[article by Bettina Woodburn in EDHS Newsletter No. 109, July 1996:] ON THE TRAIL OF HUME AND HOVELL - REPORT ON THE AUTUMN EXCURSION - On a green and fresh morning (Sunday 26th May 1996) the Cobb and Co coach (driven by the most obliging Peter Tampion) set off in a north easterly direction from Eltham to connect with Hume and Hovell's route on their 1824 explorations of central Victoria. The Society would follow a series of monuments erected for the 1924 centenary of the expedition from King Parrot Creek (Tuesday 7th December 1824), through Strath Creek, over Sunday Creek (Sunday 12th December 1824) at Broadford, Tullamarine, St Albans, Deer Park, through Werribee, skirting east of the You Yangs to Lara and Avalon Beach. Because their distance-measuring wheel had broken and a one degree mistake was made in calculations, the two leaders of the original group of six convict-companions arrived at Corio Bay, instead of the expected Western Port, discovered earlier by Flinders. From below Mt. Disappointment (Hume and Hovell's difficulties in "scrambling over brush and rock", "leeches in forest, as well as no water", "cutting grass 4-5 ft. high", dreadful scrub", "devil flies") we took an easier route, saw the Strath Creek memorial in ground fog and a wonderful "field of dreams", the Hume-Hovell privately owned cricket ground with its white picket boundary fence. Now, after a steep climb, in sunshine under gums we stretched and viewed magnificent rolling hills and fog-filled valleys - not "smoke from Aborigines' bush fires". After morning tea at Broadford we followed the Sunday Creek valley beside the Hume Freeway, passed the Wallan Wallan Rest Area (more appropriately Hume and Hovell Rest Area) to tum right at Beveridge. In Gellibrand Hill Park, near the headwaters of the Moonee Ponds Creek, we experienced the landscape the first European settlers saw - huge river red gums and rolling pastures. The gardens and sheltered courtyard of the 1840s, timber, brought from .....[?] prefabricated Woodlands Homestead, provided a pleasant lunch stop. We enjoyed a private tour, panoramic views over Melbourne and surroundings and the excitement of arriving and departing aircraft. Our next river crossing was at Werribee, "in a vast treeless plain", then we drove on by-ways no coach had previously travelled, to find "an immense sheet of water" salty Corio Bay, off-course to the west. In late afternoon of a super, calm, late autumn day we headed homewards. Back at Eltham we were rather surprised to find that we had travelled a total of 347 km. Thanks again to Russell Yeoman for his research and organization. What a wonderful day! Colour photographactivities, hume and hovell

[article by Bettina Woodburn in EDHS Newsletter No. 109, July 1996:] ON THE TRAIL OF HUME AND HOVELL - REPORT ON THE AUTUMN EXCURSION - On a green and fresh morning (Sunday 26th May 1996) the Cobb and Co coach (driven by the most obliging Peter Tampion) set off in a north easterly direction from Eltham to connect with Hume and Hovell's route on their 1824 explorations of central Victoria. The Society would follow a series of monuments erected for the 1924 centenary of the expedition from King Parrot Creek (Tuesday 7th December 1824), through Strath Creek, over Sunday Creek (Sunday 12th December 1824) at Broadford, Tullamarine, St Albans, Deer Park, through Werribee, skirting east of the You Yangs to Lara and Avalon Beach. Because their distance-measuring wheel had broken and a one degree mistake was made in calculations, the two leaders of the original group of six convict-companions arrived at Corio Bay, instead of the expected Western Port, discovered earlier by Flinders. From below Mt. Disappointment (Hume and Hovell's difficulties in "scrambling over brush and rock", "leeches in forest, as well as no water", "cutting grass 4-5 ft. high", dreadful scrub", "devil flies") we took an easier route, saw the Strath Creek memorial in ground fog and a wonderful "field of dreams", the Hume-Hovell privately owned cricket ground with its white picket boundary fence. Now, after a steep climb, in sunshine under gums we stretched and viewed magnificent rolling hills and fog-filled valleys - not "smoke from Aborigines' bush fires". After morning tea at Broadford we followed the Sunday Creek valley beside the Hume Freeway, passed the Wallan Wallan Rest Area (more appropriately Hume and Hovell Rest Area) to tum right at Beveridge. In Gellibrand Hill Park, near the headwaters of the Moonee Ponds Creek, we experienced the landscape the first European settlers saw - huge river red gums and rolling pastures. The gardens and sheltered courtyard of the 1840s, timber, brought from .....[?] prefabricated Woodlands Homestead, provided a pleasant lunch stop. We enjoyed a private tour, panoramic views over Melbourne and surroundings and the excitement of arriving and departing aircraft. Our next river crossing was at Werribee, "in a vast treeless plain", then we drove on by-ways no coach had previously travelled, to find "an immense sheet of water" salty Corio Bay, off-course to the west. In late afternoon of a super, calm, late autumn day we headed homewards. Back at Eltham we were rather surprised to find that we had travelled a total of 347 km. Thanks again to Russell Yeoman for his research and organization. What a wonderful day! Colour photographactivities, hume and hovell, allandale road, strath creek

[article by Bettina Woodburn in EDHS Newsletter No. 109, July 1996:] ON THE TRAIL OF HUME AND HOVELL - REPORT ON THE AUTUMN EXCURSION - On a green and fresh morning (Sunday 26th May 1996) the Cobb and Co coach (driven by the most obliging Peter Tampion) set off in a north easterly direction from Eltham to connect with Hume and Hovell's route on their 1824 explorations of central Victoria. The Society would follow a series of monuments erected for the 1924 centenary of the expedition from King Parrot Creek (Tuesday 7th December 1824), through Strath Creek, over Sunday Creek (Sunday 12th December 1824) at Broadford, Tullamarine, St Albans, Deer Park, through Werribee, skirting east of the You Yangs to Lara and Avalon Beach. Because their distance-measuring wheel had broken and a one degree mistake was made in calculations, the two leaders of the original group of six convict-companions arrived at Corio Bay, instead of the expected Western Port, discovered earlier by Flinders. From below Mt. Disappointment (Hume and Hovell's difficulties in "scrambling over brush and rock", "leeches in forest, as well as no water", "cutting grass 4-5 ft. high", dreadful scrub", "devil flies") we took an easier route, saw the Strath Creek memorial in ground fog and a wonderful "field of dreams", the Hume-Hovell privately owned cricket ground with its white picket boundary fence. Now, after a steep climb, in sunshine under gums we stretched and viewed magnificent rolling hills and fog-filled valleys - not "smoke from Aborigines' bush fires". After morning tea at Broadford we followed the Sunday Creek valley beside the Hume Freeway, passed the Wallan Wallan Rest Area (more appropriately Hume and Hovell Rest Area) to tum right at Beveridge. In Gellibrand Hill Park, near the headwaters of the Moonee Ponds Creek, we experienced the landscape the first European settlers saw - huge river red gums and rolling pastures. The gardens and sheltered courtyard of the 1840s, timber, brought from .....[?] prefabricated Woodlands Homestead, provided a pleasant lunch stop. We enjoyed a private tour, panoramic views over Melbourne and surroundings and the excitement of arriving and departing aircraft. Our next river crossing was at Werribee, "in a vast treeless plain", then we drove on by-ways no coach had previously travelled, to find "an immense sheet of water" salty Corio Bay, off-course to the west. In late afternoon of a super, calm, late autumn day we headed homewards. Back at Eltham we were rather surprised to find that we had travelled a total of 347 km. Thanks again to Russell Yeoman for his research and organization. What a wonderful day! Colour photographactivities, hume and hovell

[article by Bettina Woodburn in EDHS Newsletter No. 109, July 1996:] ON THE TRAIL OF HUME AND HOVELL - REPORT ON THE AUTUMN EXCURSION - On a green and fresh morning (Sunday 26th May 1996) the Cobb and Co coach (driven by the most obliging Peter Tampion) set off in a north easterly direction from Eltham to connect with Hume and Hovell's route on their 1824 explorations of central Victoria. The Society would follow a series of monuments erected for the 1924 centenary of the expedition from King Parrot Creek (Tuesday 7th December 1824), through Strath Creek, over Sunday Creek (Sunday 12th December 1824) at Broadford, Tullamarine, St Albans, Deer Park, through Werribee, skirting east of the You Yangs to Lara and Avalon Beach. Because their distance-measuring wheel had broken and a one degree mistake was made in calculations, the two leaders of the original group of six convict-companions arrived at Corio Bay, instead of the expected Western Port, discovered earlier by Flinders. From below Mt. Disappointment (Hume and Hovell's difficulties in "scrambling over brush and rock", "leeches in forest, as well as no water", "cutting grass 4-5 ft. high", dreadful scrub", "devil flies") we took an easier route, saw the Strath Creek memorial in ground fog and a wonderful "field of dreams", the Hume-Hovell privately owned cricket ground with its white picket boundary fence. Now, after a steep climb, in sunshine under gums we stretched and viewed magnificent rolling hills and fog-filled valleys - not "smoke from Aborigines' bush fires". After morning tea at Broadford we followed the Sunday Creek valley beside the Hume Freeway, passed the Wallan Wallan Rest Area (more appropriately Hume and Hovell Rest Area) to tum right at Beveridge. In Gellibrand Hill Park, near the headwaters of the Moonee Ponds Creek, we experienced the landscape the first European settlers saw - huge river red gums and rolling pastures. The gardens and sheltered courtyard of the 1840s, timber, brought from .....[?] prefabricated Woodlands Homestead, provided a pleasant lunch stop. We enjoyed a private tour, panoramic views over Melbourne and surroundings and the excitement of arriving and departing aircraft. Our next river crossing was at Werribee, "in a vast treeless plain", then we drove on by-ways no coach had previously travelled, to find "an immense sheet of water" salty Corio Bay, off-course to the west. In late afternoon of a super, calm, late autumn day we headed homewards. Back at Eltham we were rather surprised to find that we had travelled a total of 347 km. Thanks again to Russell Yeoman for his research and organization. What a wonderful day! Colour photographactivities, hume and hovell

[article by Bettina Woodburn in EDHS Newsletter No. 109, July 1996:] ON THE TRAIL OF HUME AND HOVELL - REPORT ON THE AUTUMN EXCURSION - On a green and fresh morning (Sunday 26th May 1996) the Cobb and Co coach (driven by the most obliging Peter Tampion) set off in a north easterly direction from Eltham to connect with Hume and Hovell's route on their 1824 explorations of central Victoria. The Society would follow a series of monuments erected for the 1924 centenary of the expedition from King Parrot Creek (Tuesday 7th December 1824), through Strath Creek, over Sunday Creek (Sunday 12th December 1824) at Broadford, Tullamarine, St Albans, Deer Park, through Werribee, skirting east of the You Yangs to Lara and Avalon Beach. Because their distance-measuring wheel had broken and a one degree mistake was made in calculations, the two leaders of the original group of six convict-companions arrived at Corio Bay, instead of the expected Western Port, discovered earlier by Flinders. From below Mt. Disappointment (Hume and Hovell's difficulties in "scrambling over brush and rock", "leeches in forest, as well as no water", "cutting grass 4-5 ft. high", dreadful scrub", "devil flies") we took an easier route, saw the Strath Creek memorial in ground fog and a wonderful "field of dreams", the Hume-Hovell privately owned cricket ground with its white picket boundary fence. Now, after a steep climb, in sunshine under gums we stretched and viewed magnificent rolling hills and fog-filled valleys - not "smoke from Aborigines' bush fires". After morning tea at Broadford we followed the Sunday Creek valley beside the Hume Freeway, passed the Wallan Wallan Rest Area (more appropriately Hume and Hovell Rest Area) to tum right at Beveridge. In Gellibrand Hill Park, near the headwaters of the Moonee Ponds Creek, we experienced the landscape the first European settlers saw - huge river red gums and rolling pastures. The gardens and sheltered courtyard of the 1840s, timber, brought from .....[?] prefabricated Woodlands Homestead, provided a pleasant lunch stop. We enjoyed a private tour, panoramic views over Melbourne and surroundings and the excitement of arriving and departing aircraft. Our next river crossing was at Werribee, "in a vast treeless plain", then we drove on by-ways no coach had previously travelled, to find "an immense sheet of water" salty Corio Bay, off-course to the west. In late afternoon of a super, calm, late autumn day we headed homewards. Back at Eltham we were rather surprised to find that we had travelled a total of 347 km. Thanks again to Russell Yeoman for his research and organization. What a wonderful day! Colour photographactivities, hume and hovell

Sand goannas are the second largest species of carnivorous lizards found across mainland Australia. They can grow up to 160cm in length and can weigh as much as 6kg. Their common name is derived from "iguana", since early European bush settlers in Australia likened goannas to the South American lizards. Goannas retain special cultural and historic significance within Australian folklore and Indigenous culture. They were an important traditional native food source and are commonly represented in Aboriginal Dreamtime stories. In some Aboriginal languages, the sand goanna is called "bungarra"; a term also commonly used by non-Aboriginal people in Western Australia. In Pitjantjatjara and other central Australian languages, goannas are called "tingka". This specimen is part of a collection of almost 200 animal specimens that were originally acquired as skins from various institutions across Australia, including the Australian Museum and the National Museum of Victoria, as well as individuals such amateur anthropologist Reynell Eveleigh Johns between 1860-1880. These skins were then mounted by members of the Burke Museum Committee and put-on display in the formal space of the Museum’s original exhibition hall where they continue to be on display. This display of taxidermy mounts initially served to instruct visitors to the Burke Museum of the natural world around them, today it serves as an insight into the collecting habits of the 19th century. This specimen is part of a significant and rare taxidermy mount collection in the Burke Museum. This collection is scientifically and culturally important for reminding us of how science continues to shape our understanding of the modern world. They demonstrate a capacity to hold evidence of how Australia’s fauna history existed in the past and are potentially important for future environmental research. This collection continues to be on display in the Museum and has become a key part to interpreting the collecting habits of the 19th century.Small goanna with a streamlined body and textured scaly skin in different shades of olive and brown. It has a long neck and a long tail which narrows towards the tip. The goanna has four short, stocky legs which meet with large, curled claws. Its mouth is slightly slightly open, and it has two black glass eyes.On tag: BMM / 5892 /taxidermy mount, taxidermy, animalia, burke museum, beechworth, australian museum, skin, reynell eveleigh johns, lizard, goanna, sand goanna, monitor lizard, various gouldii

OPENING OF THE VIEWING PLATFORM AT KANGAROO GROUND Nillumbik Council has advised that the viewing platform at Kangaroo Ground 27km NE of Melbourne is to be opened to the public on Wednesday, March 26th 2008 (Melway 271 , G10). The function of the platform is to provide shelter adjacent to the War Memorial Tower whilst allowing all people to enjoy the stunning panoramic views. From the platform you. can see the Dandenongs, the city of Melbourne, the You Yangs, Mount Macedon, the Kinglake Ranges and the Mt Baw-Baw Ranges where the Yarra River starts. This landscape covers all the ancestral lands of the Wurundjeri and some of the wider Kulin nation land. The platform has been given the name Moor-rut, a name which described the fertile soils of the Kangaroo Ground area in contrast to the poorer (Silurian) country of its surrounds, which the Wurundjeri knew as 'Nillumbik' or less rich country. The full 360 degree view can be seen from the adjacent Tower of Remembrance which has 53 stairs. The viewing platform however can be accessed by wheelchair. Inside the viewing platform there are eight double sided interpretive panels giving the history and information regarding this special area. The viewing platform's interpretive panels set out the Aboriginal and European history of the area and also the geology and the local flora and fauna, so that the casual visitor comes away understanding more about this significant part of Victoria. The concept of the viewing platform is part of the refurbishment project for the Kangaroo Ground War Memorial Park which has taken place since 1997 with the active approval and financial assistance of the Nillumbik Shire Council. This project has been guided by an Advisory Committee with volunteer community representatives from the local Historical Societies, the Country Fire Authority, the Returned Services League and the Wurundjeri people. Other allied groups such as the Nillumbik Reconciliation Group have been called upon for their expertise. The initial idea for the viewing platform came from Dean Stewart when he was the caretaker while living at the park. He discussed this idea with local author Mick Woiwod and Harry Gilham of Eltham District Historical Society when they were planning the refurbishment of the War Memorial Park in 1996. When the committee was formalised by the Nillumbik Council in 1997, Nicholas Pelling, representing the CFA and RSL, joined the group. Dennis Ward, local architect, then volunteered to develop the concept plan for the refurbishment of the park and later drew up the plans for the viewing platform. The Kangaroo Ground War Memorial Park and its Tower of Remembrance is located on one of the highest locations in the Yarra Valley. The Tower of Remembrance is a unique war memorial constructed from local stone standing 14 metres high. It was built in the style of a Scottish watchtower reflecting the strong Scottish influence of the first European settlers of the district from the 1840s onward. The park was opened in 1921 and the Tower of Remembrance was dedicated in 1926 recognising the local people who served in the First World War. Those who served in the Second World War were recognised by plaques dedicated in 1951 and more recently those who served in Korea, Borneo, Malaya and Vietnam by plaques unveiled in 2001. Harry Gilham, Advisory Committee Convenor - Eltham District Historical Society Newsletter N0 179 March 2008fay bridge collection, garden hill, kangaroo ground, memorial park, moor-rul viewing platform

Early stages - no display panels installed. OPENING OF THE VIEWING PLATFORM AT KANGAROO GROUND Nillumbik Council has advised that the viewing platform at Kangaroo Ground 27km NE of Melbourne is to be opened to the public on Wednesday, March 26th 2008 (Melway 271 , G10). The function of the platform is to provide shelter adjacent to the War Memorial Tower whilst allowing all people to enjoy the stunning panoramic views. From the platform you. can see the Dandenongs, the city of Melbourne, the You Yangs, Mount Macedon, the Kinglake Ranges and the Mt Baw-Baw Ranges where the Yarra River starts. This landscape covers all the ancestral lands of the Wurundjeri and some of the wider Kulin nation land. The platform has been given the name Moor-rut, a name which described the fertile soils of the Kangaroo Ground area in contrast to the poorer (Silurian) country of its surrounds, which the Wurundjeri knew as 'Nillumbik' or less rich country. The full 360 degree view can be seen from the adjacent Tower of Remembrance which has 53 stairs. The viewing platform however can be accessed by wheelchair. Inside the viewing platform there are eight double sided interpretive panels giving the history and information regarding this special area. The viewing platform's interpretive panels set out the Aboriginal and European history of the area and also the geology and the local flora and fauna, so that the casual visitor comes away understanding more about this significant part of Victoria. The concept of the viewing platform is part of the refurbishment project for the Kangaroo Ground War Memorial Park which has taken place since 1997 with the active approval and financial assistance of the Nillumbik Shire Council. This project has been guided by an Advisory Committee with volunteer community representatives from the local Historical Societies, the Country Fire Authority, the Returned Services League and the Wurundjeri people. Other allied groups such as the Nillumbik Reconciliation Group have been called upon for their expertise. The initial idea for the viewing platform came from Dean Stewart when he was the caretaker while living at the park. He discussed this idea with local author Mick Woiwod and Harry Gilham of Eltham District Historical Society when they were planning the refurbishment of the War Memorial Park in 1996. When the committee was formalised by the Nillumbik Council in 1997, Nicholas Pelling, representing the CFA and RSL, joined the group. Dennis Ward, local architect, then volunteered to develop the concept plan for the refurbishment of the park and later drew up the plans for the viewing platform. The Kangaroo Ground War Memorial Park and its Tower of Remembrance is located on one of the highest locations in the Yarra Valley. The Tower of Remembrance is a unique war memorial constructed from local stone standing 14 metres high. It was built in the style of a Scottish watchtower reflecting the strong Scottish influence of the first European settlers of the district from the 1840s onward. The park was opened in 1921 and the Tower of Remembrance was dedicated in 1926 recognising the local people who served in the First World War. Those who served in the Second World War were recognised by plaques dedicated in 1951 and more recently those who served in Korea, Borneo, Malaya and Vietnam by plaques unveiled in 2001. Harry Gilham, Advisory Committee Convenor - Eltham District Historical Society Newsletter N0 179 March 2008 Black and white inkjet print on paper 14 x 21 cmmoor-rul viewing platform, garden hill, kangaroo ground, memorial park

This rug was a gift and gesture of friendship from the local Muslim community to the City of Greater Bendigo. It was presented to Mayor, Cr Rod Fyffe on behalf of the people of Bendigo at a 2016 'Thank You Bendigo' dinner. In 2014 approval for a planning application from the Bendigo Islamic Association to build a community centre and mosque in East Bendigo prompted a series of public protests that captured widespread media attention. During this tumultuous period the Council identified the need for a community-wide plan to promote diversity and help address potentially divisive cultural issues. These events led to the COGB becoming the first local government area (LGA) formally accredited under Australia’s Welcoming Cities Standard. Community leaders emerged who wanted to show that the anti-mosque protesters did not reflect the views of the majority of Bendigo residents. The community lead ‘Believe in Bendigo’ movement gained momentum, and the Council and other local organisations joined forces to present a unified message that Bendigo residents do not tolerate racism. Muslims have made Central Victoria their home since the Goldrush, contributing to the community and the economy for the past 120 years. Traditional Islamic rugs, especially their patterns and motifs are intrinsically linked with the design of the Bendigo Mosque and Bendigo Islamic Community Centre providing important points of reference for the architects of the project. Typically, mosques are linked with specific cultural groups but not in the case of Bendigo where the Muslim community is made up of multi-ethnic groups. This meant the building's design was not fixed to a specific style or cultural iconography but instead needed to encompass many. The small local Muslim community selected a specific Australian architect because of their interest and knowledge of Islamic design and iconography gained through family collection of Islamic textiles. In thinking about the design of the mosque and community centre the architects wanted to acknowledge the role of Afghans in Australian history, especially tribal Afghans who helped build connections across the interior of Australia between First Nations communities, European settlers and Central Asian migrants. The gift of this Turkmen rugto the Bendigo community thus symbolises collaborative partnerships across faith and cultural groups based on friendship and mutual benefit. A Turkman rug was specifically chosen as it is the pinnacle of nomadic arts of the Islamic world. It was also important to the architects and the local Muslim community that the gift was a female artistic product as it was mainly a female Muslim architecture team that designed the mosque in Bendigo and there was a desire to select something that celebrated female artistry. This hand-woven rug is an engsi, made for a woman in preparation for marriage. Design work and weaving is a shared experience, between many generations of women and each rug hold the personal story of the woman it is made for and her family and thus holds deep symbolic meaning. There are often songs and poetry that are recited as the rug is made – helping the makers to memorisze the mathematical structure of the design. An engsi is put on the doorway to a yurt as part of a wedding ceremony. During the ceremony the groom turns the engsii upside down to check the quality of the rug makers weaving skills. The nomadic lifestyle of Yomut Turkman tribes determines the size of the rug as the loom can’t be carried. Its size is also restricted by the dimensions of the doorway of the yurt. This rug is dated as c 1880 because of the types of patterns used, the use of natural dyes (synthetic dyes were introduced to the area in 1890s) and with the smoother weaving on the back indicating the quality of craftsmanship dating to this time period. The Yomut engsi rug was made in Turkmenistan c1880 by Yomut Turkmen Tribes people and is designed to fit over the doorway of a yurt during a wedding ceremony. The main field motif is related to Turkoman jewelery design. The women and girls of the tribe spin the wool and design and weave the rugs. The men shear the sheep, dye the wool and clip the rug after it has been woven. The word “Turkoman” is thought to have been derived from Turk-iman, meaning the first nomadic Turkic tribes that began to follow Islam. Dyes used are natural including orange from madder root. bendigo mosque, bendigo islamic association, city of greater bendigo community partnerships, city of greater bendigo community groups

Fern gullies around Jehosaphat Gully Covered under National Estate. Published: Nillumbik Now and Then /​ Marguerite Marshall 2008; photographs Alan King with Marguerite Marshall.; p125 The magnificent Kinglake National Park, fringing Nillumbik’s north, is the largest national park close to Melbourne. Thanks to the vision and hard work of a band of local people, the park was created from what was rapidly becoming degraded land. Seeing a threat to Kinglake’s indigenous flora and fauna, several prominent local people campaigned for a national park, which was established in 1928.1 Since then, the park has grown through donations and acquisitions of land, from around 13,800 acres of land (5585ha) to 22,360 hectares. The Sugarloaf and Everard Blocks – of almost 8000 hectares – stand in Nillumbik and the park extends into Mitchell and Murrundindi Shires and the City of Whittlesea. Mt Everard commemorates William Hugh Everard, State member for Evelyn when the park was established. Before 1928, European settlers had degraded the Kinglake area, which was named after the celebrated English author and lawyer, Alexander William Kinglake. Remains of gold shafts and diggings in the park are reminders of Kinglake’s first settlers, who hoped to strike it rich at the gold diggings. But like other gold fields in this shire, they proved not very lucrative and soon timber cutting replaced mining in importance. However, before long, the accessible timber supply ran out, so in the 1920s agriculture took over – particularly potatoes and berry fruits – which involved large-scale clearing.2 The park’s instigator was retired Melbourne University Professor of Music, William Laver.3 As chair of the Kinglake Progress Association he began negotiations to have crown lands on the southern scarp of the Great Dividing Range reserved as a national park. Even before the park was proclaimed, from 1927, KPA members cut tracks to the major scenic points. Professor Laver was one of several people who gave land for the park, donating around 50 acres (20ha), including the Jehosaphat Gully.4 Laver chaired the park’s first Committee of Management, which raised money to employ a ranger and provide facilities, including tracks and roads for fire protection vehicles, toilets and shelters. The committee charged fees for firewood collection, some grazing of livestock, and visitor entrance, and obtained small State Government and Eltham Shire grants. In 1957 the State Government provided revenue for national parks. Then, in 1975, the State Government took over the management and the Committee of Management became an advisory committee, which disbanded in 1978. Originally, the park covered crown land in the Shires of Eltham and Whittlesea; then Wombelano Falls in Yea and other areas were added. In 1970 the park extended into the Shires of Eltham, Healesville, Whittlesea and Yea.5 Bush fires have been an ongoing problem. In 1939 hundreds of eucalypts and acacias had to be sown around the Jehosaphat Gully to rejuvenate the forest. To manage bushfires, the Committee of Management, then the State Government, worked closely with the Forestry Commission, shire councils and local fire brigades. Early national parks focussed on recreation. But by the 1980s, conservation, education and scientific research became more important, playing a vital role in preserving representative samples of the natural environment. Each year many thousands of people use the park’s extensive network of walking tracks amongst the protected plant and animal life as well as camping, cycling and horse riding. The park, along the slopes of the Great Dividing Range, has lookouts revealing magnificent views of the Melbourne skyline, Port Phillip Bay, the Yarra Valley and the You Yangs. Vegetation in the Masons Falls area includes messmate forest, Austral grass-trees, ferns and Hazel Pomaderris. In spring, orchids, lilies, everlasting daisies, correas, grevillea and heath appear. Around Jehosaphat Gully are wet and dry forest, fern gullies and banksia. Animal life includes wallabies, kangaroos, koalas, echidnas, possums, gliders and bandicoots. Male lyrebirds can be heard mimicking in the Jehosaphat Gully, particularly in the Everard Block in winter.This collection of almost 130 photos about places and people within the Shire of Nillumbik, an urban and rural municipality in Melbourne's north, contributes to an understanding of the history of the Shire. Published in 2008 immediately prior to the Black Saturday bushfires of February 7, 2009, it documents sites that were impacted, and in some cases destroyed by the fires. It includes photographs taken especially for the publication, creating a unique time capsule representing the Shire in the early 21st century. It remains the most recent comprehenesive publication devoted to the Shire's history connecting local residents to the past. nillumbik now and then (marshall-king) collection, kinglake national park, jehosaphat gully

A quarry was transformed into the Blue Lake. Published: Nillumbik Now and Then /​ Marguerite Marshall 2008; photographs Alan King with Marguerite Marshall.; p179 The dramatic steep-sided Plenty Gorge lies along the divide of two geological areas, and separates the Nillumbik Shire and the City of Whittlesea. On the Nillumbik side are undulating hills and sedimentary rock, and in Whittlesea, lies a basalt plain formed by volcanic action up to two million years ago. This provides the Plenty Gorge Park with diverse vegetation and habitats, making it one of Greater Melbourne’s most important refuges for threatened and significant species. The park, established in 1986, consists of around 1350 hectares, and extends 11 kilometres along the Plenty River, from Greensborough to Mernda. It provides a wildlife corridor for around 500 native plant and 280 animal species. The area’s plentiful food and water attracted the Wurundjeri Aboriginal people and then European settlers. By 1837 squatters had claimed large runs of land for their sheep and cattle. The Plenty Valley was among the first in the Port Phillip District to be settled - mainly in the less heavily timbered west - and was proclaimed a settled district in 1841.But by the late 1880s, the settlers’ extensive land clearing for animal grazing, then agriculture, depleted the Wurundjeri’s traditional food sources, which helped to drive them away. Many Wurundjeri artefacts remain (now government protected), and so far 57 sites have been identified in the park, including scarred trees, burial areas and stone artefacts. Pioneer life could be very hard because of isolation, flooding, bushfires and bushrangers. Following the Black Thursday bushfires of 1851, basalt was quarried to build more fire-resistant homes. Gold discoveries in the early 1850s swelled the population, particularly around Smugglers Gully; but food production made more of an impact. In the late 1850s wheat production supplanted grazing. In the 1860s the government made small holdings available to poorer settlers. These had the greatest effect on the district, particularly in Doreen and Yarrambat, where orchards were established from the 1880s to 1914. Links with a prominent early family are the remains of Stuchbery Farm, by the river’s edge bounded by Smugglers Gully to the north and La Trobe Road, Yarrambat, to the east. The Stuchberys moved to the valley in 1890, and the family still lives in the area. In 1890, Alfred and Ada first lived in a tent where four children were born, then Alfred built the house and outbuildings around 1896. They planted an orchard, then a market garden, and developed a dairy. The family belonged to the local Methodist and tennis communities. Their grandson Walter, opened the Flying Scotsman Model Railway Museum in Yarrambat, which his widow, Vi, continues to run. Wal was also the Yarrambat CFA Captain for 22 years until 1987. Walter sold 24 hectares in 1976 for development - now Vista Court - and in 1990, the remaining 22.6 hectares for the park. Remaining are an early stone dairy and remnants of a stone barn, a pig sty and a well. Until it was destroyed by fire in 2003, a slab hut stood on the Happy Hollow Farm site, at the southern end of the park. The hut is thought to have been built in the Depression around 1893. This was a rare and late example of a slab hut with a domestic orchard close to Melbourne. Emmet Watmough and his family first occupied the hut, followed by a succession of families, until the Bell family bought it around 1948. There they led a subsistence lifestyle for 50 years, despite encroaching Melbourne suburbia. The Yellow Gum Recreation Area includes the Blue Lake, coloured turquoise at certain times of the year. Following the 1957 bushfires, this area was quarried by Reid Quarries Pty Ltd for Melbourne’s first skyscrapers, then by Boral Australia. However in the early 1970s water began seeping into the quarry forming the Blue Lake and the quarry was closed. The State Government bought the site in 1997 and opened it as a park in 1999.This collection of almost 130 photos about places and people within the Shire of Nillumbik, an urban and rural municipality in Melbourne's north, contributes to an understanding of the history of the Shire. Published in 2008 immediately prior to the Black Saturday bushfires of February 7, 2009, it documents sites that were impacted, and in some cases destroyed by the fires. It includes photographs taken especially for the publication, creating a unique time capsule representing the Shire in the early 21st century. It remains the most recent comprehenesive publication devoted to the Shire's history connecting local residents to the past. nillumbik now and then (marshall-king) collection, blue lake, plenty gorge park

Stuchbery Farm was situated on the Plenty River bounded by Smugglers Gully to the north and La trobe Road, Yarrambat, to the east. Alan and Ada Stutchbery moved to the valley in 1890, first living in a tent where four children were born. Alfred built a home and outbuildings around 1896. They planted an orchard, then a market garden and developed a dairy. Published: Nillumbik Now and Then /​ Marguerite Marshall 2008; photographs Alan King with Marguerite Marshall.; p179 The dramatic steep-sided Plenty Gorge lies along the divide of two geological areas, and separates the Nillumbik Shire and the City of Whittlesea. On the Nillumbik side are undulating hills and sedimentary rock, and in Whittlesea, lies a basalt plain formed by volcanic action up to two million years ago. This provides the Plenty Gorge Park with diverse vegetation and habitats, making it one of Greater Melbourne’s most important refuges for threatened and significant species. The park, established in 1986, consists of around 1350 hectares, and extends 11 kilometres along the Plenty River, from Greensborough to Mernda. It provides a wildlife corridor for around 500 native plant and 280 animal species. The area’s plentiful food and water attracted the Wurundjeri Aboriginal people and then European settlers. By 1837 squatters had claimed large runs of land for their sheep and cattle. The Plenty Valley was among the first in the Port Phillip District to be settled - mainly in the less heavily timbered west - and was proclaimed a settled district in 1841. But by the late 1880s, the settlers’ extensive land clearing for animal grazing, then agriculture, depleted the Wurundjeri’s traditional food sources, which helped to drive them away. Many Wurundjeri artefacts remain (now government protected), and so far 57 sites have been identified in the park, including scarred trees, burial areas and stone artefacts. Pioneer life could be very hard because of isolation, flooding, bushfires and bushrangers. Following the Black Thursday bushfires of 1851, basalt was quarried to build more fire-resistant homes. Gold discoveries in the early 1850s swelled the population, particularly around Smugglers Gully; but food production made more of an impact. In the late 1850s wheat production supplanted grazing. In the 1860s the government made small holdings available to poorer settlers. These had the greatest effect on the district, particularly in Doreen and Yarrambat, where orchards were established from the 1880s to 1914. Links with a prominent early family are the remains of Stuchbery Farm, by the river’s edge bounded by Smugglers Gully to the north and La Trobe Road, Yarrambat, to the east. The Stuchberys moved to the valley in 1890, and the family still lives in the area. In 1890, Alfred and Ada first lived in a tent where four children were born, then Alfred built the house and outbuildings around 1896. They planted an orchard, then a market garden, and developed a dairy. The family belonged to the local Methodist and tennis communities. Their grandson Walter, opened the Flying Scotsman Model Railway Museum in Yarrambat, which his widow, Vi, continues to run. Wal was also the Yarrambat CFA Captain for 22 years until 1987. Walter sold 24 hectares in 1976 for development - now Vista Court - and in 1990, the remaining 22.6 hectares for the park. Remaining are an early stone dairy and remnants of a stone barn, a pig sty and a well. Until it was destroyed by fire in 2003, a slab hut stood on the Happy Hollow Farm site, at the southern end of the park. The hut is thought to have been built in the Depression around 1893. This was a rare and late example of a slab hut with a domestic orchard close to Melbourne. Emmet Watmough and his family first occupied the hut, followed by a succession of families, until the Bell family bought it around 1948. There they led a subsistence lifestyle for 50 years, despite encroaching Melbourne suburbia. The Yellow Gum Recreation Area includes the Blue Lake, coloured turquoise at certain times of the year. Following the 1957 bushfires, this area was quarried by Reid Quarries Pty Ltd for Melbourne’s first skyscrapers, then by Boral Australia. However in the early 1970s water began seeping into the quarry forming the Blue Lake and the quarry was closed. The State Government bought the site in 1997 and opened it as a park in 1999.This collection of almost 130 photos about places and people within the Shire of Nillumbik, an urban and rural municipality in Melbourne's north, contributes to an understanding of the history of the Shire. Published in 2008 immediately prior to the Black Saturday bushfires of February 7, 2009, it documents sites that were impacted, and in some cases destroyed by the fires. It includes photographs taken especially for the publication, creating a unique time capsule representing the Shire in the early 21st century. It remains the most recent comprehenesive publication devoted to the Shire's history connecting local residents to the past. nillumbik now and then (marshall-king) collection, ada stuchbery, alan stuchbery, dairy, stuchbery farm, farm buildings, yarrambat, plenty gorge park

We don?t leave our identities at the city limits: Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander people living in urban localities Bronwyn Fredericks Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander people who live in cities and towns are often thought of as ?less Indigenous? than those who live ?in the bush?, as though they are ?fake? Aboriginal people ? while ?real? Aboriginal people live ?on communities? and ?real? Torres Strait Islander people live ?on islands?. Yet more than 70 percent of Australia?s Indigenous peoples live in urban locations (ABS 2007), and urban living is just as much part of a reality for Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander people as living in remote discrete communities. This paper examines the contradictions and struggles that Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander people experience when living in urban environments. It looks at the symbols of place and space on display in the Australian cities of Melbourne and Brisbane to demonstrate how prevailing social, political and economic values are displayed. Symbols of place and space are never neutral, and this paper argues that they can either marginalise and oppress urban Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander people, or demonstrate that they are included and engaged. Juggling with pronouns: Racist discourse in spoken interaction on the radio Di Roy While the discourse of deficit with regard to Australian Indigenous health and wellbeing has been well documented in print media and through images on film and on television, radio talk concerning this discourse remains underresearched. This paper interrogates the power of an interactive news interview, aired on the Radio National Breakfast program on ABC Radio in 2011, to maintain and reproduce the discourse of deficit, despite the best intentions of the interview participants. Using a conversation-analytical approach, and membership categorisation analysis in particular, this paper interrogates the spoken interaction between a well-known radio interviewer and a respected medical researcher into Indigenous eye health. It demonstrates the recreation of a discourse emanating from longstanding hegemonies between mainstream and Indigenous Australians. Analysis of firstperson pronoun use shows the ongoing negotiation of social category boundaries and construction of moral identities through ascriptions to category members, upon which the intelligibility of the interview for the listening audience depended. The findings from analysis support claims in a considerable body of whiteness studies literature, the main themes of which include the pervasiveness of a racist discourse in Australian media and society, the power of invisible assumptions, and the importance of naming and exposing them. Changes in Pitjantjatjara mourning and burial practices Bill Edwards, University of South Australia This paper is based on observations over a period of more than five decades of changes in Pitjantjatjara burial practices from traditional practices to the introduction of Christian services and cemeteries. Missions have been criticised for enforcing such changes. However, in this instance, the changes were implemented by the Aboriginal people themselves. Following brief outlines of Pitjantjatjara traditional life, including burial practices, and of the establishment of Ernabella Mission in 1937 and its policy of respect for Pitjantjatjara cultural practices and language, the history of these changes which commenced in 1973 are recorded. Previously, deceased bodies were interred according to traditional rites. However, as these practices were increasingly at odds with some of the features of contemporary social, economic and political life, two men who had lost close family members initiated church funeral services and established a cemetery. These practices soon spread to most Pitjantjatjara communities in a manner which illustrates the model of change outlined by Everett Rogers (1962) in Diffusion of Innovations. Reference is made to four more recent funerals to show how these events have been elaborated and have become major social occasions. The world from Malarrak: Depictions of South-east Asian and European subjects in rock art from the Wellington Range, Australia Sally K May, Paul SC Ta�on, Alistair Paterson, Meg Travers This paper investigates contact histories in northern Australia through an analysis of recent rock paintings. Around Australia Aboriginal artists have produced a unique record of their experiences of contact since the earliest encounters with South-east Asian and, later, European visitors and settlers. This rock art archive provides irreplaceable contemporary accounts of Aboriginal attitudes towards, and engagement with, foreigners on their shores. Since 2008 our team has been working to document contact period rock art in north-western and western Arnhem Land. This paper focuses on findings from a site complex known as Malarrak. It includes the most thorough analysis of contact rock art yet undertaken in this area and questions previous interpretations of subject matter and the relationship of particular paintings to historic events. Contact period rock art from Malarrak presents us with an illustrated history of international relationships in this isolated part of the world. It not only reflects the material changes brought about by outside cultural groups but also highlights the active role Aboriginal communities took in responding to these circumstances. Addressing the Arrernte: FJ Gillen?s 1896 Engwura speech Jason Gibson, Australian National University This paper analyses a speech delivered by Francis James Gillen during the opening stages of what is now regarded as one of the most significant ethnographic recording events in Australian history. Gillen?s ?speech? at the 1896 Engwura festival provides a unique insight into the complex personal relationships that early anthropologists had with Aboriginal people. This recently unearthed text, recorded by Walter Baldwin Spencer in his field notebook, demonstrates how Gillen and Spencer sought to establish the parameters of their anthropological enquiry in ways that involved both Arrernte agency and kinship while at the same time invoking the hierarchies of colonial anthropology in Australia. By examining the content of the speech, as it was written down by Spencer, we are also able to reassesses the importance of Gillen to the ethnographic ambitions of the Spencer/Gillen collaboration. The incorporation of fundamental Arrernte concepts and the use of Arrernte words to convey the purpose of their 1896 fieldwork suggest a degree of Arrernte involvement and consent not revealed before. The paper concludes with a discussion of the outcomes of the Engwura festival and the subsequent publication of The Native Tribes of Central Australia within the context of a broader set of relationships that helped to define the emergent field of Australian anthropology at the close of the nineteenth century. One size doesn?t fit all: Experiences of family members of Indigenous gamblers Louise Holdsworth, Helen Breen, Nerilee Hing and Ashley Gordon Centre for Gambling Education and Research, Southern Cross University This study explores help-seeking and help-provision by family members of Indigenous people experiencing gambling problems, a topic that previously has been ignored. Data are analysed from face-to-face interviews with 11 family members of Indigenous Australians who gamble regularly. The results confirm that substantial barriers are faced by Indigenous Australians in accessing formal help services and programs, whether for themselves or a loved one. Informal help from family and friends appears more common. In this study, this informal help includes emotional care, practical support and various forms of ?tough love?. However, these measures are mostly in vain. Participants emphasise that ?one size doesn?t fit all? when it comes to avenues of gambling help for Indigenous peoples. Efforts are needed to identify how Indigenous families and extended families can best provide social and practical support to assist their loved ones to acknowledge and address gambling problems. Western Australia?s Aboriginal heritage regime: Critiques of culture, ethnography, procedure and political economy Nicholas Herriman, La Trobe University Western Australia?s Aboriginal Heritage Act 1972 (WA) and the de facto arrangements that have arisen from it constitute a large part of the Aboriginal ?heritage regime? in that state. Although designed ostensibly to protect Aboriginal heritage, the heritage regime has been subjected to various scholarly critiques. Indeed, there is a widespread perception of a need to reform the Act. But on what basis could this proceed? Here I offer an analysis of these critiques, grouped according to their focus on political economy, procedure, ethnography and culture. I outline problems surrounding the first three criticisms and then discuss two versions of the cultural critique. I argue that an extreme version of this criticism is weak and inconsistent with the other three critiques. I conclude that there is room for optimism by pointing to ways in which the heritage regime could provide more beneficial outcomes for Aboriginal people. Read With Me Everyday: Community engagement and English literacy outcomes at Erambie Mission (research report) Lawrence Bamblett Since 2009 Lawrie Bamblett has been working with his community at Erambie Mission on a literacy project called Read With Me. The programs - three have been carried out over the past four years - encourage parents to actively engage with their children?s learning through reading workshops, social media, and the writing and publication of their own stories. Lawrie attributes much of the project?s extraordinary success to the intrinsic character of the Erambie community, not least of which is their communal approach to living and sense of shared responsibility. The forgotten Yuendumu Men?s Museum murals: Shedding new light on the progenitors of the Western Desert Art Movement (research report) Bethune Carmichael and Apolline Kohen In the history of the Western Desert Art Movement, the Papunya School murals are widely acclaimed as the movement?s progenitors. However, in another community, Yuendumu, some 150 kilometres from Papunya, a seminal museum project took place prior to the completion of the Papunya School murals and the production of the first Papunya boards. The Warlpiri men at Yuendumu undertook a ground-breaking project between 1969 and 1971 to build a men?s museum that would not only house ceremonial and traditional artefacts but would also be adorned with murals depicting the Dreamings of each of the Warlpiri groups that had recently settled at Yuendumu. While the murals at Papunya are lost, those at Yuendumu have, against all odds, survived. Having been all but forgotten, this unprecedented cultural and artistic endeavour is only now being fully appreciated. Through the story of the genesis and construction of the Yuendumu Men?s Museum and its extensive murals, this paper demonstrates that the Yuendumu murals significantly contributed to the early development of the Western Desert Art Movement. It is time to acknowledge the role of Warlpiri artists in the history of the movement.b&w photographs, colour photographsracism, media, radio, pitjantjatjara, malarrak, wellington range, rock art, arrernte, fj gillen, engwura, indigenous gambling, ethnography, literacy, erambie mission, yuendumu mens museum, western desert art movement

Vincent Makaravicius was born on the 23rd of January, 1922 in a small Lithuanian village. He was the youngest of six children and after completing his primary education he went on to study horticulture at Kaunas and Vilnius. During WWII, under the threat of Soviet occupation and conscription, Vincent travelled to Germany, before coming to Australia as a refugee after his wife in 1949 on the ship 'Victory.' Vincent eventually settled in Beechworth, working at the local tannery and the Beechworth Asylum, as well as taking on boarders in the tannery boarding house in which his wife and he lived for a number of years. This oral history recording was part of a project conducted by Jennifer Williams in the year 2000 to capture the everyday life and struggles in Beechworth during the twentieth century. This project involved recording seventy oral histories on cassette tapes of local Beechworth residents which were then published in a book titled: Listen to what they say: voices of twentieth-century Beechworth. These cassette tapes were digitised in July 2021 with funds made available by the Friends of the Burke.Vincent Makaravicius' story is historically and socially significant as it provides a unique insight into the trials, tribulations, hopes, and dreams of Australian immigrants during the mid 20th century. Mr Makaravicius references the turbulent political situation and lack of food in Europe as being the reason for the mass exodus from Europe that saw an influx of refugees and migrants to Australia. His personal account highlights the spirit of survival and perseverance that is quintessential of Australian settler history. His contributions to the township of Beechworth gave him a detailed understanding of the social and historical significance of the township and the people, institutions, and local businesses on which it was built, namely the Beechworth Asylum, the local tannery, and relations between migrants and the established community. This oral history account is socially and historically significant as it is a part of a broader collection of interviews conducted by Jennifer Williams which were published in the book 'Listen to what they say: voices of twentieth-century Beechworth.' While the township of Beechworth is known for its history as a gold rush town, these accounts provide a unique insight into the day-to-day life of the town's residents during the 20th century, many of which will have now been lost if they had not been preserved.This is a digital copy of a recording that was originally captured on a cassette tape. The cassette tape is black with a horizontal white strip and is currently stored in a clear flat plastic rectangular container. It holds up 40 minutes of recordings on each side.Mr. Vincent Makaravicius /listen to what they say, beechworth, oral history, burke museum, vincent makaravicius, wwii, lithuania, kaunas, vilnius, soviet, germany, australia, victory, tannery, beechworth asylum, refugee, jennifer williams

First edition copy of James Dawson's book, "Australian Aborigines" (1881). Dawson's book draws on his daughter Isabella's ability to speak the local languages and attempts a balanced description of a culture he considered ill-used and under-appreciated by white settlers. This work remains one of the more valuable insights into the life of First Nations people at the point of first European contact.Title page of James Dawson's book "Australian Aborigines""AUSTRALIAN ABORIGINES" BY JAMES DAWSON THE LANGUAGES AND CUSTOMS OF SEVERAL TRIBES OF ABORIGINES IN THE WESTERN DISTRICT OF VICTORIA, AUSTRALIA BY JAMES DAWSON GEORGE ROBERTSON MELBOURNE, SYDNEY AND ADELAIDE MDCCCXXXIcdhs, cdhsfirstnations, djargurd wurrung, djargurdwurrung, isabella dawson

First edition copy of James Dawson's book, "Australian Aborigines" (1881). Dawson's book draws on his daughter Isabella's ability to speak the local languages and attempts a balanced description of a culture he considered ill-used and under-appreciated by white settlers. This work remains one of the more valuable insights into the life of First Nations people at the point of first European contact.Cover of James Dawson's book "Australian Aborigines" (first edition)cdhs, cdhsfirstnations, djargurd wurrung, djargurdwurrung, isabella dawson

Four species of quoll occur in Australia: the northern, spotted-tailed, eastern and western quolls. Once, most parts of Australia were inhabited by at least one of the species.Captain Cook collected quolls along the east coast in 1770, and recorded "quoll" as their local Aboriginal name. Quolls were often seen by early settlers, who called them "native cat", "native polecat" and "spotted marten", names based on familiar European animals. Since 1770, all four species have declined dramatically in numbers. This is mainly because of habitat loss or change across Australia, and introduced predators such as foxes and cats. Quolls are carnivorous marsupials with a pointed snout, a long tail and brown to black fur distinctively spotted with white. They are lively, attractive animals, with bright eyes, a moist pink nose and many sharp teeth. Like most Australian mammals, quolls are mainly active at night. Typically, they spend the day in one of their many dens, although spotted-tailed quolls and northern quolls sometimes forage and bask in the sunshine. Their large home ranges can extend for several kilometres in each direction from a smaller core range, and the range of a male quoll often overlaps those of several females. An interesting feature of their behaviour is the use of shared latrine (toilet) sites in open spaces such as rock ledges, for marking their territory and other social functions. Male quolls travel widely during the breeding season, with mating occurring during winter. All four species have a gestation period of 21 days. Because they are marsupial mammals, their young are born tiny and undeveloped and must work their way to the pouch, where they attach themselves to a teat to feed. Only the spotted-tailed quoll has a true pouch. In the other species, the young are protected by shallow folds of skin around the teats. As the pups grow, they dangle from the mother's belly; later, she carries them on her back. Quolls reach sexual maturity at one year. They have a naturally short life span, with smaller quolls living an average of only two years, and the larger spotted-tailed quoll about four to five years. The northern quoll is particularly short-lived. This specimen is part of a collection of almost 200 animal specimens that were originally acquired as skins from various institutions across Australia, including the Australian Museum and the National Museum of Victoria, as well as individuals such amateur anthropologist Reynell Eveleigh Johns between 1860-1880. These skins were then mounted by members of the Burke Museum Committee and put-on display in the formal space of the Museum’s original exhibition hall where they continue to be on display. This display of taxidermy mounts initially served to instruct visitors to the Burke Museum of the natural world around them, today it serves as an insight into the collecting habits of the 19th century. This specimen is part of a significant and rare taxidermy mount collection in the Burke Museum. This collection is scientifically and culturally important for reminding us of how science continues to shape our understanding of the modern world. They demonstrate a capacity to hold evidence of how Australia’s fauna history existed in the past and are potentially important for future environmental research. This collection continues to be on display in the Museum and has become a key part to interpreting the collecting habits of the 19th century.Average sized quoll with brown fur with white spots on body but absence on the long tail which is furry unlike the smooth body fur. The quoll has a small had with a pointed snout lined with sharp teeth, and thin membraned ears that are slightly covered in fur. The forelegs of the quoll are slightly smaller than the hindlegs, with all four legs featuring sharp clawed paws.On mounting board: BMM5984/ On Catalogue Tag (attached to left hindleg): Native Cat./ Catalogue. Page 50./ burke museum, taxidermy, taxidermy mount, fauna, animal, animalia, reynell eveleigh johns, quoll, native cat, dasyurus

Ushabti are tiny anthropoid (human-shaped) figures placed in the tombs of wealthy Egyptians. They were intended to do the work of the deceased in the afterlife. This purpose is implied through their name, which may have derived from the Egyptian word “to answer”. The Burke Museum in Beechworth is home to a particular ancient Egyptian Ushabti figure. This artefact was donated to the Museum in 1875. No details about how it left Egypt, arrived in Australia, and where it was located before this donation are known. The Nineteenth Century, when this artefact was donated, was a period when many museums acquired items of ancient Egyptian heritage. Many of these items were procured in less than desirable circumstances, having often been looted from ancient tombs and sold to tourists without documentation as to their original location and/or accompanying grave goods. These artefacts were also divested through partage (the trading of artefacts for funds); however, the latter is unlikely to have been the case for this artefact. Since the Ushabti was donated by an unknown donor, it is likely to have been in a private collection rather than an institution. Ushabti can be dated using iconographic analysis which is non-invasive and provides a comprehensive study of the artefact. The later period of the 18th Dynasty marked the beginning of an increase in both the inclusion of Ushabti as essential funerary items and the creation of Ushabti with tools. From this period, they are no longer depicted without tools. Depictions of tools including gardening hoes are frequently depicted grasped in the Ushabti’s hands whilst items like the seed-bag are depicted hanging on the back rather than in an alternative position. This Ushabti figure grasps a gardening hoe and a mattock and a small seed bag surrounded by a yoke bearing water jars are depicted on the upper back of the Ushabti. These features are essential in helping narrow this dating to the late 18th and before the early 20th Dynasty. The position of this seed bag also provides dating information. In the early 18th Dynasty this bag was consistently drawn on the front of the figurine; however, by the reign of Seti I, this feature moved to the back. Thus, since the seed bag is located on the back of this Ushabti, it cannot date to the early 18th Dynasty. By the 19th Dynasty, Ushabti’s were increasingly made from either faience or terracotta. The availability of these materials in Egypt resulted in the increase of Ushabti production with tombs containing many more figurines than previously seen. The Ushabti held by the Burke collections is made from terracotta. Terracotta was rarely used for Ushabti before and during the early 18th Dynasty with only the odd appearance until the late 18th Dynasty and becoming common through that period until the late Third Intermediate Period. Whilst the face has been damaged, there is no evidence for the Ushabti having been provided with an Osirian false beard. This omission rules out a dating of later than the 25th Dynasty when beards became prominent. The inscriptions also date the Ushabti to the New Kingdom. This is because of the use of sḥḏ (“to illuminate”) with Wsjr (“Osiris”) which only occurs in these periods. Therefore, considering all these elements, the Ushabti can be confidently be dated to between the late 18th to early 19th dynasty.Artefacts like this Ushabti are no longer exclusively representative of their origins in burial assemblages and significance in the mythology of the Egyptian afterlife but are also significant for the accumulated histories they have gained through travel. The movement of this artefact from Egypt to Australia allows insight into the collecting habits of the 19th century, and in particular, the reception of ancient Egyptian artefacts in small rural museums. The procurement of Egyptian artefacts was a social trend around the late 1800s to early 1900s. Egyptian artefacts were considered curiosities and recognised for their ability to attract public attention to museums. They were also utilised in Australian museums, like the Burke Museum, to connect the collection to one of the oldest civilisations known to man and since Australia was considered a “young” country by European settlers, this was vital and derived from an interest in Darwin’s “Origin of the Species” 1859. Furthermore, there was a culture of collecting in the 1800s amongst the affluent in English society which led to the appearance of many Egyptian artefacts in private collections. The acquisition of this Ushabti figure is not certain, but it was likely donated from a private collection rather than an institution. This particular artefact is significant as an example of a high-quality Ushabti representative of those produced during the late 18th or early 19th century. It provides insight into the individualism of an Ushabti and the mythology of ancient Egypt. It also provides an example of the types of items required in the tomb assemblages of this period and reinforces the importance of ensuring the successful afterlife of the deceased through art. This Ushabti belonged to a woman named Taweret-Khaiti, Chantress of Amun, in the late 18th Dynasty or early 19th Dynasty (c.1292 BC) of the Egyptian New Kingdom. It likely comes from an undetermined tomb in the locality of Thebes. This figure is made from Nile silt clay (a polyester terracotta; clay sourced from the banks of the Nile River) which was a popular material for Ushabti construction in the early 19th Dynasty. It is in a fair state of preservation (with the exception of a break through the centre) and originally made to a high quality. The face has been damaged but the eyes and eyebrows are clearly marked with black ink and the sclera painted white. The Ushabti is painted a light brown/yellow colour and features a vertical line of inscription down the lower front. The Ushabti wears a large wig and and a schematic collar. The arms are painted light brown and depicted crossed with bracelets around the wrists. It grasps a hoe and mattock. A yellow seed-basket is depicted on the Ushabti’s back. These features represent the likelihood that this particular Ushabti was intended to complete farm work for the deceased in the next life. There would have been additional Ushabti of similar design within the tomb who worked under the supervision of a foreman Ushabti. The foreman Ushabti would be depicted dressed in the clothing of the living. The inscriptions are painted freehand in black ink and written in a vertical column from the base of the collar to the foot pedestal on the front of the Ushabti. The owner of the Ushabti could elect to have the figures inscribed with their name, the Ushabti spell and any other details they deemed necessary. In the case of this example, the Ushabti is inscribed with the owner’s details and is an abbreviated version of the standard Ushabti formula. This formula ensured that the Ushabti would complete the desired task in the afterlife when called upon by the deceased. Ushabti which were not inscribed would represent their intended purpose through design; however, this Ushabti, like most made in the late 18th Dynasty, conveys its purpose both through both design and inscription. The inscription is as follows: sHD wsir nbt pr Smayt imn tA-wr(t)-xai(ti) mAa xrw which translates to: "The illuminated one, the Osiris (the deceased), the mistress of the household, Chantress of Amun, Taweret-Khaiti, true of voice (justified)"ancient egypt

Europeans arrived in the Kiewa Valley in the 1830s and 40s. Following the drought of 1838-44 seeking out the rich pastures in the fertile Kiewa Valley. . The next major increase in population was as a result of the Kiewa Hydro Scheme. The beginning of construction of the Kiewa Hydro-electric scheme in the late 1940s introduced changes and led to the enlargement and improvement of local roads and the townships of Mount Beauty and Bogong Village were constructed by the SECV from the 1930’s to the 1950’s to house workers on the Kiewa Hydro Electric Scheme. At its peak the Kiewa Scheme employed around 4000 people from all walks of life and as many cultures.The influx of European migrants to work on the Hydro Scheme along with their rich cultural backgrounds, all played a major part in establishing the history of the area and in shaping the future character of the Mount Beauty, the Kiewa Valley and Falls Creek areas. Photographs may depict descendants, family or friends of early settlers or workers in the Kiewa Valley region.1. Sepia photograph, mounted on heavy buff card with yellowing marks from sticking tape across the bottom of the photograph. Photograph is of a group of nurses taken at the Sunbury Sanitorium 2. Sepia photograph mounted on heavy buff card with yellowing marks from sticking tape at top and bottom of photo. Mark from drawing pin in centre top of photo. Photograph is of a middle aged woman posing dressed in period costume 3. Sepia photograph mounted on heavy buff card with yellowing marks from sticking tape at top and bottom of photo. Mark from drawing pin in centre top of photo. Photograph is of an older woman posing dressed in period costume sepia photos; nurses; kiewa valley; sunbury sanitorium; period costume

This medal was awarded at the Villiers and Heytesbury Agricultural Association Annual Show to Daniel Hourigan in 1877 for his yearling colt by 'Prince of the Isles'. The formation of the Villiers and Heytesbury Agricultural Association arose out of a meeting at Woodford in 1853 and the first Show was held in Warrnambool in 1855 on a green bound by Fairy, Henna and Koroit Streets. It was held there until 1875 when it moved to the present Warrnambool Showgrounds in Koroit Street. At the 37th Annual Show in 1890 Warrnambool held its first Grand National Show, a title granted by the Chamber of Agriculture in Victoria. The Villiers and Heytesbury Agricultural Association became known as the Warrnambool Agricultural Show in 1911. Daniel Hourigan was a farmer, road contractor, poundkeeper and auditor who lived in the Tower Hill area in the 19th century. This medal is of considerable interest as it is a memento of the Villiers and Heytesbury Agricultural Association Annual Show in the 19th century. Annual Agricultural Shows have been an important feature of agricultural life in Victoria since the early days of European settlement and a feature of agricultural life in the Warrnambool district since the 1850s. The medal is also of great interest because it was awarded to Daniel Hourigan, a prominent settler in the Warrnambool district in the 19th century. .1 Circular silver disc with image of horse, bull, sheep, wheat sheaf and plough on the reverse with script around edge of obverse with awardees details engraved in the centre. Edge of the medal is plain. .2 Square maroon leather case with small metal clasp and hinge. Lined on the interior with blue velvet and cream silk.Obverse :" Warrnambool" engraved above image of cattle. W J Taylor London Reverse : Villiers & Heytesbury Agricultural Association in low relief around the edge. 1st prize awarded to Daniel Houriganfor yearling colt , "Prince of the Isles Annual Show 10th October 1877.warrnambool, villiers and heytesbury, daniel hourigan, prince of the isles, 1877, villiers & heytesbury agricultural show

Paperback; 100 pages; illustratednon-fiction"The Colonisation of Australia is a record of what was taught in a small-town Victorian primary school sixty years ago about the arrival of the first European explorers and settlers, and what they saw when they got here. Included are over 50 scanned pages of the author's Grade 5 and 6 Social Studies workbooks."--Back cover. Retired teacher Robbo Bennetts book is part biographical, part history of education and part commentary. Robbo documents his childhood growing up in Lower Plenty and his attendance at Lower Plenty State School between 1955 and 1961. Most of the book is based on his interest of the First Nations history and reflections on what he was taught at school, acknowledging shortcomings at the time. robbo bennetts, lower plenty state school, reminiscences, childhood, school work, lower plenty

Book 1: discovery, exploration, settlement and economic development of Australia; Book 2: biographical details of early emigrants and pioneering familiesCompact disc in plastic case with printed, paper-insert coverFounders of Australia and their descendantsaustralian history, settlers, colonisation, european settlement, family history, pioneers

His Excellency, Hwang Hon Cheng, from Peking, China, visited Australia from 1906 -1907 as Chinese Commissioner in response to an urgent petition from well respected Chinese business leaders, The 1906 Petition was sent to the Chinese Ambassador in Britain requesting the appointment of a Chinese Consular Representative in Australia to ease the escalating Discrimination and address the Immigration Restrictions in Australia. Hwang Hon Cheng visited Brisbane, Sydney, Melbourne , Adelaide and Hobart and after reviewing his recommendations Britain agreed to the appointment of the first Chinese Consul-General to Australia. In 1908 Mr Leong Lan Fun, Taotal of Swatow was appointed Consul-General for the Commonwealth with his headquarters in Melbourne. Animosity, suspicion and misunderstanding had existed between Chinese and European settlers since the Gold Rush of 1850’s. Language, customs, frugality and mostly their ability to obtain profit from crops seen as uneconomical by Europeans eg parsley, garlic and salad vegetables. Many of the Chinese workers did not purchase land instead their main aim was to obtain enough money for their family and return to China. There were a few still managing market gardens around East Bentleigh until the 1950’s, by which time they were highly regarded by the general community. A large photograph of His Excellency the Chinese Commissioner , Hwang Hong Cheng, in a wooden frame c1906His Excellency the Chinese Commissioner / Hwang Hong Cheng, moorabbin, bentleigh, ormond, brighton, gold rush, chinese immigration, chinese market gardeners, markets, cheltenham, cabinet makers, early settlers, pioneers, market gardeners, , hwang hon cheng, leong lan fun, peking china, melbourne

Otto Schott, a chemist and glass engineer, had the vision of uniform production ie making glass items that would resemble one another. At the end of the eighteenth century, with most glass items still created by hand, the quality of output was still a guessing game. Schott was the first to render this an industrial certainty. 1884 Otto Schott, Ernst Abbe and Carl and Roderich Zeiss found the Schott & Associates Glass Technology Laboratory in Jena, Germany. Glastechnisches Laboratorium Schott & Gen was born. Production started in 1886. Original products included optical and thermometer glasses. The following year, a crucial discovery was made: borosilicate, a heat and chemically resistant glass. By it’s 25th year anniversary, the company had grown from an experimental glass factory into an internationally renowned manufacturer of optical and industrial glasses. Soon to be added was fiolax, tube-shaped glass used for vials, ampoules and syringes thus allowing the company to play a significant role in supplying Europe's nascent pharmaceutical industry. Post WW2 USA Army opens new factory in Mainz, West Germany and factory in Jena , East Germany taken over by the DDR State both using same trade name. Legal action for 30 years resolved in 1980 - split name. Berlin Wall 1989, Factories reunited 1991A pharmaceutical clear glass beaker with graduation 100ml -300ml DURAN 50Front : DURAN 50 / SCHOTT & GEN / MAINZ / JENA (ER) GLAS 300 Back : PYREX 300pharmacy, medications, medicines, glass manufacturing, glass works, early settlers, moorabbin, bentleigh, cheltenham, jenaer glaswerk schott & gen company, west germany, east germany, berlin wall, ww2 1939-45, schott otto, zeiss roderich

Mrs Georgina Hill (wife of Henry), nee Reynolds (of Research, Vic.) in cap [possibly misidentified by donor - see note below] with Mrs Isaac Hill and her children (left to right) Amelia Hill, (born 1853) Mrs Isaac Hill with baby Isaac (born 1860, Eltham) on her lap. Mary Jane Hill (born 1857, Eltham) seated on Mrs Henry Hill's lap and Bob Hill. The Hill family were early settlers of the Eltham area. Daguerreotype photo enclosed in a leather bound clam shell box with felt lining and gold trim. Donated by Mrs Ivy Edna Hill, 4/1 Bridge Street, Eltham, 4 June 1966 and includes copy of her note identifying the people. Daguerreotypes were one of the first forms of early photographs. They initially appeared in Europe in 1839 and were produced in large numbers to the early 1850s but were superseded by more modern and flexible forms of technology by 1860. The photo was usually formed on a thin copper plate with light sensitve silver iodide. They have a mirror-like appearance and the image itself was mirrored. They were usually inserted into a case or frame made of wood bound in leather or velvet and cost about one guinea in Australia, the equivalent of a week's wages. With the advent of the gold-rush and growing population came an increase in numbers of photographers both studio and travelling. The daguerreotype process was protected by patents and could only result in a single image from which no copies could be made. With new technology involving wet colloidion glass plate negatives and albumen paper prints of which multiple copies could be produced at significantly reduced cost, the dauguerreotype quickly fell out of favour. An accompanying note with the photo written by Edna Hill of 4/1 Bridge Street Eltham dated 4 June 1966 states: "Dear Mr Watson, I think the enclosed old time photograph will be of interest to you. It would have been taken about 1860. The two ladies are the wives of the original pioneers of the Hill family. The one in the cap was the wife of Henry Hill, the other of Isaac Hill. The children are those of Mrs Isaac Hill, and grandchildren to Henry Hill. The little girl on the left is Amelia, the baby Isaac, the second girl is Mary Jane, and the boy on the right is Bob Hill. They grew up tobe Uncles and Aunts of my late husband. I greatly appreciated a letter received a few months ago per Cr Pelling, from the Shillinglaw Cottage Committee. Yours sincerely, Edna Hill" Victorian birth registrations show Mary Jane Hill was born 1857 in Eltham (9879 / 1857) and Isaac Hill at Eltham in 1860 (1972/1860) NOTE: Mrs Isaac Hill was Ellen Fitzsimons (1834-1863), mother to Henry Hill. Mrs Georgina Hill, wife of Henry cannot be the lady in the cap as she was not born till 1864. Georgina Reynolds (1864-1927) married Henry Hill (1862-1948) in 1884. This lady has significant wrinkling of the face, especially around her mouth. It is possible that she is the mother of Mrs Isaac Hill (Ellen Fitzsimons) who was Isabella Fitzsimons (nee Ferguson).This photo forms part of a collection of photographs gathered by the Shire of Eltham for their centenary project book,"Pioneers and Painters: 100 years of the Shire of Eltham" by Alan Marshall (1971). The collection of over 500 images is held in partnership between Eltham District Historical Society and Yarra Plenty Regional Library (Eltham Library) and is now formally known as 'The Shire of Eltham Pioneers Photograph Collection.' It is significant in being the first community sourced collection representing the places and people of the Shire's first one hundred years.Digital image 4 x 5 inch B&W Negsepp, shire of eltham pioneers photograph collection, eltham, hill family, research (vic.), women, amelia hill, bob hill, daguerreotype, early settlers, georgina hill (nee reynolds), isaac hill, mary jane hill, mrs henry hill, mrs isaac hill, ellen hill (nee fitzsimons), isabella fitzsimons (nee ferguson)

Mrs Georgina Hill (wife of Henry), nee Reynolds (of Research, Vic.) in cap [possibly misidentified by donor - see note below] with Mrs Isaac Hill and her children (left to right) Amelia Hill, (born 1853) Mrs Isaac Hill with baby Isaac (born 1860, Eltham) on her lap. Mary Jane Hill (born 1857, Eltham) seated on Mrs Henry Hill's lap and Bob Hill. The Hill family were early settlers of the Eltham area. Daguerreotype photo enclosed in a leather bound clam shell box with felt lining and gold trim. Donated by Mrs Ivy Edna Hill, 4/1 Bridge Street, Eltham, 4 June 1966 and includes copy of her note identifying the people. Daguerreotypes were one of the first forms of early photographs. They initially appeared in Europe in 1839 and were produced in large numbers to the early 1850s but were superseded by more modern and flexible forms of technology by 1860. The photo was usually formed on a thin copper plate with light sensitve silver iodide. They have a mirror-like appearance and the image itself was mirrored. They were usually inserted into a case or frame made of wood bound in leather or velvet and cost about one guinea in Australia, the equivalent of a week's wages. With the advent of the gold-rush and growing population came an increase in numbers of photographers both studio and travelling. The daguerreotype process was protected by patents and could only result in a single image from which no copies could be made. With new technology involving wet colloidion glass plate negatives and albumen paper prints of which multiple copies could be produced at significantly reduced cost, the dauguerreotype quickly fell out of favour. An accompanying note with the photo written by Edna Hill of 4/1 Bridge Street Eltham dated 4 June 1966 states: "Dear Mr Watson, I think the enclosed old time photograph will be of interest to you. It would have been taken about 1860. The two ladies are the wives of the original pioneers of the Hill family. The one in the cap was the wife of Henry Hill, the other of Isaac Hill. The children are those of Mrs Isaac Hill, and grandchildren to Henry Hill. The little girl on the left is Amelia, the baby Isaac, the second girl is Mary Jane, and the boy on the right is Bob Hill. They grew up tobe Uncles and Aunts of my late husband. I greatly appreciated a letter received a few months ago per Cr Pelling, from the Shillinglaw Cottage Committee. Yours sincerely, Edna Hill" Victorian birth registrations show Mary Jane Hill was born 1857 in Eltham (9879 / 1857) and Isaac Hill at Eltham in 1860 (1972/1860) NOTE: Mrs Isaac Hill was Ellen Fitzsimons (1834-1863), mother to Henry Hill. Mrs Georgina Hill, wife of Henry cannot be the lady in the cap as she was not born till 1864. Georgina Reynolds (1864-1927) married Henry Hill (1862-1948) in 1884. This lady has significant wrinkling of the face, especially around her mouth. It is possible that she is the mother of Mrs Isaac Hill (Ellen Fitzsimons) who was Isabella Fitzsimons (nee Ferguson).Early pioneer settlers of ElthamAntique daguerreotypes in hinged gold frame, glass encased in a small clam-shell box lined with padded red felt and with catchamelia hill, bob hill, early settlers, eltham, hill family, isaac hill, mary jane hill, mrs henry hill, mrs isaac hill, daguerreotype, georgina hill (nee reynolds), research (vic.), sepp, shire of eltham pioneers photograph collection, women, ellen hill (nee fitzsimons), isabella fitzsimons (nee ferguson)

These seal skin straps and webbing were introduced into the Victorian Alps by European engineers, conducting survey work for the SEC Hydro scheme in the late 1930s. This period in time produced many immigrants from a war torn Europe with highly developed technical skills. Many of these immigrants provided articles that were well suited to the alpine regions of Australia, ones they used in their homelands. These were times when the home grown cultures of the Anglo Saxon heritage of the earlier settlers within the Kiewa Valley became interwoven with the various European cultures and this formed, what in later years became the beginning of the Australian multi-cultural society. The Kiewa Valley and its surrounding regions where the major rural areas which did not progress in a so typical Aussie "dinky-di", "she'll be right" fashion. The European influence was however not too strong, so as to obliterate the flavour of the home grown rural society.The major populated sections of the upper Kiewa Valley and the Alpine regions were accelerated by the SEC Hydro Development which brought into the slow growing rural regions a quasi multi ethnic society, however this was only noticeable up to the time when the final Power Station was commissioned in the 1960s. The slight variations to the typical Australian rural settlements of the time were in some food preparations, winter apparel such as these seal skin straps and soles and "langlauf" (cross-country skis). The sealskins were sewn so that their grain ran from front to back thereby allowing the skins to grip going up hill and glide going downhill.The gardens and varieties of flowering shrubs and trees where also more in line with traditional European "outdoor" settings. Seal skin sewn onto one side of a strap of webbing. There is a webbing loop on the front that slips over a small point at the front of the ski. There is a webbing strap attached to the back of the seal skin sole coming over the back of ski that clips metal fasteners onto a loop of webbing behind the ski boot. alpine sports, snow skis, winter clothing, mount bogong recreational activities, snow sports

This item represents one of the most important spiritual references available to a settler in countryside Australia in the period 1800s to 1900s. This is the family bible and relates to the major religious beliefs of the early settlers who pioneered British/European colonial settlements. Although the first pages are missing the family name is written on the inside cover (J.A. Fleming). Most of these bibles (of this era) showed the family genealogical record of births, baptism and deaths, however this bible has the relevant pages missing. This bible would have provided the spiritual strength needed in bad times. Throughout this bible there are copies of specially commissioned lithographic engravings, each published between March 1812 to December 1813. These photographs were provided to visualise the theme of the each chapter.This item is significant because it shows that spiritualism of a small group (family in this case) is a vital part of the cohesive forces which holds a family(the basic subgroup of society) together, against all odds, and external pressures. It demonstrates that even in isolated or sparsely populated areas, the mores of a christian community is as strong as that of the cities. Mountains (Victorian Alps) have throughout the enlightened Ages been of extreme spiritual significance and this beholds those who live in this area.The families in the Kiewa Valley fall into the "isolated rural area" when this bible was first in use. This bible contains as its introduction,scripture history starting from 4004 BC "God created all things" to 2900 AD end of the World. There is a high degree of probability that this bible belonged to a member or members of the John Ambrose Flemming extended family who resided in the Kiewa Valley. J.A. Flemming (a famous English electrical engineer and physicist) invented the first diode in 1904). He and his family were devout Christians and he helped establish the Evolution Protest Movement.Leather bound bible. Leather in some areas is in tatters revealing the thick multi-layered cardboard backing. Front and back covers are held together by the thin leather binding. The lettering of the bible is large.Hand written inscriptions are in ink on the inside front cover, " J Tangam" at the top, "J A Fleming" underneath "Tangambalanga" and below that "1900". There are penciled dates "1937 1900" which have at one point in time been scribbled over in pencil. Although not marked on cover, the bible was known as "Brown's Bible" after the Author, the Rev. John Brown. Each of the major chapters is introduced by a copy of a lithographic print detailing the relevant religious picture and all are headed by "Brown's Superb Bible" and the date of the print. bible, rev. john brown, old and new testament, christianity

Although this book revolves around the supply of power(Electricity) from brown coal it does cover the period 1937 onwards when the Kiewa Hydro Electricity Scheme was first mooted. This area was believed to be far away from aerial bombardment should the coastal power stations be attacked by air in World War II(1939 -1945). After the war, post 1945, the demand for a continual power supply, not affected by seasonal coastal flooding was together with a lower cost of hydro electricity power the major incentive for the Victoria Government of the day to proceed (in the 1940s) with The Kiewa Hydro Electricity Scheme. In 1946 Victorian government sought greater independence from the New South Wales black coal supplies.The significance of this book to the Kiewa Valley and its outlying regions is that it details why the development of an Alpine region was and now still is pocketed with a European flavour both in buildings and in town vegetation(trees and flowers). European (post World War II refugees) where attracted to these alpine areas not only for hard labouring positions but also for their technical skills and some street names offer a distinct European lineage rather than convict or of earlier English settler. The construction phase accommodation continued after completion of the Kiewa Hydro Electricity Scheme to become popular venues for an increasing winter tourism industry. This book has a brown hard cover encapsulated by a cream sleeve with brown and black print. On the front of the sleeve is an embossed circular motif with centre piece S.E.C. emblem and around this the words "50 YEARS OF SERVICE" and below this" STATE ELECTRICITY COMMISSION OF VICTORIA". The book contains 313 double sided pages of black print and black and white photographs.On front of paper sleeve "Brown Power A Jubilee History of the State Electricity Commission of Victoria Cecil Edwards". On the second page, below the Title "Brown Power" there is a pasted, printed presentation certificate, with the S.E.C. emblem and these printed words " Presented by the Chairman and Commissioners to A.G. MILLIST, ESQ. in recognition of long and valued service with the Commission"electricity, victorian power supplies, hydro electricity, brown coal, cecil edwards