wool, potatoes, onions, grain, sheep, cattle and other produce grown on the rich lands of the Western District Belfast was served by a plethora of shipping, both sail and steam, but only one of the steamers then in the regular trade (S.S. DAWN) would ever be able to get up the river and reap the cost savings of loading against a wharf. It was not unusual for four steamers to be anchored in the bay at once and for seven or eight different steamers to call during a week. A number of inter-colonial steamers also called to pick up produce for delivery to Melbourne, Sydney and Adelaide. Production in the Western District was increasing and virtually all of that production had to go through one of the western ports in order to reach markets. By 1882 a meeting 15ft. March, 1882, in the office of auctioneer, J.B. HoIden in Cox Street took action and it was unanimously resolved - that the Belfast & Koroit Steamship Company be formed with a capital of £20,000 in 10,000 shares of £2 each". A number of steamers were offered by letter to the fledgling company, including the new and almost sister ships, CASINO and HELEN NICHOLL. The CASINO was on her delivery voyage from England was due to arrive in Warrnambool to load potatoes for Sydney and, initially, arrangements were made for her to call into Port Fairy for inspection by the BKNS Co directors. She eventually proceeded direct to Warrnambool and the Directors inspected her there. Without hesitation they purchased her even though they had to raise a large bank loan to do so. The CASINO arrived in Port Fairy on Saturday, 29th. July, 1882, steaming triumphantly up the Moyne River, and was greeted by crowds, many of whom had driven in from the surrounding countryside, which gave her “loud ringing English cheers". By 1884 the CASINO could not carry all the cargoes available to her and in December of that year the company purchased the new steamer BELLINGER to provide additional capacity. She helped to open up the intermediate ports of Lorne, Apollo Bay and Port Campbell, but the BELLINGER was not really suitable for the trade and she was sold in 1887, leaving the CASINO to operate alone -as she was to do for almost all of the next 45 years. The opening of the railway in 1890 decreased the cargo available to the steamers and the economic depression of the early 1890's worsened the situation. The weak soon began to fall by the wayside and when the Portland & Belfast SN Co. decided to go into liquidation in April 1895, the Belfast & Koroit Company bought the Portland Company's steamer DAWN on advantageous terms, a substantial part of the payment being in BKSN Co shares. The BKNS Co and the Howard Smith Line came into direct head to head competition and nearly forced the BKNS Co out of existence. Cargo dropped to such an extent that in 1899, they reached agreement that only one ship would run and that the ship which ran would pay a weekly amount to the competitor to stay out of the trade. This controlled service ceased in1909, and competition intensified when Howard Smith placed the newly built, larger steamer EUMERALLA on the run. The BKNS Co survived this competition and even prospered during it partly by extending on a more regular basis, the CASINO'S voyages to South Australian ports Port Macdonnell, Kingston, Beachport, Robe and, on occasions Adelaide. There were setbacks when, on 20 October 1924, CASINO went ashore at the Kennett River, near Apollo Bay, and again, in February l929, when she struck a submerged object at Warrnambool and had to be beached. The railways placed great competitive pressure on the small steamship company and this pressure was intensified when the Great Depression slashed the market for Western District produce, BKNS Co struggled on, paying dividends in most years, and the company planned a big celebration for the CASINO'S fiftieth anniversary in the trade on 29th July, 1932. Disaster struck soon after 9 o'clock on the morning of Sunday I0 July, 1932 when the CASINO was lost at Apollo Bay together with the lives of 10 crew members. black and white panaramic photograph mounted on cardboardMoyne River & East Beach Port Fairy- s.s.Casino-A.C.Aberline-Canterburyship, boat, sea, river, training walls, wharf, moyne river, s.s.casino, steamer -
Ringwood and District Historical Society
Map - Public Land Sale by Thomas Ham, 2000 Acres for Sale - Crown Sections 20, 23, 24 - Ringwood, Victoria - 1855
Two 1850s surveyor's maps on cardboard backing showing area from Melbourne extending East beyond Bulleen and Nunawading. Detailed description of lots for sale and navigational directions to the property from Richmond by Thomas Ham, Victorian public servant, map maker, publisher, lithographer and original Ringwood land owner. Inset map enlarging area between Yarra River and Dandenong Creek, with southern boundary of allotments later forming part of Oban Road, North Ringwood.TRANSCRIPT: "This really valuable Property is now offered to the public for sale, in lots to suit purchasers at the Iow rate of £1 per Acre for 80 acres and upwards, and £1.10s per Acre for any smaller portion. Terms of payment Half Cash, Balance in 6 and 12 months, bearing 8 per cent interest. The Estate is well wooded with Gum, Cherry Tree and Stringy Bark, with Wattle in the valleys of the several creeks. Every lot is Staked and Trenched at the corners marked on the Plan thus - The Surveyor has carefully sub-divided the Property, in order to give every Farm a Creek for Water, Valley for Cultivation, and Hills for House and Grass Paddock. The ROADS have been very carefully laid out so as to give a firm, well drained, and nearly level road to each Homestead. Intending purchasers can readily find the property by the following directions, viz: Start from Richmond Bridge, at Hawthorne, then take the left-hand road to KEW. When at the "Woodman Inn", take the Cotham Road to the right, bearing due east, keep this Road, passing Trainor's "White Horse" Inn, and before you leave the fences, you will see calico bills (see margin) nailed to the Trees on the bush track leading to the Upper Yarra country, follow the Bills till you come to the SOUTH boundary line of the Property, which bears East and West (see Plan) where you will see Bills nailed up "THIS PROPERTY FOR SALE, etc." The Bills from Town lead direct to where Mr. Jull is erecting his Store, and arrangements have been made with him to show the lots to intending purchasers free of charge. At the respective corners of the lots the Bills are nailed up double, with numbers to denote the lot, and that the corner stake is adjacent. Any parties wishing to proceed to the property by way of BULLEEN will find Bills nailed on the Trees, commencing at the NEW INN, at "Wilson's Slip Rail." Keep this Track till you come to the Log Bridge, over the Deep Creek at Bloxhome's Paddock; go through the land now being cleared; keep the track over the hill till you come to an Iron House, you will then be on the property, which Iies to the North and East as per Plan. Follow the Bills till you come to Mr. Jull's Store, etc. etc. Further particulars can be had from the Agent for the Property. THOMAS HAM. " -
Federation University Historical Collection
Document - Reports, Nanya Station
Nanya Station, owned and managed by the University of Ballarat (now Federation University Australia), was purchased with assistance from the Department of Environment and Heritage Government Caring for our Country program. Nanya Station is located in the Scotia country, west of the Darling Ana-Branch in far western New South Wales and consists of the Nanya Western Lands Pastoral Lease 3281 – Perpetual Leasehold Lot 1244 in Deposited Plan 762778, Parish of Winnebaga, County of Tara and part of Lot 1242 County of Windeyer. Nanya is within the tribal area of the Danggali Aboriginal people, a sub-group of the Barkindji. Many Aboriginal sites have been recorded adjacent to major rivers in the region providing evidence that these areas supported a large population. The Scotia region has one of the shortest stock grazing histories of western NSW. Along with five other Scotia properties, Nanya was created as a pastoral lease in 1927. The first European settlement on the land followed exploration of the area by Sturt and Eyre. In 1854, the Lake Victoria lease which encompassed this area comprised 465,000ha.included Scotia blocks 1, 2, 3 and 4, Amoskeag and Winnebaga which formed the area known as the Scotia. It was described as a region of thick mallee scrub, interspersed with bluebush flats and Belah woodland. In the 1920s artesian water was found and the dry Scotia country was surveyed and divided into six Homestead leases allocated by ballot (Withers 1989). All properties were approximately 30,000ha, with a recommended stocking level of 3,000 sheep. Winnebaga (renamed Nanya) was taken up by Gordon Cumming. He initially dug a dam near the southeast corner of the property. A larger ground tank and rudimentary dwelling at the site of the present complex was later established. An adjacent area was cleared and cropped to provide feed for the horses used in digging the earth tanks. The ruins of the original building are located between the shearing shed and Homestead Tank. A cottage was built in the 1930s and a more substantial Red Gum framed homestead in the early 1950s. The lease was held by Mr Gordon Cumming until 1984 when it was purchased by Mr Norm Scadding as an extension to the adjacent lease, Belvedere. It was sold in 1995 to Mr Rob Taylor of Waikerie then in 1999 to BeMax Pty. Ltd., a sand mining company. These last three owners all permitted use of the property by the University for teaching and research. The Centre for Environmental Management at the University of Ballarat had been involved in studies of flora and fauna in western New South Wales since 1988. Studies became concentrated on the Scotia region with its variety of intact ecosystems due to a short pastoral history. Of particular significance is a system of natural salt lakes of which the most extensive is the Scotia Discharge Complex located on Nanya Station. An extensive vegetation survey of the Scotia region Westbrooke et al. 1998) highlighted the significance of the area both in terms of the range of communities in relatively intact condition and the occurrence of species and communities of restricted distribution. Nearly 400 species were recorded of which nine had either not previously been recorded or have restricted distribution in western NSW. Twenty-two plant communities occur on Nanya Station of which two, Halosarcia lylei low open shrubland and Hemichroa diandra/Halosarcia/Frankenia low open shrubland, are dominated by species not previously recorded from NSW. H. lylei and Acacia loderi shrublands are listed as endangered under the NSW Threatened Species Conservation Act. As noted, the area has a relatively short grazing history and, due to the presence of large areas of mallee with a Triodia understorey and restricted water supplies, stocking rates have been low. The diversity of ecosystems in relatively intact condition and extensive areas of old growth mallee made Nanya a highly significant refuge for biological diversity. This factors led to the purchase of Nanya Station by the University of Ballarat in 2004 with the assistance of the Department of Environment and Heritage for the purposes of conservation, research and education. In 2010 the southern paddocks of Nagaella Station (10,000ha.) which lie along the northern boundary, were purchased with the assistance of Lower Murray Darling Catchment Management Authority and added to the Nanya lease to provide complete protection for the communities of the Nanya Discharge Complex and further high quality Malleefowl habitat. Four digital reports documents relating to Federation University's Nanya Station, Western New South Walesnanya station, scotia country, pastoral lease, winnebaga county, darling ana-branch, martin westbrooke, environmental education, nagaella station, lower murray darling catchment management authority, conservation research education, ian gribble, pat prevett, ian henderson, danggali -
Flagstaff Hill Maritime Museum and Village
Tool - Saw gauge, Henry Disston, 1890-1920
Disston Saw Works of Philadelphia was one of the better known and highly regarded manufacturers of handsaws in the United States. During the Machine Age, the company was known as Henry Disston & Sons, Inc. a supplier of industrial saw blades. History: The story of handsaws in the United States mirrors the technical and development of steel in Sheffield, England, which was the center of handsaw production during the 18th century and through most of the 19th century. England's political and economic lock-on steel making in the colonies held American saw makers at bay until well after the Revolutionary War. American steel producers were unable to compete until the US government introduced import tariffs to level the playing field in 1861. Henry Disston: Henry Disston (1819–1878) began his career as an American saw maker in Philadelphia. He had emigrated from England in 1833 and started making saws and squares in 1840. In 1850, he founded the company that would become the largest saw maker in the world, the Keystone Saw Works. Some five years later, Disston built a furnace—perhaps the first melting plant for steel in America and began producing the first crucible saw steel ever made in the United States. While his competitors were buying good steel from Britain, he was making his own, to his specification, for his own needs. Disston subsequently constructed a special rolling mill exclusively for saw blades. Over the following decade, the Disston company continued to grow, even while dedicating itself to the Union Army's war effort. In 1865, when his son Hamilton Disston rejoined the business after serving in the Civil War, Disston changed the company's name to Henry Disston & Son. Henry Disston and his sons began to set the standards for American saw makers, both in terms of producing high-quality saws and files in 1865 through his development of innovative manufacturing techniques. In September 1872, Henry Disston and two other men dug a part of the foundation for what was to become the largest saw manufacturing facility in the world: Disston Saw Works. This was in the Tacony section of Philadelphia. Having previously moved his expanding business from near Second and Market Streets to Front and Laurel Streets. It took over 25 years to move the entire facility to Tacony. Henry Disston was renowned for having one of the first industries that exhibited environmental responsibility, as well as a paternalistic view towards his employees. For example, he had thousands of homes built in Tacony for his workmen. Funds to purchase these homes were made available through a building and loan association set up by the Disston firm. His caring influence on the community was evident in everyday life. To meet employees' cultural needs, a hall and a library were built with Henry Disston agreeing to pay a fixed sum towards its maintenance. The Tacony Music Hall was erected in 1885, also with the assistance of Disston money. Henry Disston had fallen ill by 1877 and never truly recovered; he suffered a stroke and died the next year. This came only one and a half years after seeing his products receive the highest honors at the great Philadelphia Centennial Exposition of 1876. His vision of a working-class community and the completion of the transfer of his enormous saw plant was carried out by his wife and his sons. The company, by the early 20th century, cast the first crucible steel in the nation from an electric furnace in 1906. The firm's armor-plate building near Princeton Avenue and Milnor Street contributed tremendously to the World War II effort. But the company's innovation and industriousness would not last forever. In 1955, with mounting cash-flow problems and waning interest on the family's part to run the firm, Henry Disston and Sons were sold to the H.K. Porter Company of Pittsburgh. Porter's Disston Division was sold in 1978 and became the Henry Disston Division of Sandvik Saw of Sweden. This division was then sold in 1984 to R.A.F. Industries of Philadelphia and became known as Disston Precision Incorporated, a maker of specialized flat steel products. In 2013, R.A.F. Industries sold Disston Precision Inc. in a private sale. Although the company has ceased making Disston handsaws, the Disston brand name still exists in this firm. A tool used to set and sharpen cross cut saws used to fell trees for building construction made by a well known American maker whos firm pioneered the making of saws and their related items including files.combination cross cut saw raker and gauge/jointerDisston USA in the castingflagstaff hill, warrnambool, shipwrecked-coast, flagstaff-hill, flagstaff-hill-maritime-museum, maritime-museum, shipwreck-coast, flagstaff-hill-maritime-village -
Port Fairy Historical Society Museum and Archives
Photograph
S.s.Casino 1910. The people on the decks are tourists coming from Terang and surrounding areas to spend the day at the seaside. The steamer S.S.CASINO was much loved by the whole Port Fairy community- with the possible exception of some of the fishermen whose boats she ran down! Transport of the large quantities of wool, potatoes, onions, grain, sheep, cattle and other produce grown on the rich lands of the Western District Belfast was served by a plethora of shipping, both sail and steam, but only one of the steamers then in the regular trade (S.S. DAWN) would ever be able to get up the river and reap the cost savings of loading against a wharf. It was not unusual for four steamers to be anchored in the bay at once and for seven or eight different steamers to call during a week. A number of inter-colonial steamers also called to pick up produce for delivery to Melbourne, Sydney and Adelaide. Production in the Western District was increasing and virtually all of that production had to go through one of the western ports in order to reach markets. By 1882 a meeting 15ft. March, 1882, in the office of auctioneer, J.B. HoIden in Cox Street took action and it was unanimously resolved - that the Belfast & Koroit Steamship Company be formed with a capital of £20,000 in 10,000 shares of £2 each". A number of steamers were offered by letter to the fledgling company, including the new and almost sister ships, CASINO and HELEN NICHOLL. The CASINO was on her delivery voyage from England was due to arrive in Warrnambool to load potatoes for Sydney and, initially, arrangements were made for her to call into Port Fairy for inspection by the BKNS Co directors. She eventually proceeded direct to Warrnambool and the Directors inspected her there. Without hesitation they purchased her even though they had to raise a large bank loan to do so. The CASINO arrived in Port Fairy on Saturday, 29th. July, 1882, steaming triumphantly up the Moyne River, and was greeted by crowds, many of whom had driven in from the surrounding countryside, which gave her “loud ringing English cheers". By 1884 the CASINO could not carry all the cargoes available to her and in December of that year the company purchased the new steamer BELLINGER to provide additional capacity. She helped to open up the intermediate ports of Lorne, Apollo Bay and Port Campbell, but the BELLINGER was not really suitable for the trade and she was sold in 1887, leaving the CASINO to operate alone -as she was to do for almost all of the next 45 years. The opening of the railway in 1890 decreased the cargo available to the steamers and the economic depression of the early 1890's worsened the situation. The weak soon began to fall by the wayside and when the Portland & Belfast SN Co. decided to go into liquidation in April 1895, the Belfast & Koroit Company bought the Portland Company's steamer DAWN on advantageous terms, a substantial part of the payment being in BKSN Co shares. The BKNS Co and the Howard Smith Line came into direct head to head competition and nearly forced the BKNS Co out of existence. Cargo dropped to such an extent that in 1899, they reached agreement that only one ship would run and that the ship which ran would pay a weekly amount to the competitor to stay out of the trade. This controlled service ceased in1909, and competition intensified when Howard Smith placed the newly built, larger steamer EUMERALLA on the run. The BKNS Co survived this competition and even prospered during it partly by extending on a more regular basis, the CASINO'S voyages to South Australian ports Port Macdonnell, Kingston, Beachport, Robe and, on occasions Adelaide. There were setbacks when, on 20 October 1924, CASINO went ashore at the Kennett River, near Apollo Bay, and again, in February l929, when she struck a submerged object at Warrnambool and had to be beached. The railways placed great competitive pressure on the small steamship company and this pressure was intensified when the Great Depression slashed the market for Western District produce, BKNS Co struggled on, paying dividends in most years, and the company planned a big celebration for the CASINO'S fiftieth anniversary in the trade on 29th July, 1932. Disaster struck soon after 9 o'clock on the morning of Sunday I0 July, 1932 when the CASINO was lost at Apollo Bay together with the lives of 10 crew members. Black and white photograph of tourists crowded on the decks of s.s.Casino during a sail around the bay for Terang dayship, boat, sea, river, s.s.casino 1910, transport, 1910, wool, onions, grain, sheep, cattle, steam, terang day -
Port Fairy Historical Society Museum and Archives
Photograph, s.s.Casino
This photograph show the ship in dry dock (possibly Melbourne) for maintenance. The steamer S.S.CASINO was much loved by the whole Port Fairy community- with the possible exception of some of the fishermen whose boats she ran down! Transport of the large quantities of wool, potatoes, onions, grain, sheep, cattle and other produce grown on the rich lands of the Western District Belfast was served by a plethora of shipping, both sail and steam, but only one of the steamers then in the regular trade (S.S. DAWN) would ever be able to get up the river and reap the cost savings of loading against a wharf. It was not unusual for four steamers to be anchored in the bay at once and for seven or eight different steamers to call during a week. A number of inter-colonial steamers also called to pick up produce for delivery to Melbourne, Sydney and Adelaide. Production in the Western District was increasing and virtually all of that production had to go through one of the western ports in order to reach markets. By 1882 a meeting 15ft. March, 1882, in the office of auctioneer, J.B. HoIden in Cox Street took action and it was unanimously resolved - that the Belfast & Koroit Steamship Company be formed with a capital of £20,000 in 10,000 shares of £2 each". A number of steamers were offered by letter to the fledgling company, including the new and almost sister ships, CASINO and HELEN NICHOLL. The CASINO was on her delivery voyage from England was due to arrive in Warrnambool to load potatoes for Sydney and, initially, arrangements were made for her to call into Port Fairy for inspection by the BKNS Co directors. She eventually proceeded direct to Warrnambool and the Directors inspected her there. Without hesitation they purchased her even though they had to raise a large bank loan to do so. The CASINO arrived in Port Fairy on Saturday, 29th. July, 1882, steaming triumphantly up the Moyne River, and was greeted by crowds, many of whom had driven in from the surrounding countryside, which gave her “loud ringing English cheers". By 1884 the CASINO could not carry all the cargoes available to her and in December of that year the company purchased the new steamer BELLINGER to provide additional capacity. She helped to open up the intermediate ports of Lorne, Apollo Bay and Port Campbell, but the BELLINGER was not really suitable for the trade and she was sold in 1887, leaving the CASINO to operate alone -as she was to do for almost all of the next 45 years. The opening of the railway in 1890 decreased the cargo available to the steamers and the economic depression of the early 1890's worsened the situation. The weak soon began to fall by the wayside and when the Portland & Belfast SN Co. decided to go into liquidation in April 1895, the Belfast & Koroit Company bought the Portland Company's steamer DAWN on advantageous terms, a substantial part of the payment being in BKSN Co shares. The BKNS Co and the Howard Smith Line came into direct head to head competition and nearly forced the BKNS Co out of existence. Cargo dropped to such an extent that in 1899, they reached agreement that only one ship would run and that the ship which ran would pay a weekly amount to the competitor to stay out of the trade. This controlled service ceased in1909, and competition intensified when Howard Smith placed the newly built, larger steamer EUMERALLA on the run. The BKNS Co survived this competition and even prospered during it partly by extending on a more regular basis, the CASINO'S voyages to South Australian ports Port Macdonnell, Kingston, Beachport, Robe and, on occasions Adelaide. There were setbacks when, on 20 October 1924, CASINO went ashore at the Kennett River, near Apollo Bay, and again, in February l929, when she struck a submerged object at Warrnambool and had to be beached. The railways placed great competitive pressure on the small steamship company and this pressure was intensified when the Great Depression slashed the market for Western District produce, BKNS Co struggled on, paying dividends in most years, and the company planned a big celebration for the CASINO'S fiftieth anniversary in the trade on 29th July, 1932. Disaster struck soon after 9 o'clock on the morning of Sunday I0 July, 1932 when the CASINO was lost at Apollo Bay together with the lives of 10 crew members. Black and white photograph of ship in dry dockship, boat, sea, river, industry, belfast and koroit steam navigation company -
Melton City Libraries
Document, Darlingsford land title, 1863
Thomas Bell Darling purchased 176 acres from the Toolern Creek to Ferris Road. A house and bluestone barn/stables were built. The property was owned by Ralph Parkinson, followed by Richard Manning. SUMMARY – Darlingsford – Auction 1910 Darlingsford – Auction 1910 Melton Express October FRIDAY, October 28th At Three O’Clock At the RAGLAN HOTEL, MELTON SUBDIVISIONAL SALE of the DARLINGSFORD ESTATE, MELTON. Having a long frontage to the TOOLERN CREEK. In the Estate of the late RICHARD MANNING’ W. S. KEAST and L.A. FAIRBAIRN & CO., Auctioneers (in conjunction). Have received instructions from R.F. and J.L. Robertson, executors of Richard Manning deceased to offer by Public Auction, property almost adjoining Melton township, and having a frontage to the Toolern Creek, subdivided in to four lots as under:- Lot 1. – The homestead block containing 176 acres, being portion A, section 11, parish Kororoit together with the improvements, which consist of a 6-roomed stone house, milking shed, dairy, U.G. tank. Lot 2 – 177 acres 2 rood 23 perches, being Crown portion B of section 11 parish Kororoit. This block adjoins the homestead and is partly fenced. Lot 3 – 187 acres, Crown allotment C, section 11, parish Kororoit. adjoining the above lot. Lot 4 - 157 acres 1 rood 27 perches, being Crown allotment 9, section 12, parish of Kororoit. This block is only divided from the above lots by road, and adjoining Messrs. McVean and Gaitskill’s properties. This is one of the best known properties in the Melton district as a cultivation an grazing form, and its close proximity to the township makes it a very valuable, and portion of which could be cut into township blocks and should command a ready sale. For absolute sale. Terms- one fifth cash, one fifth in eight years, balance in 7 years with interest a the rate of 4 1/2 percent. Plan on application For further particulars apply W.S. KEAST, 610 Collins street, Melbourne; and L.A. FAIRBAIRN & Co., St James-buildings, Williams street, or at Bacchus Marsh; and as to the title, Dugdale and Creber, St. James-buildings, William Street Melbourne. Express November 5, 1910 On Friday last, Mr W.S. Keast and Messrs L.A. Fairbairn & Co., in conjunction, offered at the Raglan the Manning Estate known as Darlingsford, comprising of 700 acres, divided into four lots. Lot 4 was submitted first and passed in at L8 per acre. Lot 1 was then put up and went up to L13 per acre, at which it was also passed in. Lot 3 was next offered, and there being no bid was also passed in. Lot 2 was not offered. Express March 18, 1911 The Manning Estate of Darlingsford 600 acres was sold to Mr. Ernie for an undisclosed price. Note: Map KOROROIT COUNTY OF BOURKE Crown Grant Section 11 Portion A Thomas. B. Darling 176 . 0 . 0 acres on 29.3.1853 Lot 1 Portion B A. Russell 170 . 0 . 0 acres on 29.3.1853 Lot 2 Portion C Peter Inglis 176 . 0 . 0 acres on 29.3.1853 Lot 3 Section 12 Portion 3 P. Inglis 157 . 1 . 27 acres on 17.17.1863 Total 176 170 176 157. 1.27 679 . 1.27 acres November 5th 1910 On Friday night last Mr W S Keast and Messrs L A Fairbairn & Co, in conjunction offered at the Raglan Hotel the Manning Estate known as Darlingsford, comprising of 700 acres, divided into four Lots. Lot 4 was submitted first, and was passed in at L8.0.0. per acre. Lot 1 was then put up and went to L13.0.0. per acre at which it was passed in. Lot 3 was next offered, and then Lot 3 was next offered, and then being no bid was passed in. Lot 2 was not offered. October 22nd Notice of sale. 700 acres of splendid land close to the railway station. Divided onto 4 Lots 3 of which are maiden land and the whole of the acres is chocolate soil. No 1 Lot belonged to the late Mr Ralph Parkinson, and for years was liberally supplied with manure and crushed bones, and is capable of producing many crops.. The property being sold to wind up the Estate. Gisborne Gazette Friday December 17th 1911 Mr Sharp has sold his farm at the back of the township to Mr. E Barrie; price L15/10/ per acre. Agreement between Thomas Bell Darling and Ralph Parkinsonlocal identities -
Flagstaff Hill Maritime Museum and Village
Instrument - Sphygmomanometer, 1948 -1969
This blood pressure monitor (sphygmomanometer) belonged to Dr William Roy Angus, surgeon and oculist. It was donated to Flagstaff Hill Maritime Village by his daughter, Berry McDade in January 2015. . It is part of the “W.R. Angus Collection” that includes historical medical equipment, surgical instruments and material once belonging to Dr Edward Ryan and Dr Thomas Francis Ryan, (both of Nhill, Victoria) as well as Dr Angus’ own belongings. The Collection’s history spans the medical practices of the two Doctors Ryan, from 1885-1926 plus that of Dr Angus, up until 1969. The approximate manufacture date of the blood pressure monitor coincides with the time when Doctor William Roy Angus had his practice in Warrnambool. The company Short & Mason Ltd. London used the brand name TYCOS between 1907-1969 and Rudolf Riester (the brand on the cuff) formed the company ‘Riester” in Germany in 1948, where he developed and produced the first mercury blood pressure monitors. In 1939 Dr Angus and his family moved to Warrnambool where he purchased “Birchwood,” the 1852 home and medical practice of Dr John Hunter Henderson, at 214 Koroit Street. (This property was sold in1965 to the State Government and is now the site of the Warrnambool Police Station.). Dr Angus was appointed on a part-time basis as Port Medical Officer (Health Officer) in Warrnambool and held this position until the 1940’s when the government no longer required the service of a Port Medical Officer in Warrnambool; he was thus Warrnambool’s last serving Port Medical Officer. (The duties of a Port Medical Officer were outlined by the Colonial Secretary on 21st June, 1839 under the terms of the Quarantine Act. Masters of immigrant ships arriving in port reported incidents of diseases, illness and death and the Port Medical Officer made a decision on whether the ship required Quarantine and for how long, in this way preventing contagious illness from spreading from new immigrants to the residents already in the colony.) Dr Angus was a member of the Australian Medical Association, for 35 years and surgeon at the Warrnambool Base Hospital 1939-1942, He served as a Surgeon Captain during WWII1942-45, in Ballarat, Victoria, and in Bonegilla, N.S.W., completing his service just before the end of the war due to suffering from a heart attack. During his convalescence he carved an intricate and ‘most artistic’ chess set from the material that dentures were made from. He then studied ophthalmology at the Royal Melbourne Eye and Ear Hospital and created cosmetically superior artificial eyes by pioneering using the intrascleral cartilage. Angus received accolades from the Ophthalmological Society of Australasia for this work. He returned to Warrnambool to commence practice as an ophthalmologist, pioneering in artificial eye improvements. He was Honorary Consultant Ophthalmologist to Warrnambool Base Hospital for 31 years. He made monthly visits to Portland as a visiting surgeon, to perform eye surgery. He represented the Victorian South-West subdivision of the Australian Medical Association as its secretary between 1949 and 1956 and as chairman from 1956 to 1958. In 1968 Dr Angus was elected member of Spain’s Barraquer Institute of Barcelona after his research work in Intrasclearal cartilage grafting, becoming one of the few Australian ophthalmologists to receive this honour, and in the following year presented his final paper on Living Intrasclearal Cartilage Implants at the Inaugural Meeting of the Australian College of Ophthalmologists in Melbourne. In his personal life Dr Angus was a Presbyterian and treated Sunday as a Sabbath, a day of rest. He would visit 3 or 4 country patients on a Sunday, taking his children along ‘for the ride’ and to visit with him. Sunday evenings he would play the pianola and sing Scottish songs to his family. One of Dr Angus’ patients was Margaret MacKenzie, author of a book on local shipwrecks that she’d seen as an eye witness from the late 1880’s in Peterborough, Victoria. In the early 1950’s Dr Angus, painted a picture of a shipwreck for the cover jacket of Margaret’s book, Shipwrecks and More Shipwrecks. She was blind in later life and her daughter wrote the actual book for her. Dr Angus and his wife Gladys were very involved in Warrnambool’s society with a strong interest in civic affairs. Their interests included organisations such as Red Cross, Rostrum, Warrnambool and District Historical Society (founding members), Wine and Food Society, Steering Committee for Tertiary Education in Warrnambool, Local National Trust, Good Neighbour Council, Housing Commission Advisory Board, United Services Institute, Legion of Ex-Servicemen, Olympic Pool Committee, Food for Britain Organisation, Warrnambool Hospital, Anti-Cancer Council, Boys’ Club, Charitable Council, National Fitness Council and Air Raid Precautions Group. He was also a member of the Steam Preservation Society and derived much pleasure from a steam traction engine on his farm. He had an interest in people and the community. He and his wife Gladys were both involved in the creation of Flagstaff Hill, including the layout of the gardens. After his death (28th March 1970) his family requested his practitioner’s plate, medical instruments and some personal belongings be displayed in the Port Medical Office surgery at Flagstaff Hill Maritime Village, and be called the “W. R. Angus Collection”. The W.R. Angus Collection is significant for still being located at the site it is connected with, Doctor Angus being the last Port Medical Officer in Warrnambool.. The collection of medical instruments and other equipment is culturally significant, being an historical example of medicine from late 19th to mid-20th century. Dr Angus assisted Dr Tom Ryan, a pioneer in the use of X-rays and in ocular surgery. Sphygmomanometer (blood pressure meter), from the collection of W.R. Angus. Brand TYCOS by Short & Mason Ltd, London. The case is of black leather with press-stud closure, lined in brown leather with gilded maker's embossing inside lid. The meter has a grey fabric cuff attached to two black rubber tubes, one tube has a pump bulb on a short brown extension tube on the end, the other has a round meter with glass covered dial on the end. Dial registers 20 – 300. There are maker's details on both meter and box."Patent 9535. No. 39370". Gold maker's stamp " "TYCOS" "SPHYGMOMANOMETER / SHORT & MASON LTD. LONDON / company’s logo”. Cloth label sewn on cuff "GERMANY / RIESTER"flagstaff hill, flagstaff hill warrnambool, maritime museum, shipwreck coast, flagstaff hill maritime village, great ocean road, sphygmomanometer, chemist equipment, dr w.r. angus, medical instrument, warrnambool base hospital, medical treatment, medical history -
Victorian Aboriginal Corporation for Languages
Periodical, Australian Aboriginal studies : journal of the Australian Institute of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Studies, 2009
Darkness and a little light: ?Race? and sport in Australia Colin Tatz (AIATSIS & Australian National University) and Daryl Adair (University of Technology Sydney) Despite ?the wonderful and chaotic universe of clashing colors, temperaments and emotions, of brave deeds against odds seemingly insuperable?, sport is mixed with ?mean and shameful acts of pure skullduggery?, villainy, cowardice, depravity, rapaciousness and malice. Thus wrote celebrated American novelist Paul Gallico on the eve of the Second World War (Gallico 1938 [1988]:9-10). An acute enough observation about society in general, his farewell to sports writing also captures the ?clashing colors? in Australian sport. In this ?land of the fair go?, we look at the malice of racism in the arenas where, as custom might have it, one would least want or expect to find it. The history of the connection between sport, race and society - the long past, the recent past and the social present - is commonly dark and ugly but some light and decency are just becoming visible. Coming to terms: ?Race?, ethnicity, identity and Aboriginality in sport Colin Tatz (AIATSIS & Australian National University) Notions of genetic superiority have led to some of the world?s greatest human calamities. Just as social scientists thought that racial anthropology and biology had ended with the cataclysm of the Second World War, so some influential researchers and sports commentators have rekindled the pre-war debate about the muscular merits of ?races? in a new discipline that Nyborg (1994) calls the ?science of physicology?. The more recent realm of racial ?athletic genes?, especially within socially constructed black athletic communities, may intend no malice but this search for the keys to their success may well revive the old, discredited discourses. This critical commentary shows what can happen when some population geneticists and sports writers ignore history and when medical, biological and sporting doctrines deriving from ?race? are dislocated from any historical, geographic, cultural and social contexts. Understanding discourses about race, racism, ethnicity, otherness, identity and Aboriginality are essential if sense, or nonsense, is to be made of genetic/racial ?explanations? of sporting excellence. Between the two major wars boxing was, disproportionately, a Jewish sport; Kenyans and Ethiopians now ?own? middle- and long-distance running and Jamaicans the shorter events; South Koreans dominate women?s professional golf. This essay explores the various explanations put forward for such ?statistical domination?: genes, biochemistry, biomechanics, history, culture, social dynamics, the search for identity, alienation, need, chance, circumstances, and personal bent or aptitude. Traditional games of a timeless land: Play cultures in Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander communities Ken Edwards (University of Southern Queensland) Sports history in Australia has focused almost entirely on modern, Eurocentric sports and has therefore largely ignored the multitude of unique pre- European games that are, or once were, played. The area of traditional games, especially those of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples, is an important aspect of the cultural, social and historical experiences of Indigenous communities. These activities include customs of play that are normally not associated with European notions of competitive sport. Overall, this paper surveys research undertaken into traditional games among Indigenous Australians, as well as proposals for much needed further study in this area. Culture, ?race? and discrimination in the 1868 Aboriginal cricket tour of England David Sampson As a consequence of John Mulvaney?s important historical research, the Aboriginal cricket and performance tour of Britain in 1868 has in recent decades become established as perhaps the most famous of all public events in contact history involving Aborigines, white settlers and the British metropolis. Although recognition of its importance is welcome and significant, public commemorations of the tour have enveloped the tour in mythologies of cricket and nation. Such mythologies have obscured fundamental aspects of the tour that were inescapable racial and colonial realities of the Victorian era. This reappraisal of the tour explores the centrality of racial ideology, racial science and racial power imbalances that enabled, created and shaped the tour. By exploring beyond cricketing mythology, it restores the central importance of the spectacular performances of Aboriginal skills without which the tour would have been impossible. Such a reappraisal seeks to fully recognise the often trivialised non-cricketing expertise of all of the Aboriginal performers in 1868 for their achievement of pioneering their unique culture, skills and technologies to a mass international audience. Football, ?race? and resistance: The Darwin Football League, 1926?29 Matthew Stephen (Northern Territory Archive Service) Darwin was a diverse but deeply divided society in the early twentieth century. The Commonwealth Government introduced the Aboriginals Ordinance 1911 in the Northern Territory, instituting state surveillance, control and a racially segregated hierarchy of whites foremost, then Asians, ?Coloureds? (Aborigines and others of mixed descent) and, lastly, the so-called ?full-blood? Aborigines. Sport was important in scaffolding this stratification. Whites believed that sport was their private domain and strictly controlled non-white participation. Australian Rules football, established in Darwin from 1916, was the first sport in which ?Coloured? sportsmen challenged this domination. Football became a battleground for recognition, rights and identity for all groups. The ?Coloured? community embraced its team, Vesteys, which dominated the Northern Territory Football League (NTFL) in the 1920s. In 1926, amidst growing racial tension, the white-administered NTFL changed its constitution to exclude non-white players. In reaction, ?Coloured? and Chinese footballers formed their own competition - the Darwin Football League (DFL). The saga of that colour bar is an important chapter in Australia?s football history, yet it has faded from Darwin?s social memory and is almost unknown among historians. That picture - Nicky Winmar and the history of an image Matthew Klugman (Victoria University) and Gary Osmond (The University of Queensland) In April 1993 Australian Rules footballer Nicky Winmar responded to on-field racist abuse by lifting his jersey and pointing to his chest. The photographic image of that event is now famous as a response to racial abuse and has come to be seen as starting a movement against racism in football. The racial connotations in the image might seem a foregone conclusion: the power, appeal and dominant meaning of the photograph might appear to be self-evident. But neither the fame of the image nor its racial connotation was automatic. Through interviews with the photographers and analysis of the use of the image in the media, we explore how that picture came to be of such symbolic importance, and how it has remained something to be re-shown and emulated. Rather than analyse the image as a photograph or work of art, we uncover some of its early history and explore the debates that continue to swirl around its purpose and meaning. We also draw attention to the way the careful study of photographs might enhance the study of sport, race and racism. ?She?s not one of us?: Cathy Freeman and the place of Aboriginal people in Australian national culture Toni Bruce (University of Waikato) and Emma Wensing (Independent scholar) The Sydney 2000 Olympic Games generated a national media celebration of Aboriginal 400 metre runner Cathy Freeman. The construction of Freeman as the symbol of national reconciliation was evident in print and on television, the Internet and radio. In contrast to this celebration of Freeman, the letters to the editor sections of 11 major newspapers became sites for competing claims over what constitutes Australian identity and the place of Aboriginal people in national culture. We analyse this under-explored medium of opinion and discuss how the deep feelings evident in these letters, and the often vitriolic responses to them, illustrate some of the enduring racial tensions in Australian society. Sport, physical activity and urban Indigenous young people Alison Nelson (The University of Queensland) This paper challenges some of the commonly held assumptions and ?knowledges? about Indigenous young people and their engagement in physical activity. These include their ?natural? ability, and the use of sport as a panacea for health, education and behavioural issues. Data is presented from qualitative research undertaken with a group of 14 urban Indigenous young people with a view to ?speaking back? to these commentaries. This research draws on Critical Race Theory in order to make visible the taken-for-granted assumptions about Indigenous Australians made by the dominant white, Western culture. Multiple, shifting and complex identities were expressed in the young people?s articulation of the place and meaning of sport and physical activity in their lives. They both engaged in, and resisted, dominant Western discourses regarding representations of Indigenous people in sport. The paper gives voice to these young people in an attempt to disrupt and subvert hegemonic discourses. An unwanted corroboree: The politics of the New South Wales Aboriginal Rugby League Knockout Heidi Norman (University of Technology Sydney) The annual New South Wales Aboriginal Rugby League Knockout is so much more than a sporting event. Involving a high level of organisation, it is both a social and cultural coming together of diverse communities for a social and cultural experience considered ?bigger than Christmas?. As if the planning and logistics were not difficult enough, the rotating-venue Knockout has been beset, especially since the late 1980s and 1990s, by layers of opposition and open hostility based on ?race?: from country town newspapers, local town and shire councils, local business houses and, inevitably, the local police. A few towns have welcomed the event, seeing economic advantage and community good will for all. Commonly, the Aboriginal ?influx? of visitors and players - people perceived as ?strangers?, ?outsiders?, ?non-taxpayers? - provoked public fear about crime waves, violence and physical safety, requiring heavy policing. Without exception, these racist expectations were shown to be totally unfounded. Research report: Recent advances in digital audio recorder technology provide considerable advantages in terms of cost and portability for language workers.b&w photographs, colour photographs, tablessport and race, racism, cathy freeman, nicky winmar, rugby league, afl, athletics, cricket, digital audio recorders -
Federation University Historical Collection
Photograph - Photograph - Colour, Installation of University of Ballarat Chancellor Paul Hemming, 2012, 17/0/2012
In April 2012 former Royal Australian College of General Practitioners president Dr Paul Hemming was appointed the University of Ballarat’s new chancellor. Dr Hemming was a deputy chancellor of the university since 2011 and a member of the university council since 2007, and replaces outgoing chancellor Robert Smith. He was a founding director of Beyondblue and has been president of the Royal Australian College of General Practitioners. He was also president of the Australian Medical Association Victoria and has served on numerous federal government medical bodies and tribunals. Chancellors are appointed to chair the university's council (governing body) as the senior office holder of the University. They also confer the academic awards of the university, and represent the university at meetings, functions and ceremonies. At the installation of Dr Hemming as the Fifth Chancellor Of The University Of Ballarat Governor of Victoria Alex Chrnov said: "I join Bonnie Fagan in acknowledging the traditional owners of this land and I pay my respects to their elders past and present. It is my great pleasure, as Governor of Victoria and Visitor to the University of Ballarat, to install Dr Paul Hemming as the fifth Chancellor of this University. I extend to him and his family my warmest congratulations on this appointment and wish him all the best in his new role. I have no doubt that he will be an industrious and wise leader of this University. Although the University of Ballarat is one of Australia’s newest Universities, it is the third oldest Tertiary institution in our country with the School of Mines being established in 1870. It has much to be proud of, and should be recognised for its commitment to being one of our most outstanding regionally focused higher education institutions. It offers on six campuses a diverse, yet suitably targeted, group of learning models that include higher education, TAFE and senior secondary school education, and is one of the few universities in the country that has an associated Technology Park. This University is uniquely placed to provide higher education in Regional Victoria. For example, I understand that by 2020 the population in the Ballarat area will increase by 20% so this University will have the responsibility and opportunity to provide educational opportunities for this growing population. The role of the Governor can be divided into three parts – ceremonial, constitutional and community engagement. It is the third aspect of the role that is most time consuming and, I add, enjoyable. It includes making official visits to Regional areas of Victoria. To date Elizabeth and I have been on 16 such visits and the thing that stands out is that despite the challenges that face Regional communities whether it be through natural disasters, or the economy more broadly – the stoicism, volunteerism and self reliance are always present. Ballarat is an example of such resilience and confidence in its future that can be dated back to this University’s inception. When the School of Mines was established in 1870 on the back of the gold rush era of the 1850s, the local community had vision and faith in its future that is reflected in the building of this institution. It is not dissimilar to Melbourne, where its relatively few citizens established the iconic pillars of our society like the State Library, the University of Melbourne, Parliament Houses and the National Gallery of Victoria. The contribution by the University of Ballarat to Regional Victoria cannot be overstated. Not only does it provide top educational opportunities for students from the Region but its graduates almost invariably end up working in Regional Australia, and often in their own local communities. More specifically, almost three out of every four of the graduates from this University end up finding employment in Regional areas. Such figures highlight the University’s significant contribution to the Regional economy. But its impact is not limited to our Regional areas – it extends to other parts of Australia and overseas. But like so many other higher education institutions in Australia, the University of Ballarat is facing challenges brought about by events such as global uncertainties and the high Australian dollar that impact on the inflow of international students, and dealing with students, more and more of whom come from the lower socio economic sector. It is in those circumstances that the Chancellor must show leadership that involves, amongst others, objectively guiding the Council and supporting the Vice-Chancellor, albeit without becoming involved in the day to day micro management of the University. A strong, trusting and respectful working relationship between the Chancellor and the Vice-Chancellor is, I believe, critical to the sound progress of a University. Before I turn more specifically to Dr Hemming, I would like to reflect briefly on his immediate predecessor, Emeritus Professor Robert Smith. I am sure that Dr Hemming has already found in Professor Smith an invaluable source of assistance. He was a skilled and effective leader not only here, but also in the broader higher education sector. I mention by way of example his instigation and leadership two years ago of the much acclaimed Chancellors’ Conference that was held in Melbourne. There was great diffidence amongst the Chancellors in having it at all. It was a little like herding cats. But Bob Smith spearheaded the organisation of it, with great attention to detail. And it was his hard work and leadership that resulted in the Conference being such a success and of assistance to all Chancellors who attended. It was an illustration of Bob Smith’s skills as a leader in the sector and of this University. And the sector, just as this University remains indebted to him. And I have no doubt that Dr Hemming will similarly lead this University through the challenging, yet exciting, times that lie ahead. He is eminently qualified to do so, in terms of his personal attributes, academic achievements and experience in governance. With his extensive medical career as a General Practitioner, service on a number of Federal Government medical boards and tribunals, and having been a Founding Director of ‘Beyondblue’, President of the Royal Australian College of General Practitioners and President of the Australian Medical Association (Victoria), his list of personal and professional achievements, as well as his strong sense of public and community duty, is impressive. Importantly, Dr Hemming has a long standing connection with the Ballarat community, having moved here with his family from the United Kingdom in 1977. He is now even accepted as a “local” I am told. Given his range of experience to which I have referred and the time he has already spent on the Council and Standing Committees of this University, he is obviously well placed to take part in leading this University. So it is a great pleasure for me to install Dr Hemming as the fifth Chancellor of the University of Ballarat." (http://www.governor.vic.gov.au/victorias-governor/publications/speeches/speech/speech/104) Colour photographS of three men in academic regalia sitting inside the Ballarat Uniting Church, Lydiard Street South. Chancellor Dr Paul Hemming sit in the centre, with Vice-Chancellor Professor david Battersby on the left. Also audience images, academics and a dinner at Craig's Hotel.university of ballarat, federation university, regalia, chancellor, vice chancellor, paul hemming, david battersby, alex chrnov, todd walker, andy smith, craig's hotel, academics -
Melbourne Tram Museum
Letter - Correspondence, "Trolley Buses", 1922-23
File containing correspondence between the MMTB Chief Engineer Mr. Strickland and various companies, including Railless Ltd, Australian General Electric, English Electric / Dick Kerr and its UK consultants Heap and Digby between the period August 1922 and January 1923. Includes drawings, technical specifications and a book titled "AEC Railless Trolley Bus Specification", date stamped 15/8/1922. For a scan of this document see htd535-trolleybus.pdf (imaging not working correctly for this database as at 9-8-14) For a listing of the contents of this file and of Reg Item 535, see Related Documents - htd535-536list.pdf Item 535 - Trolley Buses Listed from top of file, in order found. Letters generally to/from MMTB Chief Engineer. Date Type, contents and notes 18/11/1922 Letter to Metro Vickers from Chief Engineer re Railless trams 12/1/1923 Letter to Aust GE re railless trams Not likely to proceed at this time. 11/1/1923 Letter from Aust GE Co. providing photographs, drawings, BTH, pamphlets, and general information. Includes photo of Tee-side trolley bus No. 17. No other papers with this item. 6/9/1922 Letter to Aust. GE asked for particulars and drawings of motor omnibuses These three items pinned together. 5/9/1922 Letter to Chief Engineer from Aust. GE provided up to date figures on BTH Railless vehicles. These three items pinned together. 31/8/1922 Letter to Aust GE returning folded of data in relation to petrol and petrol electric cars. These three items pinned together. 24/10/1922 Letter to Heap & Digby, thanks for information, but unlikely to use trolley buses due to poor road conditions where they could be used in terms of revenue. 14/9/1922 Letter from Heap & Digby, inclosing photos of Railless Ltd vehicles supplied to Bloemfontein South Africa and testing. These two items clipped together with drawing No. SK 14-8, showing Mexborough gradients. 28/8/1922 Letter from AEC to Heap & Digby re trolley buses, construction costs and practicality of shipping these to Aust. Includes the Mexborough test results. These two items clipped together with drawing No. SK 14-8, showing Mexborough gradients. 3/8/1922 to 31/10/22 Correspondence between MMTB and H&D regarding the Bloemfontein vehicles. Pinned together. 17/11/1922 Letter from Metro Vickers to MMTB providing details (no photos or drawings) of trolley buses – four pages. 18/1/1923 Letter to H&D thanking him for information and a paper ready by a Mr. Munro. 31/8/1922 Letter to Metro Vic – Melbourne asking whether Westinghouse had developed standard lines of motors for railless cars. 4/10/1922 Letter to Aust GE thanking for info. 2/10/1922 Letter from Aust GE providing two cuttings about railless vehicles in Birmingham and the cost of tram track construction. Papers Contained within a green strip of cloth. 26/9/1922 Letter from H&D providing info from EE – Dick Kerr Preston works equipment used by Railless Ltd. EE Specification for DK 26B Trackless trolley motors 18/9/1922 Letter from EE to H&D providing info on 20HP motors, 40HP, and other information. Blueprint – drawing 2810 – DK 26 Motor Performance curves for above motor Blueprint – No. 1312D – controller diagram Pamphlet – EE – tramcar Type D automatic circuit Breakers. Publication No. 230, dated 9/1920. Ditto, Form A, drawings No 3565, 1/1/19. Performance curves – blueprint – Type DK85A Blueprint – 4449 – outline of controller DK, Type D, form B. Blueprint – P2002M034 – DK85 Motor. EE specification for Traction Motor DK85 Modified from a tram motor. EE blueprint P2102F021, traction control wiring for form D controller. EE blueprint P2103F033 – outline of controller type SE1, form C and D. EE blueprint P2102Z011 – wiring diagram for type SE1 form controller. Performance curves for DK85A motor. EE blueprint – P2102F025 – diagram of connections (wiring) for Type SE1, form D controller. Blueprint – EE drawing – P2002M036 – DK85 motor with ball bearings. Single documents. Date Type Notes 27/9/1922 Letter to H&D acknowledging AEC Trackless trolley bus specification. 15/8/1922 Letter from H&D forwarding above specification String bound book – AEC Railless Trolley Bus Specification – stamped 15/8/22 Scanned as a separate document. 4/9/1922 Letter from Metro Vic. Melbourne advising that they have no information on Westinghouse Motors for use in railless cars, but seeking same.trams, tramways, trolley buses, melbourne, mmtb, aec, heap and digby, english electric, railless, dick kerr, general electric -
Flagstaff Hill Maritime Museum and Village
Domestic object - Can Opener, Bottle Opener & Corkscrew
It took 15 years to invent the can. It took 100 more to invent a standard way to open it. In the 19th century, decades after the invention of canning, there were virtually no can openers. Canned food, such as sardines, came with its own "key" to peel back the tin lid. Birth of the can One of the oddest things about the can opener is that the can predates it by almost 150 years. Though common today, cans were once military-grade technology. In 1795, Napoleon, to whom the phrase "an army marches on its stomach" is attributed, offered 12,000 francs to anyone who could find a way to preserve food. Without any knowledge of bacteria or their role in food spoilage, scientists didn't even know where to begin. It took 15 years before a chef named Nicholas Appert claimed the prize after successfully jarring food. Soon after that, his countryman Philippe de Girard came up with a variant on Appert's method—metal tins—and sold the idea to the British. Spoiled food, and the sickness it caused, was a widespread problem. The public would have benefited from canned food, but for decades cans were almost exclusively for the army and the navy. The canning process, with its hours of boiling and steaming, its scrupulous cleanliness, its heated metal, and its need for a great deal of disposable material, made canned food far too expensive for anyone but the military. No can openers were needed or even possible. The metal of early cans was too thick to make openers practical. Soldiers and sailors had plenty of sharp objects on hand and made ample use of them when they wanted to eat. During the 19th century, the process of canning was refined and mechanised, and the metal wall of the average can slimmed down enough that a civilian could get it open—if that civilian had the right tool. No one had that tool yet, so early cans had to open themselves. In other words, they came with built-in openers. The result was a confusing but pleasing free-for-all, in terms of product engineering. Each type of food came with its own kind of can, and each kind of can came with its own kind of opener. Tinned fish and meat were often sold in rectangular cans. These cans were fitted with a "key" that would roll down the top of the can. Coffee, beans, and other types of meat were packaged in cylinders with metal strips that could be peeled back with their own kinds of built-in keys. Cans of milk, which didn't need to be completely opened, came with puncture devices. As tinned food became more common, its containers became more regular. A nice cylindrical can became the norm, and, as these cans filled kitchens, more engineers put their minds to finding a convenient way to open all of them. The first standalone can opener worked on a simple principle: point, stab, and pull. From the mid-19th century to the end of World War I, the typical can opener looked roughly like a wrench, if the lower 'jaw' of the wrench were replaced with a blade. People used the blade to puncture the top of the can near its edge, push the upper jaw against the side of the can, and drag the blade through the metal along the rim. Because meat was the first and most popular canned substance, these can openers were often shaped to look like cows and given the nickname 'bully beef can openers'. The bully beef can opener, popular in the mid-19th century, resulted in many lost fingers. Later, a corkscrew was added that was seated in the handle, and could be pulled out for use. Bully beef can openers were so common, effective, and sturdy that they are still frequently available on collectors' sites. Some are advertised as “still working,” and every last one of them is, without a doubt, soaked in the blood of our ancestors. Dragging a sharp blade along the edge of a can is certain to cause injury sooner or later. So once people got a reliable can shape and a reliable way to get the can open, the search was on for a reliable way to get a can open without the possibility of losing a finger. The answer came in 1925, from the Star Can Opener Company of San Francisco. This is probably the first can opener that resembles the one people have in their kitchens today. Instead of using a blade to pry open a metal can, buyers could clamp the edge of the can between two wheels and twist the handle of one of the wheels to move the blade around the lip. The Star can openers weren't perfect. Compared to the bully beef model, they were flimsy and breakable, but they probably prevented a few injuries. Six short years after the Star model came to market, the first electric can opener was invented. It was patented in 1931 by the Bunker Clancey Company of Kansas City, who had already been sued by the Star Can Opener Company for trying sell a double-wheeled can opener like the Star model (the case was dismissed). The electric can opener must have seemed like the wave of the future and a sure-fire seller, but it proved to be too far ahead of its time. In 1931 not that many households had electricity, and those that did weren't interested in buying can openers. The Bunker Clancey Company was subsequently bought by the Rival Company, which still makes small appliances like can openers today. It took another 25 years for electrically powered can openers to become practical. In the 1950s, Walter Hess Bodle and his daughter, Elizabeth Bodle, developed an electric can opener in the family garage. Walter came up with the opener's blades and motor, and Elizabeth sculpted the outside. Their can opener was a free-standing unit that could sit on the kitchen counter. The Udico brand of the Union Die Casting Company put it on the market in time for Christmas in 1956 and had great success with it. Over the next few years it came out in different styles and colours, and, like the bully beef can opener, has become a collector's item. Also like the bully beef model, Udico can openers often still work. They don't make 'em like they used to. Although there have been some design changes and refinements over the last sixty years, there have yet to be any more leaps forward in can opener technology. If you're resentfully opening a can, you are almost certainly doing it using the Star design, manually forcing the can between two wheels, or the Bodle design, clamping the can into a free-standing electrical opener. Whether or not you enjoy your holiday meals, at least you can be happy that you are not getting poisoned by your own food or cutting open your hand with the blade you use to get at it. That's something, right?The can opener, Bottle opener and the corkscrew are still very important and essential items in most kitchens.Metal can opener, chromed, with bottle opener, and a corkscrew seated in the handle.None.flagstaff hill, warrnambool, shipwrecked-coast, flagstaff-hill, flagstaff-hill-maritime-museum, maritime-museum, shipwreck-coast, flagstaff-hill-maritime-village, canning, can opener, corkscrew, bottle opener, kitchen equipment -
Flagstaff Hill Maritime Museum and Village
Domestic object - Can Opener
It took 15 years to invent the can. It took 100 more to invent a standard way to open it. In the 19th century, decades after the invention of canning, there were virtually no can openers. Canned food, such as sardines, came with its own "key" to peel back the tin lid. Birth of the can One of the oddest things about the can opener is that the can predates it by almost 150 years. Though common today, cans were once military-grade technology. In 1795, Napoleon, to whom the phrase "an army marches on its stomach" is attributed, offered 12,000 francs to anyone who could find a way to preserve food. Without any knowledge of bacteria or their role in food spoilage, scientists didn't even know where to begin. It took 15 years before a chef named Nicholas Appert claimed the prize after successfully jarring food. Soon after that, his countryman Philippe de Girard came up with a variant on Appert's method—metal tins—and sold the idea to the British. Spoiled food, and the sickness it caused, was a widespread problem. The public would have benefited from canned food, but for decades cans were almost exclusively for the army and the navy. The canning process, with its hours of boiling and steaming, its scrupulous cleanliness, its heated metal, and its need for a great deal of disposable material, made canned food far too expensive for anyone but the military. No can openers were needed or even possible. The metal of early cans was too thick to make openers practical. Soldiers and sailors had plenty of sharp objects on hand and made ample use of them when they wanted to eat. During the 19th century, the process of canning was refined and mechanised, and the metal wall of the average can slimmed down enough that a civilian could get it open—if that civilian had the right tool. No one had that tool yet, so early cans had to open themselves. In other words, they came with built-in openers. The result was a confusing but pleasing free-for-all, in terms of product engineering. Each type of food came with its own kind of can, and each kind of can came with its own kind of opener. Tinned fish and meat were often sold in rectangular cans. These cans were fitted with a "key" that would roll down the top of the can. Coffee, beans, and other types of meat were packaged in cylinders with metal strips that could be peeled back with their own kinds of built-in keys. Cans of milk, which didn't need to be completely opened, came with puncture devices. As tinned food became more common, its containers became more regular. A nice cylindrical can became the norm, and, as these cans filled kitchens, more engineers put their minds to finding a convenient way to open all of them. The first standalone can opener worked on a simple principle: point, stab, and pull. From the mid-19th century to the end of World War I, the typical can opener looked roughly like a wrench, if the lower 'jaw' of the wrench were replaced with a blade. People used the blade to puncture the top of the can near its edge, push the upper jaw against the side of the can, and drag the blade through the metal along the rim. Because meat was the first and most popular canned substance, these can openers were often shaped to look like cows and given the nickname 'bully beef can openers'. The bully beef can opener, popular in the mid-19th century, resulted in many lost fingers. Bully beef can openers were so common, effective, and sturdy that they are still frequently available on collectors' sites. Some are advertised as “still working,” and every last one of them is, without a doubt, soaked in the blood of our ancestors. Dragging a sharp blade along the edge of a can is certain to cause injury sooner or later. So once people got a reliable can shape and a reliable way to get the can open, the search was on for a reliable way to get a can open without the possibility of losing a finger. The answer came in 1925, from the Star Can Opener Company of San Francisco. This is probably the first can opener that resembles the one people have in their kitchens today. Instead of using a blade to pry open a metal can, buyers could clamp the edge of the can between two wheels and twist the handle of one of the wheels to move the blade around the lip. The Star can openers weren't perfect. Compared to the bully beef model, they were flimsy and breakable, but they probably prevented a few injuries. Six short years after the Star model came to market, the first electric can opener was invented. It was patented in 1931 by the Bunker Clancey Company of Kansas City, who had already been sued by the Star Can Opener Company for trying sell a double-wheeled can opener like the Star model (the case was dismissed). The electric can opener must have seemed like the wave of the future and a sure-fire seller, but it proved to be too far ahead of its time. In 1931 not that many households had electricity, and those that did weren't interested in buying can openers. The Bunker Clancey Company was subsequently bought by the Rival Company, which still makes small appliances like can openers today. It took another 25 years for electrically powered can openers to become practical. In the 1950s, Walter Hess Bodle and his daughter, Elizabeth Bodle, developed an electric can opener in the family garage. Walter came up with the opener's blades and motor, and Elizabeth sculpted the outside. Their can opener was a free-standing unit that could sit on the kitchen counter. The Udico brand of the Union Die Casting Company put it on the market in time for Christmas in 1956 and had great success with it. Over the next few years it came out in different styles and colours, and, like the bully beef can opener, has become a collector's item. Also like the bully beef model, Udico can openers often still work. They don't make 'em like they used to. Although there have been some design changes and refinements over the last sixty years, there have yet to be any more leaps forward in can opener technology. If you're resentfully opening a can, you are almost certainly doing it using the Star design, manually forcing the can between two wheels, or the Bodle design, clamping the can into a free-standing electrical opener. Whether or not you enjoy your holiday meals, at least you can be happy that you are not getting poisoned by your own food or cutting open your hand with the blade you use to get at it. That's something, right?The can opener is still a very important and essential item in most kitchens.Can opener, right handed, metal, upper blade section serrated, inscription 'Peerless Pat.Feb 11-90'.Peerless Pat.Feb 11-90flagstaff hill, warrnambool, shipwrecked-coast, flagstaff-hill, flagstaff-hill-maritime-museum, maritime-museum, shipwreck-coast, flagstaff-hill-maritime-village, cannning, can opener, kitchen equipment -
Melton City Libraries
Map, Streets of Melton, 1963
MELTON’S STREETS Heritage Week 2014 What’s in a Name? Alphabetical List Aboriginal place names, Early Family Names and landowners, Agricultural, Shop and Commercial premises, Places and Events Melton & District Historical Society Street Naming Project 1972 – c 1998 Suburb Name – KURUNJANG - Kirkton, 1972, Brookfield, West, 1988 Melton and Town Centre - A joint collaboration with the Shire of Melton and Subdivision Developers ARNOLD Court – Family house - Arnolds Creek ALKEMADE Drive Family – Lime kilns Coimadia ALEXANDRA Street 1902 – Corination of King Edward VII and Queen Alexandra AVIATOR Place Event, location of plane crash – Jimmy Melrose 1936 Adina ?Annibee - Anniba? Agricultural Avon court .. .. BAKERY Square - Location of Jongebloed shop, bakehouse and stables BALUK Place Aboriginal BARLEYCORN Place Agricultural BILLING Place Name of Jimmy Melrose Uncle Noel Pemberton Billing BLACKWOOD Drive - Alexander Blackwood 1860c Registrar BARRIES Road C. E. Barrie “Darlingsford” farmer 1911, chaff mill owner BROOKLYN Road Staughton family residence. 1875 – Dismantled c 193? CAHILL Drive Family - Glenville Dairy CAMERON Court Family Canopus Place ? CANALLAN Drive Early Surveyor CAMPBELL Court Aviation – Melrose passenger 6th July 1936 CARBERRY Drive Michael, early landowner family CAREW Court Edward and Michael. Royal Hotel. Vera (Carew) Forran Singer - Opera CASEY Court Family CASHIN Court Family CHEVIOT Court Agriculture, breed of sheep CHESNEY Road was re named ( Minns Road being duplicated c 1973) CHRISTINA Crescent Christina McPherson, daughter of James and Mary Mary McPherson. Died 1955 aged 85 years COLLYER Close a deleted street (parallel to Yuille) re-used CORRIEDALE Road Breed of sheep CORR Court Teacher at first school, landowner CROXTON Court Name of the Hornbuckle and Knox family home DALEY Court - William Daley and family 1865 Bootmaker High Street DARLINGSFORD Boulevard - Name of early homestead Thomas B Darling 1853 DJERRIWARRH Court - Parish County of Bourke - very early map. DODEMAIDE Place Early land owners - Melton Football Team had 6 brothers playing c 1924 DONALD Court McPherson family 6 generations in Melton in 1936 DOUGAL Court DUNCAN Court .. .. DUNVEGAN Circuit Home of the McPherson family, castle Isle of Skye Name of bluestone house Smith Street (now at Willows) EMIL Court Jongebloed family EXELL Avenue Farming family Melton Sth- Closer Settlement 1907 EXFORD Road Exe former name of the Werribee river FARMER Court Name of early postmistress FERRIS Road John Ferris Farmer HANNAH Close First name of Hannah Watts – midwife HAYBALE Place Agricultural HELDER Court Early surveyor J Helder Wedge map HEWSON Street Winston Hewson Shire Engineer – check title c 1960 HENRY Street Township map c 1860 HESTON Street Heston Phoenix – C.J. Melrose plane HILDEGARDE Court Jimmy Melrose’s mothers name HOMESTEAD Close HORNBUCKLE Cres Farmers. Three members of family - Shire Presidents HURLEY Street Farmers IAIN Court Descendent of James and Mary McPherson JAMES MELROSE Drive Name appears on 2013 Melton information map JANG Place KURUN – jang KIRKTON Drive Name of the McPherson family home Toolern Vale Road KIRWIN Street Michael early landowners (deleted for freeway construction) KILPATRICKS Road Deleted when Barries Road was extended across Station Rd KOROROIT Court Early map, Parish of Kororoit. Creek name KNOX Circuit Family – Hornbuckle “Croxton Park” KURRUNJANG Drive Aboriginal name for people of the red earth – Suburb name Lara Place ? LLOYD Court Garage owners High Street. Laura lived to 100 years D 1955 LUBY Court John Luby – Crown Grant Land Title LITTLE Court MANNING Avenue Richard, hotel owner 1891 MARGARET Drive McPherson family McDONALD Street Melton South family name McKENZIE Street Township c1860 MORROW Street Early name MOWBRAY Crescent Name of English Melton, popularly believed origin of Melton MYERS Court Early setters c 1866 Crown Grant Land Title NIMMO Street Early name NIXON Street Name submitted by Mary nee Nixon Collins c1985 OLDERSHAW Road Early builder PALMERSTON Street Early township map c 1860 PEART Court Early name PENNYROYAL Avenue Plant growing by the creek. Early name used for the Toolern Toolam Creek PINKERTON Street Family name and early street map PINNACLE Crescent Agricultural - type of wheat PHOENIX Circuit C.J. Melrose Phoenix Heston Plane 2013 map PRATT Family PRIOR Court PYKE Place Brothers – early settlement 1838 RADFORD Court Land owners and business operators. Former Royal Hotel Grocer High Street demolished 1970 RAGLAN Court Hotel 19th century Lord Raglan RALEIGHS Road Oliver Reierson family (Norweigen) Shopkeeper – Dressmakers RIDDELL Drive (misspelt Riddle) Resident and land owner RODERICK Road McPherson family – a re occurring name ROLLAND Court Jones family ROSS Court Daniel. Landowner. Agnes Ross music teacher RUSSELL Court Robert. Early land surveyor of Melton 1853 RYAN Court Family early landowner. Member of the 1862 Road Board SHEBLER Place Augustus early Melton resident – Golden Fleece Hotel SHEEPFOLD Court Farming SHERWIN Court Sherwin Street earliest Township map– became Golf course SMITH Street Early township map. STRATHULLOH Circuit Strathtulloh Homestead. STAUGHTON Street Family – LARGE land owners Strachan ? SWANEY Court Marie Swaney earlier resident of Strathtulloh. SUTHERLAND Family name TOOLERN Street TOOLAM – TOOLERN Creek TULLIDGE St Road marked on 1861 map UNITT Street Early Township c 1860 WALLACE Square Cr Jack Wallace 5 terms as President 46 years unopposed WATTS Court Hannah Watts – midwife, cottage hospital WALSINGHAM Name of house of Minns family. From Walsingham Norfolk England WESTLEY Place Name of Jimmy Melrose Percival Gull Plane WESTLAKE Drive Early resident WHICKHAM Street Family Name Melton South WILSON Road Albert, Melton South YUILLE Street William Cross, early landowner, Rockbank run Zoomed in section of Melton Streets including Church and High Streetlandscapes of significance -
Victorian Aboriginal Corporation for Languages
Periodical, Australian Aboriginal studies : journal of the Australian Institute of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Studies, 2010
Mediating conflict in the age of Native Title Peter Sutton (The University of Adelaide and South Australian Museum) Mediators have played roles in managing conflict in Aboriginal societies for a long time. This paper discusses some of the similarities and differences between older customary mediator roles and those of the modern Native Title process. Determinants of tribunal outcomes for Indigenous footballers Neil Brewer, Carla Welsh and Jenny Williams (School of Psychology, Flinders University) This paper reports on a study that examined whether football tribunal members? judgments concerning players? alleged misdemeanours on the sporting field are likely to be shaped by extra-evidential factors that disadvantage players from Indigenous backgrounds. Indigenous and non-Indigenous Australian Football League (AFL) players, matched in terms of their typical levels of confidence and demeanour in public situations, were interrogated in a mock tribunal hearing about a hypothetical incident on the football field. The specific aim was to determine if the pressures of such questioning elicited behavioural differences likely to be interpreted as indicative of testimonial unreliability. Mock tribunal members (number = 103) then made judgments about the degree to which a number of behavioural characteristics were evident in the players? testimonies. Under intense interrogation, Indigenous players were judged as presenting less confidently and displaying a greater degree of gaze aversion than non-Indigenous players. These behavioural characteristics are commonly ? and inappropriately ? used as cues or heuristics to infer testimonial accuracy. The paper discusses the implications for Indigenous players appearing at tribunal hearings ? and for the justice system more broadly. Timothy Korkanoon: A child artist at the Merri Creek Baptist Aboriginal School, Melbourne, Victoria, 1846?47 ? a new interpretation of his life and work Ian D Clark (School of Business, University of Ballarat) This paper is concerned with the Coranderrk Aboriginal artist Timothy Korkanoon. Research has uncovered more about his life before he settled at the Coranderrk station in 1863. Evidence is provided that five sketches acquired by George Augustus Robinson, the former Chief Protector of Aborigines, in November 1851 in Melbourne, and found in his papers in the State Library of New South Wales, may also be attributed to the work of the young Korkanoon when he was a student at the Merri Creek Baptist Aboriginal School from 1846 to 1847. Developing a database for Australian Indigenous kinship terminology: The AustKin project Laurent Dousset (CREDO, and CNRS, Ecole des Hautes Etudes en Sciences Sociales), Rachel Hendery (The Australian National University), Claire Bowern (Yale University), Harold Koch (The Australian National University) and Patrick McConvell (The Australian National University) In order to make Australian Indigenous kinship vocabulary from hundreds of sources comparable, searchable and accessible for research and community purposes, we have developed a database that collates these resources. The creation of such a database brings with it technical, theoretical and practical challenges, some of which also apply to other research projects that collect and compare large amounts of Australian language data, and some of which apply to any database project in the humanities or social sciences. Our project has sought to overcome these challenges by adopting a modular, object-oriented, incremental programming approach, by keeping metadata, data and analysis sharply distinguished, and through ongoing consultation between programmers, linguists and communities. In this paper we report on the challenges and solutions we have come across and the lessons that can be drawn from our experience for other social science database projects, particularly in Australia. A time for change? Indigenous heritage values and management practice in the Coorong and Lower Murray Lakes region, South Australia Lynley A Wallis (Aboriginal Environments Research Centre, The University of Queensland) and Alice C Gorman (Department of Archaeology, Flinders University) The Coorong and Lower Murray Lakes in South Australia have long been recognised under the Ramsar Convention for their natural heritage values. Less well known is the fact that this area also has high social and cultural values, encompassing the traditional lands and waters (ruwe) of the Ngarrindjeri Nation. This unique ecosystem is currently teetering on the verge of collapse, a situation arguably brought about by prolonged drought after decades of unsustainable management practices. While at the federal level there have been moves to better integrate typically disparate ?cultural? and ?natural? heritage management regimes ? thereby supporting Indigenous groups in their attempts to gain a greater voice in how their traditional country is managed ? the distance has not yet been bridged in the Coorong. Here, current management planning continues to emphasise natural heritage values, with limited practical integration of cultural values or Ngarrindjeri viewpoints. As the future of the Coorong and Lower Murray Lakes is being debated, we suggest decision makers would do well to look to the Ngarrindjeri for guidance on the integration of natural and cultural values in management regimes as a vital step towards securing the long-term ecological viability of this iconic part of Australia. Hearts and minds: Evolving understandings of chronic cardiovascular disease in Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander populations Ernest Hunter (Queensland Health and James Cook University) Using the experience and reflections of a non-Indigenous clinician and researcher, Randolph Spargo, who has worked in remote Aboriginal Australia for more than 40 years, this paper tracks how those at the clinical coal-face thought and responded as cardiovascular and other chronic diseases emerged as new health concerns in the 1970s to become major contributors to the burden of excess ill health across Indigenous Australia. The paper cites research evidence that informed prevailing paradigms drawing primarily on work in which the clinician participated, which was undertaken in the remote Kimberley region in the north of Western Australia. Two reports, one relating to the Narcoonie quarry in the Strzelecki Desert and the other concerning problematic alcohol use in urban settings.maps, b&w photographs, colour photographs, tablesstrzelecki desert, native title, timothy korkanoon, merri creek baptist aboriginal school, austkin project, coorong, lower murray lakes district, south australia, indigenous health -
Flagstaff Hill Maritime Museum and Village
Weapon - Lead shot, Before 1878
The objects are a sample of medium caliber lead shot raised by Flagstaff Hill divers from the Loch Ard shipwreck site in 1976. Included in the vessel’s cargo manifest were 22 tonnes of lead shot, packed into her holds in cloth bags and wooden casks. These 49 pieces of 7 mm diameter lead shot are identical in size and smoothness. Each one also bears the same slightly raised square of residual metal left behind by the process of pouring molten lead into individual but identical moulds through a small (square) opening. These pieces of shot can be compared with contrast pieces in the Maritime Village collection, which are examples of shot tower pellet production; an industrial technique more suited to the creation of uniformly spherical balls that do not need subsequent trimming. In conventional shot tower production, lead is heated in a cauldron at the top of a 150-160 feet tower, and poured through a copper lattice that divides the metal into falling droplets. As these droplets fall, they spin into small spheres and gradually cool, before finishing in a pool of water at the bottom of the tower. However the maximum size of lead shot, and the economic efficiency of shot tower production, is limited by the practical height of the drop. Larger diameter lead shot must fall further in order to cool evenly and sufficiently to avoid shape distortion on hitting the water at the base. This sample of larger 7 mm lead shot, although mass produced, appears to have been manufactured under the traditional and more labour intensive mould system. They are therefore distinct from the other samples of smaller gauged and shot tower produced lead shot that were being imported on the Loch Ard . In terms of metallurgical technology these 7 mm shot are more closely related to an artifact in our Collection (No. 5241) — a forged set of pincers or pliers with two facing cups at the end. When the pincers are closed, the cups join to form a single mould. Molten lead is poured through a small (circular) opening left at the top of the mould. When cooled the pincers are opened, breaking the mould and releasing the lead shot. The excess metal left over from the pouring operation at the top of the ball is then trimmed off using the scissor like cutting edges on the inner side of the pliers handles. In this manner, individual shooters were able to make their own ammunition for their shotguns. History of the Loch Ard: The Loch Ard got it’s name from ”Loch Ard” a loch which lies to the west of Aberfoyle, and to the east of Loch Lomond. It means "high lake" in Scottish Gaelic.The vessel belonged to the famous Loch Line which sailed many vessels from England to Australia. The Loch Ard was built in Glasgow by Barclay, Curdle and Co. in 1873, the vessel was a three-masted square-rigged iron sailing ship that measured 79.87 meters in length, 11.58 m in width, and 7 m in depth with a gross tonnage of 1693 tons with a mainmast that measured a massive 45.7 m in height. Loch Ard made three trips to Australia and one trip to Calcutta before its fateful voyage. Loch Ard left England on March 2, 1878, under the command of 29-year-old Captain Gibbs, who was newly married. The ship was bound for Melbourne with a crew of 37, plus 17 passengers. The general cargo reflected the affluence of Melbourne at the time. Onboard were straw hats, umbrella, perfumes, clay pipes, pianos, clocks, confectionery, linen and candles, as well as a heavier load of railway irons, cement, lead and copper. There were other items included that were intended for display in the Melbourne International Exhibition of 1880. The voyage to Port Phillip was long but uneventful. Then at 3 am on June 1, 1878, Captain Gibbs was expecting to see land. But the Loch Ard was running into a fog which greatly reduced visibility. Captain Gibbs was becoming anxious as there was no sign of land or the Cape Otway lighthouse. At 4 am the fog lifted and a lookout aloft announced that he could see breakers. The sheer cliffs of Victoria's west coast came into view, and Captain Gibbs realised that the ship was much closer to them than expected. He ordered as much sail to be set as time would permit and then attempted to steer the vessel out to sea. On coming head-on into the wind, the ship lost momentum, the sails fell limp and Loch Ard's bow swung back towards land. Gibbs then ordered the anchors to be released in an attempt to hold its position. The anchors sank some 50 fathoms - but did not hold. By this time the ship was among the breakers and the tall cliffs of Mutton Bird Island rose behind. Just half a mile from the coast, the ship's bow was suddenly pulled around by the anchor. The captain tried to tack out to sea, but the ship struck a reef at the base of Mutton Bird Island, near Port Campbell. Waves subsequently broke over the ship and the top deck became loosened from the hull. The masts and rigging came crashing down knocking passengers and crew overboard. When a lifeboat was finally launched, it crashed into the side of Loch Ard and capsized. Tom Pearce, who had launched the boat, managed to cling to its overturned hull and shelter beneath it. He drifted out to sea and then on the flood tide came into what is now known as Loch Ard Gorge. He swam to shore, bruised and dazed, and found a cave in which to shelter. Some of the crew stayed below deck to shelter from the falling rigging but drowned when the ship slipped off the reef into deeper water. Eva Carmichael a passenger had raced onto the deck to find out what was happening only to be confronted by towering cliffs looming above the stricken ship. In all the chaos, Captain Gibbs grabbed Eva and said, "If you are saved Eva, let my dear wife know that I died like a sailor". That was the last Eva Carmichael saw of the captain. She was swept off the ship by a huge wave. Eva saw Tom Pearce on a small rocky beach and yelled to attract his attention. He dived in and swam to the exhausted woman and dragged her to shore. He took her to the cave and broke the open case of brandy which had washed up on the beach. He opened a bottle to revive the unconscious woman. A few hours later Tom scaled a cliff in search of help. He followed hoof prints and came by chance upon two men from nearby Glenample Station three and a half miles away. In a complete state of exhaustion, he told the men of the tragedy. Tom then returned to the gorge while the two men rode back to the station to get help. By the time they reached Loch Ard Gorge, it was cold and dark. The two shipwreck survivors were taken to Glenample Station to recover. Eva stayed at the station for six weeks before returning to Ireland by steamship. In Melbourne, Tom Pearce received a hero's welcome. He was presented with the first gold medal of the Royal Humane Society of Victoria and a £1000 cheque from the Victorian Government. Concerts were performed to honour the young man's bravery and to raise money for those who lost family in the disaster. Of the 54 crew members and passengers on board, only two survived: the apprentice, Tom Pearce and the young woman passenger, Eva Carmichael, who lost her family in the tragedy. Ten days after the Loch Ard tragedy, salvage rights to the wreck were sold at auction for £2,120. Cargo valued at £3,000 was salvaged and placed on the beach, but most washed back into the sea when another storm developed. The wreck of Loch Ard still lies at the base of Mutton Bird Island. Much of the cargo has now been salvaged and some items were washed up into Loch Ard Gorge. Cargo and artefacts have also been illegally salvaged over many years before protective legislation was introduced in March 1982. One of the most unlikely pieces of cargo to have survived the shipwreck was a Minton majolica peacock- one of only nine in the world. The peacock was destined for the Melbourne 1880 International Exhibition in. It had been well packed, which gave it adequate protection during the violent storm. Today the Minton peacock can be seen at the Flagstaff Hill Maritime Museum in Warrnambool. From Australia's most dramatic shipwreck it has now become Australia's most valuable shipwreck artifact and is one of very few 'objects' on the Victorian State Heritage Register. The shipwreck of the Loch Ard is of significance for Victoria and is registered on the Victorian Heritage Register Ref S 417. Flagstaff Hill has a varied collection of artefacts from Loch Ard and its collection is significant for being one of the largest accumulation of artefacts from this notable Victorian shipwreck. The collections object is to also give us a snapshot into history so we are able to interpret the story of this tragic event. The collection is also archaeologically significant as it represents aspects of Victoria's shipping history that allows us to interpret Victoria's social and historical themes of the time. The collections historically significance is that it is associated unfortunately with the worst and best-known shipwreck in Victoria's history. A quantity of forty-nine (49) loose round lead shot of 7 mm diameter retrieved from the wreck of the Loch Ard. All are smooth round spheres with the same small raised square of excess lead on one face.flagstaff hill, warrnambool, shipwrecked coast, flagstaff hill maritime museum, maritime museum, shipwreck coast, flagstaff hill maritime village, great ocean road, loch line, loch ard, captain gibbs, eva carmichael, tom pearce, glenample station, mutton bird island, loch ard gorge, shipwreck artefact, shot, lead shot, shot towers, shot mould, colonial imports, practical metallurgy -
Flagstaff Hill Maritime Museum and Village
Animal specimen - Whale bone, Undetermined
Prior to carrying out a detailed condition report of the cetacean skeletons, it is useful to have an understanding of the materials we are likely to encounter, in terms of structure and chemistry. This entry invites you to join in learning about the composition of whale bone and oil. Whale bone (Cetacean) bone is comprised of a composite structure of both an inorganic matrix of mainly hydroxylapatite (a calcium phosphate mineral), providing strength and rigidity, as well as an organic protein ‘scaffolding’ of mainly collagen, facilitating growth and repair (O’Connor 2008, CCI 2010). Collagen is also the structural protein component in cartilage between the whale vertebrae and attached to the fins of both the Killer Whale and the Dolphin. Relative proportions in the bone composition (affecting density), are linked with the feeding habits and mechanical stresses typically endured by bones of particular whale types. A Sperm Whale (Physeter macrocephalus Linnaeus, 1758) skeleton (toothed) thus has a higher mineral value (~67%) than a Fin Whale (Balaenoptera physalus Linnaeus, 1758) (baleen) (~60%) (Turner Walker 2012). The internal structure of bone can be divided into compact and cancellous bone. In whales, load-bearing structures such as mandibles and upper limb bones (e.g. humerus, sternum) are largely composed of compact bone (Turner Walker 2012). This consists of lamella concentrically deposited around the longitudinal axis and is permeated by fluid carrying channels (O’Connor 2008). Cancellous (spongy) bone, with a highly porous angular network of trabeculae, is less stiff and thus found in whale ribs and vertebrae (Turner Walker 2012). Whale oil Whales not only carry a thick layer of fat (blubber) in the soft tissue of their body for heat insulation and as a food store while they are alive, but also hold large oil (lipid) reserves in their porous bones. Following maceration of the whale skeleton after death to remove the soft tissue, the bones retain a high lipid content (Higgs et. al 2010). Particularly bones with a spongy (porous) structure have a high capacity to hold oil-rich marrow. Comparative data of various whale species suggests the skull, particularly the cranium and mandible bones are particularly oil rich. Along the vertebral column, the lipid content is reduced, particularly in the thoracic vertebrae (~10-25%), yet greatly increases from the lumbar to the caudal vertebrae (~40-55%). The chest area (scapula, sternum and ribs) show a mid-range lipid content (~15-30%), with vertically orientated ribs being more heavily soaked lower down (Turner Walker 2012, Higgs et. al 2010). Whale oil is largely composed of triglycerides (molecules of fatty acids attached to a glycerol molecule). In Arctic whales a higher proportion of unsaturated, versus saturated fatty acids make up the lipid. Unsaturated fatty acids (with double or triple carbon bonds causing chain kinks, preventing close packing (solidifying) of molecules), are more likely to be liquid (oil), versus solid (fat) at room temperature (Smith and March 2007). Objects Made From the Whaling Industry We all know that men set forth in sailing ships and risked their lives to harpoon whales on the open seas throughout the 1800s. And while Moby Dick and other tales have made whaling stories immortal, people today generally don't appreciate that the whalers were part of a well-organized industry. The ships that set out from ports in New England roamed as far as the Pacific in hunt of specific species of whales. Adventure may have been the draw for some whalers, but for the captains who owned whaling ships, and the investors which financed voyages, there was a considerable monetary payoff. The gigantic carcasses of whales were chopped and boiled down and turned into products such as the fine oil needed to lubricate increasing advanced machine tools. And beyond the oil derived from whales, even their bones, in an era before the invention of plastic, was used to make a wide variety of consumer goods. In short, whales were a valuable natural resource the same as wood, minerals, or petroleum we now pump from the ground. Oil From Whale’s Blubber Oil was the main product sought from whales, and it was used to lubricate machinery and to provide illumination by burning it in lamps. When a whale was killed, it was towed to the ship and its blubber, the thick insulating fat under its skin, would be peeled and cut from its carcass in a process known as “flensing.” The blubber was minced into chunks and boiled in large vats on board the whaling ship, producing oil. The oil taken from whale blubber was packaged in casks and transported back to the whaling ship’s home port (such as New Bedford, Massachusetts, the busiest American whaling port in the mid-1800s). From the ports it would be sold and transported across the country and would find its way into a huge variety of products. Whale oil, in addition to be used for lubrication and illumination, was also used to manufacture soaps, paint, and varnish. Whale oil was also utilized in some processes used to manufacture textiles and rope. Spermaceti, a Highly Regarded Oil A peculiar oil found in the head of the sperm whale, spermaceti, was highly prized. The oil was waxy, and was commonly used in making candles. In fact, candles made of spermaceti were considered the best in the world, producing a bright clear flame without an excess of smoke. Spermaceti was also used, distilled in liquid form, as an oil to fuel lamps. The main American whaling port, New Bedford, Massachusetts, was thus known as "The City That Lit the World." When John Adams was the ambassador to Great Britain before serving as president he recorded in his diary a conversation about spermaceti he had with the British Prime Minister William Pitt. Adams, keen to promote the New England whaling industry, was trying to convince the British to import spermaceti sold by American whalers, which the British could use to fuel street lamps. The British were not interested. In his diary, Adams wrote that he told Pitt, “the fat of the spermaceti whale gives the clearest and most beautiful flame of any substance that is known in nature, and we are surprised you prefer darkness, and consequent robberies, burglaries, and murders in your streets to receiving as a remittance our spermaceti oil.” Despite the failed sales pitch John Adams made in the late 1700s, the American whaling industry boomed in the early to mid-1800s. And spermaceti was a major component of that success. Spermaceti could be refined into a lubricant that was ideal for precision machinery. The machine tools that made the growth of industry possible in the United States were lubricated, and essentially made possible, by oil derived from spermaceti. Baleen, or "Whalebone" The bones and teeth of various species of whales were used in a number of products, many of them common implements in a 19th century household. Whales are said to have produced “the plastic of the 1800s.” The "bone" of the whale which was most commonly used wasn’t technically a bone, it was baleen, a hard material arrayed in large plates, like gigantic combs, in the mouths of some species of whales. The purpose of the baleen is to act as a sieve, catching tiny organisms in sea water, which the whale consumes as food. As baleen was tough yet flexible, it could be used in a number of practical applications. And it became commonly known as "whalebone." Perhaps the most common use of whalebone was in the manufacture of corsets, which fashionable ladies in the 1800s wore to compress their waistlines. One typical corset advertisement from the 1800s proudly proclaims, “Real Whalebone Only Used.” Whalebone was also used for collar stays, buggy whips, and toys. Its remarkable flexibility even caused it to be used as the springs in early typewriters. The comparison to plastic is apt. Think of common items which today might be made of plastic, and it's likely that similar items in the 1800s would have been made of whalebone. Baleen whales do not have teeth. But the teeth of other whales, such as the sperm whale, would be used as ivory in such products as chess pieces, piano keys, or the handles of walking sticks. Pieces of scrimshaw, or carved whale's teeth, would probably be the best remembered use of whale's teeth. However, the carved teeth were created to pass the time on whaling voyages and were never a mass production item. Their relative rarity, of course, is why genuine pieces of 19th century scrimshaw are considered to be valuable collectibles today. Reference: McNamara, Robert. "Objects Made From the Whaling Industry." ThoughtCo, Jul. 31, 2021, thoughtco.com/products-produced-from-whales-1774070.Whale bone was an important commodity, used in corsets, collar stays, buggy whips, and toys.Whale bone in two pieces. Advanced stage of calcification as indicated by deep pitting. Off white to grey.None.flagstaff hill, warrnambool, shipwrecked-coast, flagstaff-hill, flagstaff-hill-maritime-museum, maritime-museum, shipwreck-coast, flagstaff-hill-maritime-village, whale bones, whale skeleton, whales, whale bone, corsets, toys, whips -
Flagstaff Hill Maritime Museum and Village
Animal specimen - Whale bone, Undetermined
Prior to carrying out a detailed condition report of the cetacean skeletons, it is useful to have an understanding of the materials we are likely to encounter, in terms of structure and chemistry. This entry invites you to join in learning about the composition of whale bone and oil. Whale bone (Cetacean) bone is comprised of a composite structure of both an inorganic matrix of mainly hydroxylapatite (a calcium phosphate mineral), providing strength and rigidity, as well as an organic protein ‘scaffolding’ of mainly collagen, facilitating growth and repair (O’Connor 2008, CCI 2010). Collagen is also the structural protein component in cartilage between the whale vertebrae and attached to the fins of both the Killer Whale and the Dolphin. Relative proportions in the bone composition (affecting density), are linked with the feeding habits and mechanical stresses typically endured by bones of particular whale types. A Sperm Whale (Physeter macrocephalus Linnaeus, 1758) skeleton (toothed) thus has a higher mineral value (~67%) than a Fin Whale (Balaenoptera physalus Linnaeus, 1758) (baleen) (~60%) (Turner Walker 2012). The internal structure of bone can be divided into compact and cancellous bone. In whales, load-bearing structures such as mandibles and upper limb bones (e.g. humerus, sternum) are largely composed of compact bone (Turner Walker 2012). This consists of lamella concentrically deposited around the longitudinal axis and is permeated by fluid carrying channels (O’Connor 2008). Cancellous (spongy) bone, with a highly porous angular network of trabeculae, is less stiff and thus found in whale ribs and vertebrae (Turner Walker 2012). Whale oil Whales not only carry a thick layer of fat (blubber) in the soft tissue of their body for heat insulation and as a food store while they are alive, but also hold large oil (lipid) reserves in their porous bones. Following maceration of the whale skeleton after death to remove the soft tissue, the bones retain a high lipid content (Higgs et. al 2010). Particularly bones with a spongy (porous) structure have a high capacity to hold oil-rich marrow. Comparative data of various whale species suggests the skull, particularly the cranium and mandible bones are particularly oil rich. Along the vertebral column, the lipid content is reduced, particularly in the thoracic vertebrae (~10-25%), yet greatly increases from the lumbar to the caudal vertebrae (~40-55%). The chest area (scapula, sternum and ribs) show a mid-range lipid content (~15-30%), with vertically orientated ribs being more heavily soaked lower down (Turner Walker 2012, Higgs et. al 2010). Whale oil is largely composed of triglycerides (molecules of fatty acids attached to a glycerol molecule). In Arctic whales a higher proportion of unsaturated, versus saturated fatty acids make up the lipid. Unsaturated fatty acids (with double or triple carbon bonds causing chain kinks, preventing close packing (solidifying) of molecules), are more likely to be liquid (oil), versus solid (fat) at room temperature (Smith and March 2007). Objects Made From the Whaling Industry We all know that men set forth in sailing ships and risked their lives to harpoon whales on the open seas throughout the 1800s. And while Moby Dick and other tales have made whaling stories immortal, people today generally don't appreciate that the whalers were part of a well-organized industry. The ships that set out from ports in New England roamed as far as the Pacific in hunt of specific species of whales. Adventure may have been the draw for some whalers, but for the captains who owned whaling ships, and the investors which financed voyages, there was a considerable monetary payoff. The gigantic carcasses of whales were chopped and boiled down and turned into products such as the fine oil needed to lubricate increasing advanced machine tools. And beyond the oil derived from whales, even their bones, in an era before the invention of plastic, was used to make a wide variety of consumer goods. In short, whales were a valuable natural resource the same as wood, minerals, or petroleum we now pump from the ground. Oil From Whale’s Blubber Oil was the main product sought from whales, and it was used to lubricate machinery and to provide illumination by burning it in lamps. When a whale was killed, it was towed to the ship and its blubber, the thick insulating fat under its skin, would be peeled and cut from its carcass in a process known as “flensing.” The blubber was minced into chunks and boiled in large vats on board the whaling ship, producing oil. The oil taken from whale blubber was packaged in casks and transported back to the whaling ship’s home port (such as New Bedford, Massachusetts, the busiest American whaling port in the mid-1800s). From the ports it would be sold and transported across the country and would find its way into a huge variety of products. Whale oil, in addition to be used for lubrication and illumination, was also used to manufacture soaps, paint, and varnish. Whale oil was also utilized in some processes used to manufacture textiles and rope. Spermaceti, a Highly Regarded Oil A peculiar oil found in the head of the sperm whale, spermaceti, was highly prized. The oil was waxy, and was commonly used in making candles. In fact, candles made of spermaceti were considered the best in the world, producing a bright clear flame without an excess of smoke. Spermaceti was also used, distilled in liquid form, as an oil to fuel lamps. The main American whaling port, New Bedford, Massachusetts, was thus known as "The City That Lit the World." When John Adams was the ambassador to Great Britain before serving as president he recorded in his diary a conversation about spermaceti he had with the British Prime Minister William Pitt. Adams, keen to promote the New England whaling industry, was trying to convince the British to import spermaceti sold by American whalers, which the British could use to fuel street lamps. The British were not interested. In his diary, Adams wrote that he told Pitt, “the fat of the spermaceti whale gives the clearest and most beautiful flame of any substance that is known in nature, and we are surprised you prefer darkness, and consequent robberies, burglaries, and murders in your streets to receiving as a remittance our spermaceti oil.” Despite the failed sales pitch John Adams made in the late 1700s, the American whaling industry boomed in the early to mid-1800s. And spermaceti was a major component of that success. Spermaceti could be refined into a lubricant that was ideal for precision machinery. The machine tools that made the growth of industry possible in the United States were lubricated, and essentially made possible, by oil derived from spermaceti. Baleen, or "Whalebone" The bones and teeth of various species of whales were used in a number of products, many of them common implements in a 19th century household. Whales are said to have produced “the plastic of the 1800s.” The "bone" of the whale which was most commonly used wasn’t technically a bone, it was baleen, a hard material arrayed in large plates, like gigantic combs, in the mouths of some species of whales. The purpose of the baleen is to act as a sieve, catching tiny organisms in sea water, which the whale consumes as food. As baleen was tough yet flexible, it could be used in a number of practical applications. And it became commonly known as "whalebone." Perhaps the most common use of whalebone was in the manufacture of corsets, which fashionable ladies in the 1800s wore to compress their waistlines. One typical corset advertisement from the 1800s proudly proclaims, “Real Whalebone Only Used.” Whalebone was also used for collar stays, buggy whips, and toys. Its remarkable flexibility even caused it to be used as the springs in early typewriters. The comparison to plastic is apt. Think of common items which today might be made of plastic, and it's likely that similar items in the 1800s would have been made of whalebone. Baleen whales do not have teeth. But the teeth of other whales, such as the sperm whale, would be used as ivory in such products as chess pieces, piano keys, or the handles of walking sticks. Pieces of scrimshaw, or carved whale's teeth, would probably be the best remembered use of whale's teeth. However, the carved teeth were created to pass the time on whaling voyages and were never a mass production item. Their relative rarity, of course, is why genuine pieces of 19th century scrimshaw are considered to be valuable collectibles today. Reference: McNamara, Robert. "Objects Made From the Whaling Industry." ThoughtCo, Jul. 31, 2021, thoughtco.com/products-produced-from-whales-1774070.Whale bone was an important commodity, used in corsets, collar stays, buggy whips, and toys.Whale bone piece. Advanced stage of calcification as indicated by deep pitting. Off white to grey.None.flagstaff hill, warrnambool, shipwrecked-coast, flagstaff-hill, flagstaff-hill-maritime-museum, maritime-museum, shipwreck-coast, flagstaff-hill-maritime-village, whales, whale bone, corsets, toys, whips -
Flagstaff Hill Maritime Museum and Village
Animal specimen - Whale bone, Undetermined
Prior to carrying out a detailed condition report of the cetacean skeletons, it is useful to have an understanding of the materials we are likely to encounter, in terms of structure and chemistry. This entry invites you to join in learning about the composition of whale bone and oil. Whale bone (Cetacean) bone is comprised of a composite structure of both an inorganic matrix of mainly hydroxylapatite (a calcium phosphate mineral), providing strength and rigidity, as well as an organic protein ‘scaffolding’ of mainly collagen, facilitating growth and repair (O’Connor 2008, CCI 2010). Collagen is also the structural protein component in cartilage between the whale vertebrae and attached to the fins of both the Killer Whale and the Dolphin. Relative proportions in the bone composition (affecting density), are linked with the feeding habits and mechanical stresses typically endured by bones of particular whale types. A Sperm Whale (Physeter macrocephalus Linnaeus, 1758) skeleton (toothed) thus has a higher mineral value (~67%) than a Fin Whale (Balaenoptera physalus Linnaeus, 1758) (baleen) (~60%) (Turner Walker 2012). The internal structure of bone can be divided into compact and cancellous bone. In whales, load-bearing structures such as mandibles and upper limb bones (e.g. humerus, sternum) are largely composed of compact bone (Turner Walker 2012). This consists of lamella concentrically deposited around the longitudinal axis and is permeated by fluid carrying channels (O’Connor 2008). Cancellous (spongy) bone, with a highly porous angular network of trabeculae, is less stiff and thus found in whale ribs and vertebrae (Turner Walker 2012). Whale oil Whales not only carry a thick layer of fat (blubber) in the soft tissue of their body for heat insulation and as a food store while they are alive, but also hold large oil (lipid) reserves in their porous bones. Following maceration of the whale skeleton after death to remove the soft tissue, the bones retain a high lipid content (Higgs et. al 2010). Particularly bones with a spongy (porous) structure have a high capacity to hold oil-rich marrow. Comparative data of various whale species suggests the skull, particularly the cranium and mandible bones are particularly oil rich. Along the vertebral column, the lipid content is reduced, particularly in the thoracic vertebrae (~10-25%), yet greatly increases from the lumbar to the caudal vertebrae (~40-55%). The chest area (scapula, sternum and ribs) show a mid-range lipid content (~15-30%), with vertically orientated ribs being more heavily soaked lower down (Turner Walker 2012, Higgs et. al 2010). Whale oil is largely composed of triglycerides (molecules of fatty acids attached to a glycerol molecule). In Arctic whales a higher proportion of unsaturated, versus saturated fatty acids make up the lipid. Unsaturated fatty acids (with double or triple carbon bonds causing chain kinks, preventing close packing (solidifying) of molecules), are more likely to be liquid (oil), versus solid (fat) at room temperature (Smith and March 2007). Objects Made From the Whaling Industry We all know that men set forth in sailing ships and risked their lives to harpoon whales on the open seas throughout the 1800s. And while Moby Dick and other tales have made whaling stories immortal, people today generally don't appreciate that the whalers were part of a well-organized industry. The ships that set out from ports in New England roamed as far as the Pacific in hunt of specific species of whales. Adventure may have been the draw for some whalers, but for the captains who owned whaling ships, and the investors which financed voyages, there was a considerable monetary payoff. The gigantic carcasses of whales were chopped and boiled down and turned into products such as the fine oil needed to lubricate increasing advanced machine tools. And beyond the oil derived from whales, even their bones, in an era before the invention of plastic, was used to make a wide variety of consumer goods. In short, whales were a valuable natural resource the same as wood, minerals, or petroleum we now pump from the ground. Oil From Whale’s Blubber Oil was the main product sought from whales, and it was used to lubricate machinery and to provide illumination by burning it in lamps. When a whale was killed, it was towed to the ship and its blubber, the thick insulating fat under its skin, would be peeled and cut from its carcass in a process known as “flensing.” The blubber was minced into chunks and boiled in large vats on board the whaling ship, producing oil. The oil taken from whale blubber was packaged in casks and transported back to the whaling ship’s home port (such as New Bedford, Massachusetts, the busiest American whaling port in the mid-1800s). From the ports it would be sold and transported across the country and would find its way into a huge variety of products. Whale oil, in addition to be used for lubrication and illumination, was also used to manufacture soaps, paint, and varnish. Whale oil was also utilized in some processes used to manufacture textiles and rope. Spermaceti, a Highly Regarded Oil A peculiar oil found in the head of the sperm whale, spermaceti, was highly prized. The oil was waxy, and was commonly used in making candles. In fact, candles made of spermaceti were considered the best in the world, producing a bright clear flame without an excess of smoke. Spermaceti was also used, distilled in liquid form, as an oil to fuel lamps. The main American whaling port, New Bedford, Massachusetts, was thus known as "The City That Lit the World." When John Adams was the ambassador to Great Britain before serving as president he recorded in his diary a conversation about spermaceti he had with the British Prime Minister William Pitt. Adams, keen to promote the New England whaling industry, was trying to convince the British to import spermaceti sold by American whalers, which the British could use to fuel street lamps. The British were not interested. In his diary, Adams wrote that he told Pitt, “the fat of the spermaceti whale gives the clearest and most beautiful flame of any substance that is known in nature, and we are surprised you prefer darkness, and consequent robberies, burglaries, and murders in your streets to receiving as a remittance our spermaceti oil.” Despite the failed sales pitch John Adams made in the late 1700s, the American whaling industry boomed in the early to mid-1800s. And spermaceti was a major component of that success. Spermaceti could be refined into a lubricant that was ideal for precision machinery. The machine tools that made the growth of industry possible in the United States were lubricated, and essentially made possible, by oil derived from spermaceti. Baleen, or "Whalebone" The bones and teeth of various species of whales were used in a number of products, many of them common implements in a 19th century household. Whales are said to have produced “the plastic of the 1800s.” The "bone" of the whale which was most commonly used wasn’t technically a bone, it was baleen, a hard material arrayed in large plates, like gigantic combs, in the mouths of some species of whales. The purpose of the baleen is to act as a sieve, catching tiny organisms in sea water, which the whale consumes as food. As baleen was tough yet flexible, it could be used in a number of practical applications. And it became commonly known as "whalebone." Perhaps the most common use of whalebone was in the manufacture of corsets, which fashionable ladies in the 1800s wore to compress their waistlines. One typical corset advertisement from the 1800s proudly proclaims, “Real Whalebone Only Used.” Whalebone was also used for collar stays, buggy whips, and toys. Its remarkable flexibility even caused it to be used as the springs in early typewriters. The comparison to plastic is apt. Think of common items which today might be made of plastic, and it's likely that similar items in the 1800s would have been made of whalebone. Baleen whales do not have teeth. But the teeth of other whales, such as the sperm whale, would be used as ivory in such products as chess pieces, piano keys, or the handles of walking sticks. Pieces of scrimshaw, or carved whale's teeth, would probably be the best remembered use of whale's teeth. However, the carved teeth were created to pass the time on whaling voyages and were never a mass production item. Their relative rarity, of course, is why genuine pieces of 19th century scrimshaw are considered to be valuable collectibles today. Reference: McNamara, Robert. "Objects Made From the Whaling Industry." ThoughtCo, Jul. 31, 2021, thoughtco.com/products-produced-from-whales-1774070. Whale bone was an important commodity, used in corsets, collar stays, buggy whips, and toys.Whale bone vertebrae. Advanced stage of calcification as indicated by deep pitting. Off white to grey.None.flagstaff hill, warrnambool, shipwrecked-coast, flagstaff-hill, flagstaff-hill-maritime-museum, maritime-museum, shipwreck-coast, flagstaff-hill-maritime-village, whales, whale bone, corsets, toys, whips -
Flagstaff Hill Maritime Museum and Village
Animal specimen - Whale bone, Undetermined
Prior to carrying out a detailed condition report of the cetacean skeletons, it is useful to have an understanding of the materials we are likely to encounter, in terms of structure and chemistry. This entry invites you to join in learning about the composition of whale bone and oil. Whale bone (Cetacean) bone is comprised of a composite structure of both an inorganic matrix of mainly hydroxylapatite (a calcium phosphate mineral), providing strength and rigidity, as well as an organic protein ‘scaffolding’ of mainly collagen, facilitating growth and repair (O’Connor 2008, CCI 2010). Collagen is also the structural protein component in cartilage between the whale vertebrae and attached to the fins of both the Killer Whale and the Dolphin. Relative proportions in the bone composition (affecting density), are linked with the feeding habits and mechanical stresses typically endured by bones of particular whale types. A Sperm Whale (Physeter macrocephalus Linnaeus, 1758) skeleton (toothed) thus has a higher mineral value (~67%) than a Fin Whale (Balaenoptera physalus Linnaeus, 1758) (baleen) (~60%) (Turner Walker 2012). The internal structure of bone can be divided into compact and cancellous bone. In whales, load-bearing structures such as mandibles and upper limb bones (e.g. humerus, sternum) are largely composed of compact bone (Turner Walker 2012). This consists of lamella concentrically deposited around the longitudinal axis and is permeated by fluid carrying channels (O’Connor 2008). Cancellous (spongy) bone, with a highly porous angular network of trabeculae, is less stiff and thus found in whale ribs and vertebrae (Turner Walker 2012). Whale oil Whales not only carry a thick layer of fat (blubber) in the soft tissue of their body for heat insulation and as a food store while they are alive, but also hold large oil (lipid) reserves in their porous bones. Following maceration of the whale skeleton after death to remove the soft tissue, the bones retain a high lipid content (Higgs et. al 2010). Particularly bones with a spongy (porous) structure have a high capacity to hold oil-rich marrow. Comparative data of various whale species suggests the skull, particularly the cranium and mandible bones are particularly oil rich. Along the vertebral column, the lipid content is reduced, particularly in the thoracic vertebrae (~10-25%), yet greatly increases from the lumbar to the caudal vertebrae (~40-55%). The chest area (scapula, sternum and ribs) show a mid-range lipid content (~15-30%), with vertically orientated ribs being more heavily soaked lower down (Turner Walker 2012, Higgs et. al 2010). Whale oil is largely composed of triglycerides (molecules of fatty acids attached to a glycerol molecule). In Arctic whales a higher proportion of unsaturated, versus saturated fatty acids make up the lipid. Unsaturated fatty acids (with double or triple carbon bonds causing chain kinks, preventing close packing (solidifying) of molecules), are more likely to be liquid (oil), versus solid (fat) at room temperature (Smith and March 2007). Objects Made From the Whaling Industry We all know that men set forth in sailing ships and risked their lives to harpoon whales on the open seas throughout the 1800s. And while Moby Dick and other tales have made whaling stories immortal, people today generally don't appreciate that the whalers were part of a well-organized industry. The ships that set out from ports in New England roamed as far as the Pacific in hunt of specific species of whales. Adventure may have been the draw for some whalers, but for the captains who owned whaling ships, and the investors which financed voyages, there was a considerable monetary payoff. The gigantic carcasses of whales were chopped and boiled down and turned into products such as the fine oil needed to lubricate increasing advanced machine tools. And beyond the oil derived from whales, even their bones, in an era before the invention of plastic, was used to make a wide variety of consumer goods. In short, whales were a valuable natural resource the same as wood, minerals, or petroleum we now pump from the ground. Oil From Whale’s Blubber Oil was the main product sought from whales, and it was used to lubricate machinery and to provide illumination by burning it in lamps. When a whale was killed, it was towed to the ship and its blubber, the thick insulating fat under its skin, would be peeled and cut from its carcass in a process known as “flensing.” The blubber was minced into chunks and boiled in large vats on board the whaling ship, producing oil. The oil taken from whale blubber was packaged in casks and transported back to the whaling ship’s home port (such as New Bedford, Massachusetts, the busiest American whaling port in the mid-1800s). From the ports it would be sold and transported across the country and would find its way into a huge variety of products. Whale oil, in addition to be used for lubrication and illumination, was also used to manufacture soaps, paint, and varnish. Whale oil was also utilized in some processes used to manufacture textiles and rope. Spermaceti, a Highly Regarded Oil A peculiar oil found in the head of the sperm whale, spermaceti, was highly prized. The oil was waxy, and was commonly used in making candles. In fact, candles made of spermaceti were considered the best in the world, producing a bright clear flame without an excess of smoke. Spermaceti was also used, distilled in liquid form, as an oil to fuel lamps. The main American whaling port, New Bedford, Massachusetts, was thus known as "The City That Lit the World." When John Adams was the ambassador to Great Britain before serving as president he recorded in his diary a conversation about spermaceti he had with the British Prime Minister William Pitt. Adams, keen to promote the New England whaling industry, was trying to convince the British to import spermaceti sold by American whalers, which the British could use to fuel street lamps. The British were not interested. In his diary, Adams wrote that he told Pitt, “the fat of the spermaceti whale gives the clearest and most beautiful flame of any substance that is known in nature, and we are surprised you prefer darkness, and consequent robberies, burglaries, and murders in your streets to receiving as a remittance our spermaceti oil.” Despite the failed sales pitch John Adams made in the late 1700s, the American whaling industry boomed in the early to mid-1800s. And spermaceti was a major component of that success. Spermaceti could be refined into a lubricant that was ideal for precision machinery. The machine tools that made the growth of industry possible in the United States were lubricated, and essentially made possible, by oil derived from spermaceti. Baleen, or "Whalebone" The bones and teeth of various species of whales were used in a number of products, many of them common implements in a 19th century household. Whales are said to have produced “the plastic of the 1800s.” The "bone" of the whale which was most commonly used wasn’t technically a bone, it was baleen, a hard material arrayed in large plates, like gigantic combs, in the mouths of some species of whales. The purpose of the baleen is to act as a sieve, catching tiny organisms in sea water, which the whale consumes as food. As baleen was tough yet flexible, it could be used in a number of practical applications. And it became commonly known as "whalebone." Perhaps the most common use of whalebone was in the manufacture of corsets, which fashionable ladies in the 1800s wore to compress their waistlines. One typical corset advertisement from the 1800s proudly proclaims, “Real Whalebone Only Used.” Whalebone was also used for collar stays, buggy whips, and toys. Its remarkable flexibility even caused it to be used as the springs in early typewriters. The comparison to plastic is apt. Think of common items which today might be made of plastic, and it's likely that similar items in the 1800s would have been made of whalebone. Baleen whales do not have teeth. But the teeth of other whales, such as the sperm whale, would be used as ivory in such products as chess pieces, piano keys, or the handles of walking sticks. Pieces of scrimshaw, or carved whale's teeth, would probably be the best remembered use of whale's teeth. However, the carved teeth were created to pass the time on whaling voyages and were never a mass production item. Their relative rarity, of course, is why genuine pieces of 19th century scrimshaw are considered to be valuable collectibles today. Reference: McNamara, Robert. "Objects Made From the Whaling Industry." ThoughtCo, Jul. 31, 2021, thoughtco.com/products-produced-from-whales-1774070.Whale bone was an important commodity, used in corsets, collar stays, buggy whips, and toys.Whale bone piece. Advanced stage of calcification as indicated by deep pitting. Off white to grey.None.flagstaff hill, warrnambool, shipwrecked-coast, flagstaff-hill, flagstaff-hill-maritime-museum, maritime-museum, shipwreck-coast, flagstaff-hill-maritime-village, whales, whale bone, corsets, toys, whips -
Flagstaff Hill Maritime Museum and Village
Animal specimen - Whale bone, Undetermined
Prior to carrying out a detailed condition report of the cetacean skeletons, it is useful to have an understanding of the materials we are likely to encounter, in terms of structure and chemistry. This entry invites you to join in learning about the composition of whale bone and oil. Whale bone (Cetacean) bone is comprised of a composite structure of both an inorganic matrix of mainly hydroxylapatite (a calcium phosphate mineral), providing strength and rigidity, as well as an organic protein ‘scaffolding’ of mainly collagen, facilitating growth and repair (O’Connor 2008, CCI 2010). Collagen is also the structural protein component in cartilage between the whale vertebrae and attached to the fins of both the Killer Whale and the Dolphin. Relative proportions in the bone composition (affecting density), are linked with the feeding habits and mechanical stresses typically endured by bones of particular whale types. A Sperm Whale (Physeter macrocephalus Linnaeus, 1758) skeleton (toothed) thus has a higher mineral value (~67%) than a Fin Whale (Balaenoptera physalus Linnaeus, 1758) (baleen) (~60%) (Turner Walker 2012). The internal structure of bone can be divided into compact and cancellous bone. In whales, load-bearing structures such as mandibles and upper limb bones (e.g. humerus, sternum) are largely composed of compact bone (Turner Walker 2012). This consists of lamella concentrically deposited around the longitudinal axis and is permeated by fluid carrying channels (O’Connor 2008). Cancellous (spongy) bone, with a highly porous angular network of trabeculae, is less stiff and thus found in whale ribs and vertebrae (Turner Walker 2012). Whale oil Whales not only carry a thick layer of fat (blubber) in the soft tissue of their body for heat insulation and as a food store while they are alive, but also hold large oil (lipid) reserves in their porous bones. Following maceration of the whale skeleton after death to remove the soft tissue, the bones retain a high lipid content (Higgs et. al 2010). Particularly bones with a spongy (porous) structure have a high capacity to hold oil-rich marrow. Comparative data of various whale species suggests the skull, particularly the cranium and mandible bones are particularly oil rich. Along the vertebral column, the lipid content is reduced, particularly in the thoracic vertebrae (~10-25%), yet greatly increases from the lumbar to the caudal vertebrae (~40-55%). The chest area (scapula, sternum and ribs) show a mid-range lipid content (~15-30%), with vertically orientated ribs being more heavily soaked lower down (Turner Walker 2012, Higgs et. al 2010). Whale oil is largely composed of triglycerides (molecules of fatty acids attached to a glycerol molecule). In Arctic whales a higher proportion of unsaturated, versus saturated fatty acids make up the lipid. Unsaturated fatty acids (with double or triple carbon bonds causing chain kinks, preventing close packing (solidifying) of molecules), are more likely to be liquid (oil), versus solid (fat) at room temperature (Smith and March 2007). Objects Made From the Whaling Industry We all know that men set forth in sailing ships and risked their lives to harpoon whales on the open seas throughout the 1800s. And while Moby Dick and other tales have made whaling stories immortal, people today generally don't appreciate that the whalers were part of a well-organized industry. The ships that set out from ports in New England roamed as far as the Pacific in hunt of specific species of whales. Adventure may have been the draw for some whalers, but for the captains who owned whaling ships, and the investors which financed voyages, there was a considerable monetary payoff. The gigantic carcasses of whales were chopped and boiled down and turned into products such as the fine oil needed to lubricate increasing advanced machine tools. And beyond the oil derived from whales, even their bones, in an era before the invention of plastic, was used to make a wide variety of consumer goods. In short, whales were a valuable natural resource the same as wood, minerals, or petroleum we now pump from the ground. Oil From Whale’s Blubber Oil was the main product sought from whales, and it was used to lubricate machinery and to provide illumination by burning it in lamps. When a whale was killed, it was towed to the ship and its blubber, the thick insulating fat under its skin, would be peeled and cut from its carcass in a process known as “flensing.” The blubber was minced into chunks and boiled in large vats on board the whaling ship, producing oil. The oil taken from whale blubber was packaged in casks and transported back to the whaling ship’s home port (such as New Bedford, Massachusetts, the busiest American whaling port in the mid-1800s). From the ports it would be sold and transported across the country and would find its way into a huge variety of products. Whale oil, in addition to be used for lubrication and illumination, was also used to manufacture soaps, paint, and varnish. Whale oil was also utilized in some processes used to manufacture textiles and rope. Spermaceti, a Highly Regarded Oil A peculiar oil found in the head of the sperm whale, spermaceti, was highly prized. The oil was waxy, and was commonly used in making candles. In fact, candles made of spermaceti were considered the best in the world, producing a bright clear flame without an excess of smoke. Spermaceti was also used, distilled in liquid form, as an oil to fuel lamps. The main American whaling port, New Bedford, Massachusetts, was thus known as "The City That Lit the World." When John Adams was the ambassador to Great Britain before serving as president he recorded in his diary a conversation about spermaceti he had with the British Prime Minister William Pitt. Adams, keen to promote the New England whaling industry, was trying to convince the British to import spermaceti sold by American whalers, which the British could use to fuel street lamps. The British were not interested. In his diary, Adams wrote that he told Pitt, “the fat of the spermaceti whale gives the clearest and most beautiful flame of any substance that is known in nature, and we are surprised you prefer darkness, and consequent robberies, burglaries, and murders in your streets to receiving as a remittance our spermaceti oil.” Despite the failed sales pitch John Adams made in the late 1700s, the American whaling industry boomed in the early to mid-1800s. And spermaceti was a major component of that success. Spermaceti could be refined into a lubricant that was ideal for precision machinery. The machine tools that made the growth of industry possible in the United States were lubricated, and essentially made possible, by oil derived from spermaceti. Baleen, or "Whalebone" The bones and teeth of various species of whales were used in a number of products, many of them common implements in a 19th century household. Whales are said to have produced “the plastic of the 1800s.” The "bone" of the whale which was most commonly used wasn’t technically a bone, it was baleen, a hard material arrayed in large plates, like gigantic combs, in the mouths of some species of whales. The purpose of the baleen is to act as a sieve, catching tiny organisms in sea water, which the whale consumes as food. As baleen was tough yet flexible, it could be used in a number of practical applications. And it became commonly known as "whalebone." Perhaps the most common use of whalebone was in the manufacture of corsets, which fashionable ladies in the 1800s wore to compress their waistlines. One typical corset advertisement from the 1800s proudly proclaims, “Real Whalebone Only Used.” Whalebone was also used for collar stays, buggy whips, and toys. Its remarkable flexibility even caused it to be used as the springs in early typewriters. The comparison to plastic is apt. Think of common items which today might be made of plastic, and it's likely that similar items in the 1800s would have been made of whalebone. Baleen whales do not have teeth. But the teeth of other whales, such as the sperm whale, would be used as ivory in such products as chess pieces, piano keys, or the handles of walking sticks. Pieces of scrimshaw, or carved whale's teeth, would probably be the best remembered use of whale's teeth. However, the carved teeth were created to pass the time on whaling voyages and were never a mass production item. Their relative rarity, of course, is why genuine pieces of 19th century scrimshaw are considered to be valuable collectibles today. Reference: McNamara, Robert. "Objects Made From the Whaling Industry." ThoughtCo, Jul. 31, 2021, thoughtco.com/products-produced-from-whales-1774070.Whale bone was an important commodity, used in corsets, collar stays, buggy whips, and toys.Whale bone piece. Advanced stage of calcification as indicated by deep pitting. Off white to grey.None.flagstaff hill, warrnambool, shipwrecked-coast, flagstaff-hill, flagstaff-hill-maritime-museum, maritime-museum, shipwreck-coast, flagstaff-hill-maritime-village, whales, whale bone, corsets, toys, whips -
Flagstaff Hill Maritime Museum and Village
Animal specimen - Whale bone, Undetermined
Prior to carrying out a detailed condition report of the cetacean skeletons, it is useful to have an understanding of the materials we are likely to encounter, in terms of structure and chemistry. This entry invites you to join in learning about the composition of whale bone and oil. Whale bone (Cetacean) bone is comprised of a composite structure of both an inorganic matrix of mainly hydroxylapatite (a calcium phosphate mineral), providing strength and rigidity, as well as an organic protein ‘scaffolding’ of mainly collagen, facilitating growth and repair (O’Connor 2008, CCI 2010). Collagen is also the structural protein component in cartilage between the whale vertebrae and attached to the fins of both the Killer Whale and the Dolphin. Relative proportions in the bone composition (affecting density), are linked with the feeding habits and mechanical stresses typically endured by bones of particular whale types. A Sperm Whale (Physeter macrocephalus Linnaeus, 1758) skeleton (toothed) thus has a higher mineral value (~67%) than a Fin Whale (Balaenoptera physalus Linnaeus, 1758) (baleen) (~60%) (Turner Walker 2012). The internal structure of bone can be divided into compact and cancellous bone. In whales, load-bearing structures such as mandibles and upper limb bones (e.g. humerus, sternum) are largely composed of compact bone (Turner Walker 2012). This consists of lamella concentrically deposited around the longitudinal axis and is permeated by fluid carrying channels (O’Connor 2008). Cancellous (spongy) bone, with a highly porous angular network of trabeculae, is less stiff and thus found in whale ribs and vertebrae (Turner Walker 2012). Whale oil Whales not only carry a thick layer of fat (blubber) in the soft tissue of their body for heat insulation and as a food store while they are alive, but also hold large oil (lipid) reserves in their porous bones. Following maceration of the whale skeleton after death to remove the soft tissue, the bones retain a high lipid content (Higgs et. al 2010). Particularly bones with a spongy (porous) structure have a high capacity to hold oil-rich marrow. Comparative data of various whale species suggests the skull, particularly the cranium and mandible bones are particularly oil rich. Along the vertebral column, the lipid content is reduced, particularly in the thoracic vertebrae (~10-25%), yet greatly increases from the lumbar to the caudal vertebrae (~40-55%). The chest area (scapula, sternum and ribs) show a mid-range lipid content (~15-30%), with vertically orientated ribs being more heavily soaked lower down (Turner Walker 2012, Higgs et. al 2010). Whale oil is largely composed of triglycerides (molecules of fatty acids attached to a glycerol molecule). In Arctic whales a higher proportion of unsaturated, versus saturated fatty acids make up the lipid. Unsaturated fatty acids (with double or triple carbon bonds causing chain kinks, preventing close packing (solidifying) of molecules), are more likely to be liquid (oil), versus solid (fat) at room temperature (Smith and March 2007). Objects Made From the Whaling Industry We all know that men set forth in sailing ships and risked their lives to harpoon whales on the open seas throughout the 1800s. And while Moby Dick and other tales have made whaling stories immortal, people today generally don't appreciate that the whalers were part of a well-organized industry. The ships that set out from ports in New England roamed as far as the Pacific in hunt of specific species of whales. Adventure may have been the draw for some whalers, but for the captains who owned whaling ships, and the investors which financed voyages, there was a considerable monetary payoff. The gigantic carcasses of whales were chopped and boiled down and turned into products such as the fine oil needed to lubricate increasing advanced machine tools. And beyond the oil derived from whales, even their bones, in an era before the invention of plastic, was used to make a wide variety of consumer goods. In short, whales were a valuable natural resource the same as wood, minerals, or petroleum we now pump from the ground. Oil From Whale’s Blubber Oil was the main product sought from whales, and it was used to lubricate machinery and to provide illumination by burning it in lamps. When a whale was killed, it was towed to the ship and its blubber, the thick insulating fat under its skin, would be peeled and cut from its carcass in a process known as “flensing.” The blubber was minced into chunks and boiled in large vats on board the whaling ship, producing oil. The oil taken from whale blubber was packaged in casks and transported back to the whaling ship’s home port (such as New Bedford, Massachusetts, the busiest American whaling port in the mid-1800s). From the ports it would be sold and transported across the country and would find its way into a huge variety of products. Whale oil, in addition to be used for lubrication and illumination, was also used to manufacture soaps, paint, and varnish. Whale oil was also utilized in some processes used to manufacture textiles and rope. Spermaceti, a Highly Regarded Oil A peculiar oil found in the head of the sperm whale, spermaceti, was highly prized. The oil was waxy, and was commonly used in making candles. In fact, candles made of spermaceti were considered the best in the world, producing a bright clear flame without an excess of smoke. Spermaceti was also used, distilled in liquid form, as an oil to fuel lamps. The main American whaling port, New Bedford, Massachusetts, was thus known as "The City That Lit the World." When John Adams was the ambassador to Great Britain before serving as president he recorded in his diary a conversation about spermaceti he had with the British Prime Minister William Pitt. Adams, keen to promote the New England whaling industry, was trying to convince the British to import spermaceti sold by American whalers, which the British could use to fuel street lamps. The British were not interested. In his diary, Adams wrote that he told Pitt, “the fat of the spermaceti whale gives the clearest and most beautiful flame of any substance that is known in nature, and we are surprised you prefer darkness, and consequent robberies, burglaries, and murders in your streets to receiving as a remittance our spermaceti oil.” Despite the failed sales pitch John Adams made in the late 1700s, the American whaling industry boomed in the early to mid-1800s. And spermaceti was a major component of that success. Spermaceti could be refined into a lubricant that was ideal for precision machinery. The machine tools that made the growth of industry possible in the United States were lubricated, and essentially made possible, by oil derived from spermaceti. Baleen, or "Whalebone" The bones and teeth of various species of whales were used in a number of products, many of them common implements in a 19th century household. Whales are said to have produced “the plastic of the 1800s.” The "bone" of the whale which was most commonly used wasn’t technically a bone, it was baleen, a hard material arrayed in large plates, like gigantic combs, in the mouths of some species of whales. The purpose of the baleen is to act as a sieve, catching tiny organisms in sea water, which the whale consumes as food. As baleen was tough yet flexible, it could be used in a number of practical applications. And it became commonly known as "whalebone." Perhaps the most common use of whalebone was in the manufacture of corsets, which fashionable ladies in the 1800s wore to compress their waistlines. One typical corset advertisement from the 1800s proudly proclaims, “Real Whalebone Only Used.” Whalebone was also used for collar stays, buggy whips, and toys. Its remarkable flexibility even caused it to be used as the springs in early typewriters. The comparison to plastic is apt. Think of common items which today might be made of plastic, and it's likely that similar items in the 1800s would have been made of whalebone. Baleen whales do not have teeth. But the teeth of other whales, such as the sperm whale, would be used as ivory in such products as chess pieces, piano keys, or the handles of walking sticks. Pieces of scrimshaw, or carved whale's teeth, would probably be the best remembered use of whale's teeth. However, the carved teeth were created to pass the time on whaling voyages and were never a mass production item. Their relative rarity, of course, is why genuine pieces of 19th century scrimshaw are considered to be valuable collectibles today. Reference: McNamara, Robert. "Objects Made From the Whaling Industry." ThoughtCo, Jul. 31, 2021, thoughtco.com/products-produced-from-whales-1774070.Whale bone was an important commodity, used in corsets, collar stays, buggy whips, and toys.Whale bone vertebrae. Advanced stage of calcification as indicated by deep pitting. Off white to grey.Noneflagstaff hill, warrnambool, shipwrecked-coast, flagstaff-hill, flagstaff-hill-maritime-museum, maritime-museum, shipwreck-coast, flagstaff-hill-maritime-village, whales, whale bone, corsets, toys, whips, whalebone