In 1980 M.B.John was Council President. In 1980 the School of Arts moved into their new building, 1870 Founders Hall was financed - at a cost of $800,000 - from the proceeds of the SMB Centenary Appeal, and was completed late in 1980. Extensive work was carried out on the Student Residences and the former Education Department Hostel in Victorian Street. The amphitheatre adjacent to the eastern side of the Education Buildings was constructed, together with the nearby disabled ramp. Negotiations with the Shire of Buninyong were continued for access to the campus from the Green Hill Road. Following the creation by Act of Parliament in 1978 of the Victorian Post-Secondary Education Commission (VPSEC) amendments to the same Act early in 1980 made provision for the repeal of the VIC and SCV Acts. From mid-December 1980 these latter two bodies ceased to exist when the provisions for repeal of their Acts were proclaimed. The Victorian Institute of Colleges had been set up in 1965 to aid in the co-ordination and development of a number of non-university tertiary institutions that affiliated with it from 1965 on to become Colleges of Advanced Education. In taking up this role which had been spelt out in 1964 by the martin Committee, the VIC broke new ground in a whole range of operations. It became responsible for the physical development of new building programmes and new campuses from many of its colleges, for the procurement of operating funds from the Commonwealth, for the accreditation of new courses of study, for the first non-university degrees to be awarded in Australia and so on. The Former Ballarat Institute of Advanced Education (the tertiary division of the School of Mines) was affiliated with the VIC from the outset and its progress towards a new status, rapid growth and vastly improved physical resources was closely linked to and dependent upon the efforts of the VIC. The similar co-ordinating authority - The State College of Victoria - was established in 1973 to similarly foster the autonomous development of the former teachers colleges. its early work was highly influential in the transition of the Ballarat Teachers' College into the State College of Victoria at Ballarat. On the merging of the BIAE and the SCVB in 1976, the new college continued under the co-ordination of the Victorian Institute of Colleges. The major contribution made to the progress and stature of became the Ballarat College of advanced Education by both the VIC and SCV, and their Councils and officers, over the formative years of rapid change and evolution is acknowledged and recorded with appreciation. Such efforts by the two central authorities have markedly assisted in bringing the College to the present point where its accumulated experiences and traditions provide a sound basis on which it can confidently and responsibly exercise the greater autonomy gradually passing it. Purple soft covered book of 47 pages. Contents include: development of a Nurse education course, College organisational Structure, Role of Head of School, resignation of Norman Baggaley, appointment of R. Macgowan, opening of Business Resource Centre, Librarianship, resignation of M.J. Sandow-Quirk, E.A. Widdop, J. Leeuwenburg, Thelma Rungkat, Erica Myers, former Acting Head of School John Mildren elected to the Federal seat of Ballarat, Ray Watson, Resignation of A.C. Burrow, return of W.J. Vermeend, P.L. McCarthy, P.R. Calder, J.A. Fulcher, L.E. Taylor, L.J. McGrath, Teaching Resource Centreballarat college of advanced education, bcae, mt helen, mount helen, sandow-quirk, widdop, leeuwenburg, rungkat, myers, burrow, vermeend, mccarthy, calder, fulcher, taylor, victoria street

William Corbould was the son of a Ballarat tailor. He attended Ballarat College, and obtained certificates in assaying and metallurgy at the Ballarat School of Mines (SMB) in 1883, studying under the revered Professor Mica Smith. Corbould was not a born student and remembered his first experience at SMB: 'From the Registrar's Office I was led to be introduced to the Professor of Chemistry, one Mica Smith. The initial encounter gave me little encouragement - his large laboratory was filled with hundreds of bottles bearing strange labels with queer symbols on them. My heart sank. At the first opportunity I grabbed my hat and made for the door, but the good professor called me back. I pointed out that I was never any good at school ... so it was no use pretending to be clever enough to understand all those weird symbols! The Professor told me not to worry about that and took me to one of the benches where he found a blowpipe and a charcoal block. Mixing together two powders from bottles on the shelf he transferred a sample to the charcoal and directed the bunsen flame onto it. Soon it began to melt and a white bead appeared in front of my eyes. He then took a test tube and added a little colourless liquid from each of two bottles. A beautiful dark blue colour appeared. My interest was won.' During Corbould's mining career he travelled to Europe twice, and visited most of Australia's main mining fields. Corbould started his career as an assayer at Pinnacle Silver Mine, Silverton, and was then a self-employed assayer at Broken Hill. Corbould became an assayer for the infant BHP mine, and later worked in Kalgoorlie and Coolgardie, including managing Hannan's Reward, the oldest gold mine on the Kalgoorlie gold field. He spent 13 years at the Mount Elliott copper fields as general manager. In 1923, at the age of 57, Corbould went to Mount Isa and reported on options, experimented with new metallurgical processes and floated a company. John Carden of CRA said: 'Corbould was the man who brought Urquhart to Mount Isa. He was the man who made it all possible. He is tremendously important in the Mount Isa story, because he was the first technical man, the first professional man on the scene. He was responsible as I said, for bringing finance to the place, but I think even more importantly he was the first man to recognise the need to put all the little claims in the Mount Isa discovery together. I think perhaps his major contribution to Mount Isa was this amalgamation on the various claims. He recognised that the ore bodies at Mount Isa were not as rich as Broken Hill and they would never have survived had it been fragmented, so he was terribly important.' After completing major financial negotiations for Mt Isa Mine from London in 1927 Corbould remained in Europe where he remained until his death. Corbould was awarded the Legion of Honour of the American Institute of Mining and Metallurigical Engineers for fifty years service. Corbould died at Monaco in 1949 at the age of 82. (http://guerin.ballarat.edu.au/curator/honour-roll/honourroll_Corbould,William.shtml)A white paper certificate with black printed and handwritten text, and a blue Ballarat School of Mines seal. The certificate is signed by Andrew Berry (Registrar) and James Oddie (Vice-President).Signed on the left 'W.H. Corbould'mining, ballarat school of mines, mining alumni, metallurgy, james oddie, andrew berry, william corbould, corbould, berry, oddie

Charles E “Ernie” Barrie started constructing a Chaff mill on the corner of Brooklyn and Station road in 1900. It soon became a thriving business and was ideally located close to the railway line. Ernie and his father William and other Barrie brothers had been operated travelling chaff cutters in the district of Melton and Werribee. Within a short time the mill expanded into two big sheds in partnership with his brother James E known as “Ted”. The eldest brother William was in the Manager living in Melton South. In 1906 Ernie applied for a railway crossing on Brooklyn Road to have direct access for railway trucks to be shunted to the mill to be loaded. The Mill was also had the first phone to be connected, No 1, and No’s 2, 3 were the Golden Fleece and Macs Hotels. In 1906 Ernie married Jessie Lang daughter of the Head Teacher at Melton State School No 430 (1896 –1917). The Barrie house on the north side of the mill was completed in August 1906. It survived for almost 60 years until demolition. Chaff mills were very susceptible to fires and often burnt down and would be rebuilt again ready for the peak of the harvesting season. The final demise of the Mill occurred in a spectacular blaze on the night of Friday 2nd December 1977, just before the earth tremor as reported in the local paper. Brian Dobson the local photographer lived close by and captured the night blaze. A video was also taken of the action by the fire brigade. My parents Bon and Edna Barrie were living at 19 First Avenue, and took colour slides of the smouldering ruins in the half -light. Ironically Bon had spent the first year of his life (born in April 1909 and sister Mary born October 1907) at the house beside the mill. Trethowan’s Chaff mill in Brooklyn road was also destroyed by fire, which stated in the evening on Tuesday April 28th 1987. It was established in 1910 by Dixon Brothers, followed by, Ebbot & Kebby, Robinson, Trethowan and Butler and was with the Trethowan family when it burnt down. Melton South was small a community referred to as Melton Railway Station. Member of the community raised the idea to have a public hall. In 1909 Cr Barrie, Mr Nesbitt and Delany formed a committee to build a community hall. Cr Barrie donated the land and The Exford Hall was completed in September 1910 later to be named Victoria Hall. It was demolished in 1992. Colour slide in Barrie archive. In April 1910 the Ernie sold the Mill to Glover Onians (HSK Ward) family moved away to a property in Trundle NSW. Ernie had acquired 640 acres (a square mile) and leased a further 1920 acres of adjoining land. It was the practise of the farmers in the area at the time to buy up or lease the surrounding land from the 640 acre crown land blocks to make up acerage for a viable wheat farm. His wife Jessie found the climate to be very hot and when the Darlingsford property at Melton was put up for sale in the latter part of 1910 and was passed in at the auction. My grandfather saw this an opportunity to return to Melton. The negotiations to Darlingsford were finalised on May 11th 1911. Barrie bothers with connections to Chaff mills and farming in Melton from the 1900s William Henry, Charles Ernest, James Edwin, Samuel John, Robert, Arthur Roger, Albert Walter. Three grandsons and a great-grandson are in business earthmoving and farming in Melton today. (2013) Memoirs by Wendy BarrieEmployees at Chaff Mill, it was located on the corner of Brooklyn and Station Road, Melton South. local identities, agriculture

Corbould Hall was named after Ballarat School of Mines alumni WIlliam Corbould. William Corbould was the son of a Ballarat tailor. He attended Ballarat College, and obtained certificates in assaying and metallurgy at the Ballarat School of Mines (SMB) in 1883, studying under the revered Professor Mica Smith. Corbould was not a born student and remembered his first experience at SMB: 'From the Registrar's Office I was led to be introduced to the Professor of Chemistry, one Mica Smith. The initial encounter gave me little encouragement - his large laboratory was filled with hundreds of bottles bearing strange labels with queer symbols on them. My heart sank. At the first opportunity I grabbed my hat and made for the door, but the good professor called me back. I pointed out that I was never any good at school ... so it was no use pretending to be clever enough to understand all those weird symbols! The Professor told me not to worry about that and took me to one of the benches where he found a blowpipe and a charcoal block. Mixing together two powders from bottles on the shelf he transferred a sample to the charcoal and directed the bunsen flame onto it. Soon it began to melt and a white bead appeared in front of my eyes. He then took a test tube and added a little colourless liquid from each of two bottles. A beautiful dark blue colour appeared. My interest was won.' During Corbould's mining career he travelled to Europe twice, and visited most of Australia's main mining fields. Corbould started his career as an assayer at Pinnacle Silver Mine, Silverton, and was then a self-employed assayer at Broken Hill. Corbould became an assayer for the infant BHP mine, and later worked in Kalgoorlie and Coolgardie, including managing Hannan's Reward, the oldest gold mine on the Kalgoorlie gold field. He spent 13 years at the Mount Elliott copper fields as general manager. In 1923, at the age of 57, Corbould went to Mount Isa and reported on options, experimented with new metallurgical processes and floated a company. John Carden of CRA said: 'Corbould was the man who brought Urquhart to Mount Isa. He was the man who made it all possible. He is tremendously important in the Mount Isa story, because he was the first technical man, the first professional man on the scene. He was responsible as I said, for bringing finance to the place, but I think even more importantly he was the first man to recognise the need to put all the little claims in the Mount Isa discovery together. I think perhaps his major contribution to Mount Isa was this amalgamation on the various claims. He recognised that the ore bodies at Mount Isa were not as rich as Broken Hill and they would never have survived had it been fragmented, so he was terribly important.' After completing major financial negotiations for Mt Isa Mine from London in 1927 Corbould remained in Europe where he remained until his death. Corbould was awarded the Legion of Honour of the American Institute of Mining and Metallurigical Engineers for fifty years service. Corbould died at Monaco in 1949 at the age of 82. He bequested 6000 pounds to the Ballarat School of Mines, his will stating 'for the purpose of founding a scholarship to commemorate the memory of the late Alfred Mica Smith'. The accumulated income from this sum provides the Mica Smith travelling scholarship, enabling successful students in mining, metallurgy or chemistry to undertake a year's travelling abroad. The first award was made in 1957. In the same year a general purpose hall at SMB was named the Corbould Hall as a tribute to a distinguished former student and generous benefactor.ballarat school of mines corbould building, corbould hall, corbould building

AGOS INFO, Bendigo. Australian Gallery of Sport. Information Pamphlet No. 1 April 1987. Photo of cup awarded to the Sanhurst Football Club for their victory over Bendigo Football Club, 4th July 1883. (Purchased 1987). Extract from Bendigo Advertiser, 4th July 1883 advertising Match between Sandhurst and Bendigo. Admission - Sixpence. Members of Sanhurst & Bendigo Football Clubs and BUCC admitted free on production of tickets. Extract of Bendigo Advertiser, 5th July 1883, FOOTBALL Sandhurst v. Bendigo. (remainder of print too small to read. Sandhurst. Bendigo July 4th 1883 The match played between Sandhurst and Bendigo provides a rare insight into the Australian game at a crucial stage of its development.. . Trophy presented by local jeweler, Mr Joseph Moody. .. Football was relatively weaker in Bendigo than in the comparable city of Ballarat. This can be explained by the high migrant proportion of the Bendigo population, its economic difficulties in the 1880s and by its distance from Melbourne. .. Football overtook cricket by the end of the decade as the most popular sport. .. A regular Saturday competition was played, with matches also played on Wednesdays. These matches were a legacy of the earliest ''scratch'' matches, suggesting a relatively strong union movement which had won concessions for weekend work. Matches started at 3pm. ..The best player on the ground was a contractor and the captain an accountant. .. Transition. The predominance of the ''little mark'' the participation of sometimes frightened junior teams against adults and the division of the game into halves rather than quarters represents an era that has disappeared. Complaints of rough play, poor losers, the problems posed by children. .. An issue, was seen as a blight on the game in 1883. The greatest offender, alleged by ''Drop-Kick'' in The Bendigo Advertiser, was Sheldon of Sandhurst, an ancestor of current day player Ken Sheldon of St Kilda. .. Fundamental issue about the place of sport in society. .. The reason for this is that the Bendigo club was in dispute with the Bendgio Union Cricket Club over control of the Back Creek Ground. If they had been refused the ground, as it was feared, then the whole association would have been forced to disband. Only last minute negotiations resolved the dispute. .. Reflects the values of society, .. Broader conflicts about power and the control of resources within that society. 2000 turned out. The crowd cheered lustily and the players exhibited similar excitement and were urged on by their captains to play up and kick the ball. In the eventual Sanhurst victory, amongst the best players was Edward Cordner, a forerunner of the renowned Cordner family of the Melbourne Football Clubs. Shane Cahill. Sources: Fahey, James C. Wealth and Social Mobility In Bendigo and North Central Victoria, 1868-1891. Mackay, G. The Annals of Bendigo 1868-1891 (Bendigo 1914). Mackay, G. Bendigo The Golden City of the South (Bendigo 1893) Mackay, G. The History of Bendigo (Melbourne 1891). Sandercock, L.. And Turner, I. Up Where Cazaly? The Great Australian Game (St Albans Herts. 1981) Sanhurst Districts' Directory for 1875-6 (Sandhurst 1875) Wise's Victoria Post Office Directory 1884-5 (Melbourne 1886). Australian Gallery Of Sport at the MCG, cnr Joliment St. & Joliment Trc. East Melbourne, Phone 654 8922.clubs and associations, football, agos, agos info, bendigo. australian gallery of sport. information pamphlet no. 1 april 1987. photo cup awarded sanhurst football club for victory bendigo football club, 4th july 1883. (purchased 1987). advertiser, 4th july 1883 match between sandhurst v. bendigo. admission - sixpence. members sanhurst & bendigo football clubs and bucc free. extract, 5th july 1883, football sandhurst v. bendigo. sandhurst. bendigo july 4th 1883 sandhurst and bendigo provides insight into the australian stage development.. . trophy local jeweler, mr joseph moody. .. football weaker in bendigo than in ballarat. explained by the migrant proportion bendigo population, its economic difficulties 1880s distance from melbourne.. football overtook cricket by end decade the popular sport.. saturday competition played, matches also wednesdays. legacy of the earliest ''scratch'' matches, strong union movement concessions for weekend work. matches started at 3pm.. best player on the ground a contractor the captain accountant. .. transition. predominance ''little mark'' participation frightened junior teams adults game halves rather than quarters represents an era disappeared. complaints rough play, poor losers, problems posed children., a blight 1883. offender, ''drop-kick'', sheldon, ancestor ken sheldon of st kilda...bendigo club was in dispute bendgio union cricket club control of the back creek ground. refused, as it was feared, association forced to disband. negotiations resolved dispute..values of society.. conflicts power control resources. 2000 turned out. crowd cheered players exhibited similar excitement captains. edward cordner. cordner family melbourne football clubs. shane cahill. sources: fahey, james c. wealth and social mobility in bendigo and north central victoria, 1868-1891. mackay, g. the annals of bendigo 1868-1891 (bendigo 1914). mackay, g. bendigo the golden city of the south (bendigo 1893) mackay, g. the history of bendigo (melbourne 1891). sandercock, l.. and turner, i. up where cazaly? the great australian game (st albans herts. 1981) sanhurst districts' directory for 1875-6 (sandhurst 1875) wise's victoria post office directory 1884-5 (melbourne 1886). australian gallery of sport at the mcg, cnr joliment st. & joliment trc. east melbourne, phone 654 8922.

Fern gullies around Jehosaphat Gully Covered under National Estate. Published: Nillumbik Now and Then /​ Marguerite Marshall 2008; photographs Alan King with Marguerite Marshall.; p125 The magnificent Kinglake National Park, fringing Nillumbik’s north, is the largest national park close to Melbourne. Thanks to the vision and hard work of a band of local people, the park was created from what was rapidly becoming degraded land. Seeing a threat to Kinglake’s indigenous flora and fauna, several prominent local people campaigned for a national park, which was established in 1928.1 Since then, the park has grown through donations and acquisitions of land, from around 13,800 acres of land (5585ha) to 22,360 hectares. The Sugarloaf and Everard Blocks – of almost 8000 hectares – stand in Nillumbik and the park extends into Mitchell and Murrundindi Shires and the City of Whittlesea. Mt Everard commemorates William Hugh Everard, State member for Evelyn when the park was established. Before 1928, European settlers had degraded the Kinglake area, which was named after the celebrated English author and lawyer, Alexander William Kinglake. Remains of gold shafts and diggings in the park are reminders of Kinglake’s first settlers, who hoped to strike it rich at the gold diggings. But like other gold fields in this shire, they proved not very lucrative and soon timber cutting replaced mining in importance. However, before long, the accessible timber supply ran out, so in the 1920s agriculture took over – particularly potatoes and berry fruits – which involved large-scale clearing.2 The park’s instigator was retired Melbourne University Professor of Music, William Laver.3 As chair of the Kinglake Progress Association he began negotiations to have crown lands on the southern scarp of the Great Dividing Range reserved as a national park. Even before the park was proclaimed, from 1927, KPA members cut tracks to the major scenic points. Professor Laver was one of several people who gave land for the park, donating around 50 acres (20ha), including the Jehosaphat Gully.4 Laver chaired the park’s first Committee of Management, which raised money to employ a ranger and provide facilities, including tracks and roads for fire protection vehicles, toilets and shelters. The committee charged fees for firewood collection, some grazing of livestock, and visitor entrance, and obtained small State Government and Eltham Shire grants. In 1957 the State Government provided revenue for national parks. Then, in 1975, the State Government took over the management and the Committee of Management became an advisory committee, which disbanded in 1978. Originally, the park covered crown land in the Shires of Eltham and Whittlesea; then Wombelano Falls in Yea and other areas were added. In 1970 the park extended into the Shires of Eltham, Healesville, Whittlesea and Yea.5 Bush fires have been an ongoing problem. In 1939 hundreds of eucalypts and acacias had to be sown around the Jehosaphat Gully to rejuvenate the forest. To manage bushfires, the Committee of Management, then the State Government, worked closely with the Forestry Commission, shire councils and local fire brigades. Early national parks focussed on recreation. But by the 1980s, conservation, education and scientific research became more important, playing a vital role in preserving representative samples of the natural environment. Each year many thousands of people use the park’s extensive network of walking tracks amongst the protected plant and animal life as well as camping, cycling and horse riding. The park, along the slopes of the Great Dividing Range, has lookouts revealing magnificent views of the Melbourne skyline, Port Phillip Bay, the Yarra Valley and the You Yangs. Vegetation in the Masons Falls area includes messmate forest, Austral grass-trees, ferns and Hazel Pomaderris. In spring, orchids, lilies, everlasting daisies, correas, grevillea and heath appear. Around Jehosaphat Gully are wet and dry forest, fern gullies and banksia. Animal life includes wallabies, kangaroos, koalas, echidnas, possums, gliders and bandicoots. Male lyrebirds can be heard mimicking in the Jehosaphat Gully, particularly in the Everard Block in winter.This collection of almost 130 photos about places and people within the Shire of Nillumbik, an urban and rural municipality in Melbourne's north, contributes to an understanding of the history of the Shire. Published in 2008 immediately prior to the Black Saturday bushfires of February 7, 2009, it documents sites that were impacted, and in some cases destroyed by the fires. It includes photographs taken especially for the publication, creating a unique time capsule representing the Shire in the early 21st century. It remains the most recent comprehenesive publication devoted to the Shire's history connecting local residents to the past. nillumbik now and then (marshall-king) collection, kinglake national park, jehosaphat gully

S.S, No 4688, Francis Street, Heathmont, 3135 History Two A4 pages of notes on the beginnings of the Heathmont S.S The text is:- STATE SCHOOL No 4698 Frances Street Heathmont, 3135 HISTORY School classes at Heathmont commenced in the original Methodist Church building in Canterbury Road in 1952 with Mr A.J. McKinlay as Head Teacher in charge of a school of 80 pupils. Shortly afterwards both a Parents and Citizens Association and the first School Committee were formed. Mr J.B. Harper was appointed as president of the Association and Mr H. Walker was elected as chairmen of the Committee, while Mr T. Jago acted as secretary to both bodies. Later in that same year the district Inspector, Mr H. Fleigner since retired and still a Heathmont resident, woe instrumental in obtaining a site for the establishment of the present Heathmont School at the corner of Frances Street and Balfour Avenue. The land was purchased from Mr. Handasyde, an orchardist of Wantirna South. In March 1963 a Bristol prefabricated aluminium building comprising four classrooms and an office was occupied. On April 21st, 1953 the school was opened officially by the Minister for Education, the Hon. A.E. Shepherd MLA. By December of that year the attendance had increased to 191 pupils, Mr N. Gillham was Head Teacher at the time. In February 1955 Mr. K. Gerraty succeeded Mr Gillham and by 1957 attendance had risen to 326 pupils necessitating the provision of additional light timber construction classrooms. Meanwhile the subdivision of large areas of local orchard land into housing estates with its resulting rapidly increasing population presented a persistent school accommodation problem that was met temporarily by the hiring of district church halls to accommodate a steadily rising attendance. Fortunately the tradition of voluntarily contributing to school funds and voluntarily providing labour initiated by the original parent bodies in 1952 was maintained. Then Mr V. Milligan commenced as Head Teacher in 1959, much of the steeply contoured playground area had been terraced, a football oval formed and the basketball court and assembly areas were sealed. These improvements were finally completed largely due to the enthusiasm, vigor and work effected by the School Committee under the chairmanship of Ringwood Councillor Mr JM McRae, as is borne out by the following report by Mr R.J. Chapman, District Inspector in 1961. "The local support by parents given to the Head Teacher and his staff is exceptional and I express my appreciation of their outstanding service." Mr Milligan's contribution to progress, however, lay equally in the internal educational development, particularly with regard to the teaching of reading. A course in the mechanics of speed reading, involving the use of the tachistoscope reading rate controllers and programmed comprehension sets was introduced and a start was made in the building up of a library of literature and reference books. As a result the Education Department appointed a Teacher-librarian to ensure continuity and further progress with this Reading scheme. A feature of Heathmont School is the splendid modern Art/Craft room opened while Mr L. Sebire was head teacher in 1966. This building and courtyard, linked to the original building by a covered way was designed by Mr Salvatore who acted as honorary architect, and was completed by Mr John F. Swan at a cost of �10,000 of which 52% was provided by a School Committee Co-operative loan and 42% by Departmental special grant. Materials used were white sandstone brick and oregon pine. The building bears the name of Councillor J.M. McRae Art Centre as a tribute to the man who did so much to enable its construction. An Art/Craft specialist teacher is provided by the Education Department. As attendance continued to increase to 520 children in 1969, additional accommodation became an urgent necessity. Following negotiations conducted by Mr A. Lethbridge School Committee President, Mr JJ Egan, former Principal and the present Principal, Mr A.S. Don the Education Department Assisted by a second Committee Co-operative loan, purchased the adjacent Baptist Church property thus providing much needed extra accommodation and playground area The newly acquired building is at present in use as two temporary classrooms, but will subsequent be used as a utility rope. A smaller room has been converted to a canteen operated daily by the Parents and Citizens Association, thus providing both a service to the pupils and a source of income. +Additional Keywords: McKinlay, Mr.A G Harper, Mr J.B Walker,Mr.H Fleigner, Mr.H Handasyde, Mr. G Shepherd, Hon. A.E. MLA Gillham, Mr.K Garraty, Mr.K Milligan, Mr.V McRae, Mr. J.M. Chapman,Mr.R.J. Sebire,Mr.L Salvatore,Mr. Swann,Mr.John F. Lethbridge, mr.A Egan,Mr.J.J. Don,Mr.A.S.

Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerPhotograph of a street art poster taken on the streets of Hong Kong during the protests against legislation to allow Hong Kong suspects to be extradited to mainland Chinese carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, poster art, posters

Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerMore than a thousand protestors surround Hong Kong's main police headquarters on Arsenal Street in Wan Chai on June 26th following a peaceful rally at Edinburgh Place in Central. Doors to the complex were barricaded by protestors, who left after a six hour siege in protest at police violence at a prtest held earlier on 12 June 2019. Protesters ended a six-hour siege of Hong Kong’s police headquarters – their second in a week over the now-suspended extradition bill – early on Thursday morning. More than 1,000 were involved at the height of the protest, which began after 10pm on Wednesday. Around 100 were left at the end and dispersed without a fight when officers with riot shields emerged from the building in Wan Chai at 4am on Thursday. After a peaceful rally attended by thousands earlier at Edinburgh Place in the Central business district, hundreds descended on Arsenal Street, blocking the junction with Lockhart Road to all traffic and sealing the entrances to the police base. (https://www.scmp.com/news/hong-kong/politics/article/3016238/hong-kong-police-under-siege-again-protesters-surround )carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, protest, protestors

Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerSeven police officers stand guard in front of Hong Kong's main police headquarters on Arsenal Street in Wan Chai as an estimated one thousand protestors surround on 26 June 2019. Protestors take turns to step up and hurl abuse at the officers, in a protest lasting 6 hours before peacefully dispersing. The protesters chanted 'Release the martyrs' and 'Stop police violence' in reference to violent clashes with police in the days previous. ( https://www.scmp.com/news/hong-kong/politics/article/3016238/hong-kong-police-under-siege-again-protesters-surround)carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, protest, protestors, police, wan chai

Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerPhotograph crowds gathering on June 16 on the streets of Causeway Bay before an estimated 2 million people take part in march protesting the government's push for extradition laws to China and demanding an apology from the chief executrive Carrie Lam. Nearly 2 million’ people take to streets, forcing public apology from Hong Kong leader Carrie Lam as suspension of controversial extradition bill fails to appease protesters. (https://www.scmp.com/news/hong-kong/politics/article/3014737/nearly-2-million-people-take-streets-forcing-public-apology )carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, protest, protestors

Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerPhotograph of a crowd or protestors against proposed extradition laws gathering on the streets of Causeway Bay, Hong Kong, leading down to the gathering area. carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, protest, protestors

Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerPhotograph of a crowd on the streets of Hong Kong to protest against proposed extradition laws, heading towards Admiralty. carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, protest, protestors, admiralty

Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerCrowds mass on Queens Way in Hong Kong as an estimated 2 million people march in protest at the government's refusal to withdraw a controverisal law allowing people to be extradited to mainland China. Chants demanded the chief executive apologise and the legislation be withdrawn, while many held signs protesting police violence. Nearly 2 million protesters flooded the streets of Hong Kong on Sunday, organisers claimed, delivering a stunning repudiation of Chief Executive Carrie Lam Cheng Yuet-ngor’s governance and forcing a public apology out of the city’s leader over her campaign to bulldoze a controversial extradition bill through the legislature. A day after Lam suspended her push for the bill, expecting it to defuse a crisis that has seen violent clashes between mostly young protesters and police, the centre of Hong Kong was brought to a complete standstill as the masses marched to chastise her for refusing to withdraw the bill or apologise when first asked to, and declaring that nothing short of her resignation would satisfy them now. (https://www.scmp.com/news/hong-kong/politics/article/3014737/nearly-2-million-people-take-streets-forcing-public-apology ) carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, protest, protestors, admiralty

"A perpetual spring in the adjacent creek provided a steady supply of fresh water to the site on which the homestead is built. Although we can not be certain of the identity of the builder, the first stage of ‘The Willows’ homestead appears to have been constructed in the mid 1850s. The house is situated on Crown Allotment No.1 (No Section), Parish of Kororoit, an allotment of 5 acres 3 roods 4 perches. Although it had surveyed the land, the Crown did not offer it for sale until 22nd November 1861, at which time it was purchased by Charles March Williams. (Although the property is directly opposite and immediately adjacent to the Township of Melton, and was sold as ‘Suburban Allotment 33’, it was situated within the Shire of Braybrook rather than the Shire of Melton until 1917.) Considerable improvements had taken place on the land prior to the Crown sale. When CM Williams purchased the allotment in November 1861 he paid £23.5.0 for the land itself, and valued the improvements at £400. Even allowing for some exaggeration by Williams, this is an extremely high valuation for improvements, and must have included a house. Some local research has claimed that in 1858 Williams had taken over the interest of a Mr Parkinson in the property, and that Parkinson built the house upon taking possession of the land c.1855. It was definitely built by 1861, when a map shows a square building on the site marked as ‘House’. The property is important in the district for its association with the establishment of the pound. The district pound had been established in 1854, when George Scarborough of Mount Cottrell (Mt Cottrell Road, south of Greigs Road) was appointed pound-keeper. Scarborough resigned in 1857. The pound was moved to Melton following agitation from local farmers and Charles March Williams appointed pound-keeper on 26th April 1858. Williams, the son of a doctor, had been born in London. Reminiscences of local residents of the time, as recorded in the Express newspaper, note Williams’ success in breeding horses on the property. Sales of up to 60 guineas were noted. Whether this was from Williams’s own stock or from unclaimed pound stock is not made clear. Williams appeared before a government inquiry in 1860 and advocated registration of all stock brands in the State. Williams died in 1862 leaving a widow, Catherine, and five living children aged 15 years to five months. At the time of his death Williams had entered negotiations with one Matthew Devenish and had a mortgage of £100 on allotments 1 and 2, Parish of Kororoit. Catherine Williams was appointed pound-keeper on 2 September 1863, with her eldest son Charles as her assistant. Her tenure was short for on 22nd March 1864 George Minns senior paid Matthew Devenish £135 for allotments 1 and 2 Parish of Kororoit (considerably less than Williams had claimed the property was worth in 1861) and on the same day paid William Tullidge £45 for the adjoining allotments 3 and 4. In April 1867, James Ebden Minns, the newly married son of George senior became the owner of The Willows property having entered into a mortgage arrangement with his father to the extent of £200. At the time George Minns was residing in Kaarimba having left Melton in 1867 for a short trip to England and upon his return having taken up a selection in the Kaarimba district with his son Frederick who had a hotel licence there. James paid out the mortgage on 2-1-1873. James Minns was appointed pound-keeper in 1872; in 1885 the pound was moved elsewhere and Minns purchased the old pound site and added it to his farm. The Willows residence underwent a major change about this time. A two room extension, similar in style but with a lower elevation was added to the original rear of the house with a chimney matching the distinctive originals. Window arrangements did not match the original but became a feature of the façade when the new addition became the front of the building. Six buttresses were attached to the east and west walls of the old building, two to the south wall and the whole rendered with mortar to give the appearance of dressed stonework around the windows. Galvanized iron was placed over the shingles and a verandah added on three sides. By 1876 The Willows was the homestead for a thriving mixed farm of 340 acres of which 156 was rented from a H. Ruck. In October of that year the Australasian travelling reporter visited and reported on the property. In common with the nearly every other property in the district the farm had ‘recently’ (generally within the last two years) abandoned cultivation of crops, and turned over completely to cattle pasture. Butter making was the principal occupation of the farm, which had about 50 head of cattle, a large proportion of which were milking cows. The reporter also noted that a ‘large number of pigs are kept upon this farm and are found to be very profitable stock’. Their manure was used in an orchard and garden in which ‘large quantities of lucerne and prairie grass are grown for the use of stock when ordinary feed is scarce’. Two bores attached to deep brick lined wells supplied water for the house in addition to the farm. A commodious timber barn and necessary sheds had also been constructed. Access to the property was improved following the construction of the bluestone ford across the creek c.1887, when the recreation ground came into use. Prior to this date it may have been that the crossing referred to as ‘Mr Minns bridge’ was used. This appears to have been a flimsy structure and has but two references in Council reports in the Melton Express in the 1880’s. It is believed that in the late 1890’s a timber building was added near the rear of the building to house a kitchen, ablutions and laundry rooms and rooms for seasonal workers. This was attached to the house by means of a trellised walkway using the original front entry to the house (long since the back door). A photograph of this building appears in a local history of Melton. This was demolished in recent decades during the period when the house was tenanted (after the Minns family had left). James Minns son, George, took over the property following his marriage to Alice Walsh in 1903. James and Caroline moved into a house on the former JH Games property at the eastern end of Henry Street. George held the position of Shire Secretary for Melton for 40 years. He was a most prominent member of the community being Secretary to, among others, the Melton Coursing Club, the Shooting Club and the Cemetery Trust. He also rode with the hunting parties who sported across the Plains and were entertained at Mount Kororoit. George and Alice had one son, Norman who followed his father into local government and became Secretary of the Shire of Werribee completing a record term in this position. George retired to Werribee in 1951, where he died in 1965. The National Trust records note that James Ebden Minns and his sons were ‘leading men of the district, Justices of the Peace, and Shire Councillors’. It claims that Sir Thomas Bent was a frequent visitor. The Willows passed into the hands of George’s grandson, Bruce Minns and the property was let for a number of years. In the 1960s it became vacant and was subject to vandalism. Major structural problems arose with the part demolition of the roof, the loss of windows and doors and holes dug into and under the floorboards. The outbuildings were particularly targeted. Following widespread public support, the Shire of Melton purchased the house, with 3.75 acres of land, in 1972. In 1975 the Shire of Melton and the Melton and District Historical Society were successful in nominating the building for National Trust classification, and then the Australian Heritage Commission’s Register of the National Estate. The AHC particularly noted its ‘townscape importance’. It was envisaged that the farmhouse would form ‘a picturesque centrepiece to Melton’s planned … historical park, along with Dunvegan bluestone cottage … and similar structures as they become available.’ In a time of great Melton’s ‘satellite city’ development the Council spelt out its broader vision in its submission to the AHC: ‘Melton is destined to become, by the end of the present century, a city of between 75,000 and 100,000 people. Significant relics of the past, such as ‘The Willows’, regrettably will be rare in that situation. It is essential that sufficient tangible links with Melton’s pioneering days remain to promote in the new community a sense of history and continuity’. Under the direction of ‘The Willows’ Restoration Committee and consultant architect John Hitch, all outbuildings, with the exception of the garage and toilet, were demolished and the dwelling house restored. Finances were provided by the Shire of Melton and the National Estate Grants Program, and considerable amount of voluntary labour was provided by the local community. The orchard was removed, and remaining wooden buildings were relocated to provide an open vista for visitors to the Park. The property was furnished with donations from district families keen to preserve this example of pioneer life in the area. The Willows became the headquarters of the Melton and District Historical Society". Invitation to the family reunion at the Willowslocal identities, pioneer families

Environmental approach to preserving Kew Court House 4 June 2010 Paint stripping from older buildings can be a hazardous task. The City of Boroondara has found an environmentally sustainable solution for the works at local heritage icon, the Kew Police Station and Court House. Council used an organic based paint stripping alternative as part of the repairs to the rendering on the building facade. Over nearly three months, the damaged and unsound render was removed, the paint was stripped and the render was repainted. Usually, paint is removed via high pressure water cleaning or sandblasting. This is a harsh method and involves combining extreme high amounts of pressure, water and sand and is highly toxic. It also creates high noise levels. In this 'green' project, Council used a soy bean paint stripper. The process uses a paste-like substance, which is highly effective, non toxic and biodegradable, and applied by hand. Initially, a bandage is applied (much like a leg waxing strip) over the top of paste. It is allowed to dry and then the bandage is stripped off. Noise was kept to a minimum by using the paint stripping alternative. Scrapings and bandages are then bagged and sent to the tip as landfill, so it does not end up in our water supply. The waste and debris don’t run-off into drains, and the bags and bi-products are biodegradable. Studley Ward Councillor Phillip Healey explained that soy bean paint removal is not greatly used in Melbourne or the local government sector. "We know of special cases where it has been used, such as high profile projects like Sydney Harbour Bridge, but Boroondara is one of the first in Victoria to employ this natural plant-based paint-stripping treatment to a large-scale building," Cr Healey said. "What this means is that no harmful substances were used and no injury was caused, soy paint removal also preserves, protects and restores the heritage integrity and decorative stone masonry features of the historic building. "This is a terrific example of our commitment to 'enhancing the environment' which is one of our key directions in the 2010–15 Council Plan." The restoration of the Kew Court House and Police Station is expected to be completed in the year ahead. Council purchased the heritage building in 2007 with the intention for it to be restored and used for the community. The building required extensive renovation including repair of the slate roof and ventilation dome, and the renovation plans include a new foyer, bathrooms and kitchen to ensure the venue meets a broad range of community needs. Heritage Victoria helped fund the cost of the roof repairs with a grant of $250,000, along with the Australian Government contributing $330,000 through its Regional and Local Community Infrastructure Program. Restoration Underway Concept plans for a new performance and exhibition space at the Kew Court House and Police Station have been developed by the City of Boroondara. Two years ago, Council Purchased the Kew Court House and Police Station from the State Government for $825,000 with the intention for it to be restored and used for the community. The building requires extensive renovation including repair of the slate roof and ventilation dome. The renovation plans include a new foyer, bathrooms and kitchen to ensure the venue meets a broad range of community needs. The restoration has been assisted with a Federal Government grant of $330,000 under the Regional and Local Community Infrastructure Program. In 2008, Council was also successful in obtaining a Heritage Victoria Grant of $250,000 towards the costs of the roof repairs. Having satisfied the necessary permit requirements, works are about to commence using slate of a similar quality to the original. The City of Boroondara would like to thank all residents and businesses who have contributed to the Kew Court House Restoration Appeal which has raised $650,000. Special thanks go to a private donor who donated $250,000 and the Kew Senior Citizens Club which contributed $50,000. NEWS FLASH 14th March “Council moves to provide certainty for the restoration of the courthouse”. In a historic meeting last night 13th March 07 at Boroondara Council voted overwhelmingly to complete the purchase of the Kew Court House. The partnership continues between the Kew Court House Restoration Appeal and the Council to see this project through. The project now has the overwhelming support of Council. “It is no longer about “if” it is about “when” the doors will re open” said Prof Peter McIntyre. With the property secured the fundraising can now be completed without the encumbrances and we know the restoration will be undertaken as the funds become available from the appeal. Work can commence as soon as significant fund raising is achieved. “The community, philanthropists and corporations can now enter this project with certainty. 7th March At the Council meeting on 5th March, following many hours of debate a motion was passed by 5 to 4 vote to purchase the Kew Court House and Police Station outright. As of 7th March Cr Dick Menting lodged a rescission notice. This means that there was another Council meeting at 6pm, Tuesday 13th March at Council Chambers. MEDIA RELEASE - Kew, 3rd December 2006 APPEAL LAUNCHED TO SAVE A NATIONAL TREASURE On the morning of Saturday 18th. November 2006 the people of Kew were aroused by the triumphant sound of the Boroondara Brass which had assembled outside the former Kew Police Station. After four long years of neglect, the precinct was being heralded back to life, and what a heartwarming sound it was for all those early shoppers who gathered to hear Cr. Phillip Healey introduce Patrons and supporters of the Save the Court House campaign. Following the speeches, the "Thermometer" was unveiled and the Appeal was formally under way. The various committees have worked very hard during these past weeks. The Kew Court House Arts Association Inc. has been formed under the leadership of Graeme McCoubrie. This organization brings all the amateur theatre groups in the City of Boroondara together with a view to providing them with a permanent performing space within the former Court House. As well as intimate theatre, there will be provision for the staging of instrumental and choral performances before an audience of 40 to 50 people. The Police Station will compliment the function of the Court House by providing a venue for artist groups to exhibit their work, for the Historical Societies of Boroondara to meet, and for study groups to meet, for activities such as play and poetry readings. It will be a Hub for the Arts in Kew. Of course none of this can happen unless the money to pay for restoration of the buildings is raised, and we only have until March 2007 in which to do this. The City of Boroondara, Kew Historical Society and the East Kew Community Bank are working together as a team to make this dream a reality, but WE NEED YOUR HELP. This is a fantastic one-off opportunity, and it must not be wasted. Donations to the Appeal can be made through the Kew East Kew Community Bank or any branch of the Bendigo Bank, or through the Kew Historical Society Inc., P.O. Box 175 Kew Vic 3101. All donations over $2 are tax deductible through the Community Enterprise Foundation. End Media Release Kew Courthouse future looks bright The State Government has accepted an offer from the local government of Boroondara to purchase the former Kew Courthouse and Police Station, Minister for Finance John Lenders said today. In a joint statement with the Mayor of Boroondara, Councillor Jack Wegman, Mr Lenders said he was pleased that agreement had been reached and the contract of sale document finalised. “I welcome the Council making this step towards purchasing this property after recent negotiations,” Mr Lenders said. “The settlement date for the purchase of the property is March 2007. The State government sold the property to Council at a reduced cost of $825,000 for community use. The full value of the buildings on the commercial marketplace was estimated to be about $2million,” he said. Cr Wegman said the Contract of Sale provides that if the funds cannot be raised to restore the property for use as community buildings then they will be returned to the State government. In relation to this additional funding to restore and modernise the buildings, Council and the community will work together over the next eight months, with the encouragement of the State government, Cr Wegman said. Mr Lenders said both he and the Premier had advised the Council of fundraising opportunities to help the Council convert the property for its future use. Cr Wegman noted that applications for funding from the Community Support Fund and for State government heritage grants were being processed. “Council has agreed to a Memorandum of Understanding with the Kew Historical Society outlining arrangements for the Kew Court House Restoration Appeal and Council is delighted with the level of support shown by the community and is confident of a bright future for these historic buildings.” Mr Lenders said the Bracks Government is committed to securing the best outcome when buildings that have once served the community outlive their original purpose. “There is a responsibility for Governments to practice good financial management and achieve the best possible price when an asset is longer used by the State,” he said. “There is also a responsibility to consider the local community. The Government and City of Boroondara have worked hard to achieve a balance between these two interests.” The building ceased to operate as a courthouse in 1971 and as a police station in 2002. Part of the building was also used as a post office and this section of the building was sold by the Commonwealth in 1992 to a private owner and is currently run as a licensed restaurant. It is listed on the State's Heritage Register as a place of historical and architectural significance and is protected by the Victorian Heritage Act. Created: 30 August 2006 Last Update: 10 January 2007 kew, kew court house, phillip slobom, town crier, professor peter mcintyre

Environmental approach to preserving Kew Court House 4 June 2010 Paint stripping from older buildings can be a hazardous task. The City of Boroondara has found an environmentally sustainable solution for the works at local heritage icon, the Kew Police Station and Court House. Council used an organic based paint stripping alternative as part of the repairs to the rendering on the building facade. Over nearly three months, the damaged and unsound render was removed, the paint was stripped and the render was repainted. Usually, paint is removed via high pressure water cleaning or sandblasting. This is a harsh method and involves combining extreme high amounts of pressure, water and sand and is highly toxic. It also creates high noise levels. In this 'green' project, Council used a soy bean paint stripper. The process uses a paste-like substance, which is highly effective, non toxic and biodegradable, and applied by hand. Initially, a bandage is applied (much like a leg waxing strip) over the top of paste. It is allowed to dry and then the bandage is stripped off. Noise was kept to a minimum by using the paint stripping alternative. Scrapings and bandages are then bagged and sent to the tip as landfill, so it does not end up in our water supply. The waste and debris don’t run-off into drains, and the bags and bi-products are biodegradable. Studley Ward Councillor Phillip Healey explained that soy bean paint removal is not greatly used in Melbourne or the local government sector. "We know of special cases where it has been used, such as high profile projects like Sydney Harbour Bridge, but Boroondara is one of the first in Victoria to employ this natural plant-based paint-stripping treatment to a large-scale building," Cr Healey said. "What this means is that no harmful substances were used and no injury was caused, soy paint removal also preserves, protects and restores the heritage integrity and decorative stone masonry features of the historic building. "This is a terrific example of our commitment to 'enhancing the environment' which is one of our key directions in the 2010–15 Council Plan." The restoration of the Kew Court House and Police Station is expected to be completed in the year ahead. Council purchased the heritage building in 2007 with the intention for it to be restored and used for the community. The building required extensive renovation including repair of the slate roof and ventilation dome, and the renovation plans include a new foyer, bathrooms and kitchen to ensure the venue meets a broad range of community needs. Heritage Victoria helped fund the cost of the roof repairs with a grant of $250,000, along with the Australian Government contributing $330,000 through its Regional and Local Community Infrastructure Program. Restoration Underway Concept plans for a new performance and exhibition space at the Kew Court House and Police Station have been developed by the City of Boroondara. Two years ago, Council Purchased the Kew Court House and Police Station from the State Government for $825,000 with the intention for it to be restored and used for the community. The building requires extensive renovation including repair of the slate roof and ventilation dome. The renovation plans include a new foyer, bathrooms and kitchen to ensure the venue meets a broad range of community needs. The restoration has been assisted with a Federal Government grant of $330,000 under the Regional and Local Community Infrastructure Program. In 2008, Council was also successful in obtaining a Heritage Victoria Grant of $250,000 towards the costs of the roof repairs. Having satisfied the necessary permit requirements, works are about to commence using slate of a similar quality to the original. The City of Boroondara would like to thank all residents and businesses who have contributed to the Kew Court House Restoration Appeal which has raised $650,000. Special thanks go to a private donor who donated $250,000 and the Kew Senior Citizens Club which contributed $50,000. NEWS FLASH 14th March “Council moves to provide certainty for the restoration of the courthouse”. In a historic meeting last night 13th March 07 at Boroondara Council voted overwhelmingly to complete the purchase of the Kew Court House. The partnership continues between the Kew Court House Restoration Appeal and the Council to see this project through. The project now has the overwhelming support of Council. “It is no longer about “if” it is about “when” the doors will re open” said Prof Peter McIntyre. With the property secured the fundraising can now be completed without the encumbrances and we know the restoration will be undertaken as the funds become available from the appeal. Work can commence as soon as significant fund raising is achieved. “The community, philanthropists and corporations can now enter this project with certainty. 7th March At the Council meeting on 5th March, following many hours of debate a motion was passed by 5 to 4 vote to purchase the Kew Court House and Police Station outright. As of 7th March Cr Dick Menting lodged a rescission notice. This means that there was another Council meeting at 6pm, Tuesday 13th March at Council Chambers. MEDIA RELEASE - Kew, 3rd December 2006 APPEAL LAUNCHED TO SAVE A NATIONAL TREASURE On the morning of Saturday 18th. November 2006 the people of Kew were aroused by the triumphant sound of the Boroondara Brass which had assembled outside the former Kew Police Station. After four long years of neglect, the precinct was being heralded back to life, and what a heartwarming sound it was for all those early shoppers who gathered to hear Cr. Phillip Healey introduce Patrons and supporters of the Save the Court House campaign. Following the speeches, the "Thermometer" was unveiled and the Appeal was formally under way. The various committees have worked very hard during these past weeks. The Kew Court House Arts Association Inc. has been formed under the leadership of Graeme McCoubrie. This organization brings all the amateur theatre groups in the City of Boroondara together with a view to providing them with a permanent performing space within the former Court House. As well as intimate theatre, there will be provision for the staging of instrumental and choral performances before an audience of 40 to 50 people. The Police Station will compliment the function of the Court House by providing a venue for artist groups to exhibit their work, for the Historical Societies of Boroondara to meet, and for study groups to meet, for activities such as play and poetry readings. It will be a Hub for the Arts in Kew. Of course none of this can happen unless the money to pay for restoration of the buildings is raised, and we only have until March 2007 in which to do this. The City of Boroondara, Kew Historical Society and the East Kew Community Bank are working together as a team to make this dream a reality, but WE NEED YOUR HELP. This is a fantastic one-off opportunity, and it must not be wasted. Donations to the Appeal can be made through the Kew East Kew Community Bank or any branch of the Bendigo Bank, or through the Kew Historical Society Inc., P.O. Box 175 Kew Vic 3101. All donations over $2 are tax deductible through the Community Enterprise Foundation. End Media Release Kew Courthouse future looks bright The State Government has accepted an offer from the local government of Boroondara to purchase the former Kew Courthouse and Police Station, Minister for Finance John Lenders said today. In a joint statement with the Mayor of Boroondara, Councillor Jack Wegman, Mr Lenders said he was pleased that agreement had been reached and the contract of sale document finalised. “I welcome the Council making this step towards purchasing this property after recent negotiations,” Mr Lenders said. “The settlement date for the purchase of the property is March 2007. The State government sold the property to Council at a reduced cost of $825,000 for community use. The full value of the buildings on the commercial marketplace was estimated to be about $2million,” he said. Cr Wegman said the Contract of Sale provides that if the funds cannot be raised to restore the property for use as community buildings then they will be returned to the State government. In relation to this additional funding to restore and modernise the buildings, Council and the community will work together over the next eight months, with the encouragement of the State government, Cr Wegman said. Mr Lenders said both he and the Premier had advised the Council of fundraising opportunities to help the Council convert the property for its future use. Cr Wegman noted that applications for funding from the Community Support Fund and for State government heritage grants were being processed. “Council has agreed to a Memorandum of Understanding with the Kew Historical Society outlining arrangements for the Kew Court House Restoration Appeal and Council is delighted with the level of support shown by the community and is confident of a bright future for these historic buildings.” Mr Lenders said the Bracks Government is committed to securing the best outcome when buildings that have once served the community outlive their original purpose. “There is a responsibility for Governments to practice good financial management and achieve the best possible price when an asset is longer used by the State,” he said. “There is also a responsibility to consider the local community. The Government and City of Boroondara have worked hard to achieve a balance between these two interests.” The building ceased to operate as a courthouse in 1971 and as a police station in 2002. Part of the building was also used as a post office and this section of the building was sold by the Commonwealth in 1992 to a private owner and is currently run as a licensed restaurant. It is listed on the State's Heritage Register as a place of historical and architectural significance and is protected by the Victorian Heritage Act. Created: 30 August 2006 Last Update: 10 January 2007 Colour photograph of the Kew Historical Society holding an event in the Former Kew Court House.kew, kew court house, kew historical society, meeting, city of boroondara

We don?t leave our identities at the city limits: Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander people living in urban localities Bronwyn Fredericks Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander people who live in cities and towns are often thought of as ?less Indigenous? than those who live ?in the bush?, as though they are ?fake? Aboriginal people ? while ?real? Aboriginal people live ?on communities? and ?real? Torres Strait Islander people live ?on islands?. Yet more than 70 percent of Australia?s Indigenous peoples live in urban locations (ABS 2007), and urban living is just as much part of a reality for Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander people as living in remote discrete communities. This paper examines the contradictions and struggles that Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander people experience when living in urban environments. It looks at the symbols of place and space on display in the Australian cities of Melbourne and Brisbane to demonstrate how prevailing social, political and economic values are displayed. Symbols of place and space are never neutral, and this paper argues that they can either marginalise and oppress urban Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander people, or demonstrate that they are included and engaged. Juggling with pronouns: Racist discourse in spoken interaction on the radio Di Roy While the discourse of deficit with regard to Australian Indigenous health and wellbeing has been well documented in print media and through images on film and on television, radio talk concerning this discourse remains underresearched. This paper interrogates the power of an interactive news interview, aired on the Radio National Breakfast program on ABC Radio in 2011, to maintain and reproduce the discourse of deficit, despite the best intentions of the interview participants. Using a conversation-analytical approach, and membership categorisation analysis in particular, this paper interrogates the spoken interaction between a well-known radio interviewer and a respected medical researcher into Indigenous eye health. It demonstrates the recreation of a discourse emanating from longstanding hegemonies between mainstream and Indigenous Australians. Analysis of firstperson pronoun use shows the ongoing negotiation of social category boundaries and construction of moral identities through ascriptions to category members, upon which the intelligibility of the interview for the listening audience depended. The findings from analysis support claims in a considerable body of whiteness studies literature, the main themes of which include the pervasiveness of a racist discourse in Australian media and society, the power of invisible assumptions, and the importance of naming and exposing them. Changes in Pitjantjatjara mourning and burial practices Bill Edwards, University of South Australia This paper is based on observations over a period of more than five decades of changes in Pitjantjatjara burial practices from traditional practices to the introduction of Christian services and cemeteries. Missions have been criticised for enforcing such changes. However, in this instance, the changes were implemented by the Aboriginal people themselves. Following brief outlines of Pitjantjatjara traditional life, including burial practices, and of the establishment of Ernabella Mission in 1937 and its policy of respect for Pitjantjatjara cultural practices and language, the history of these changes which commenced in 1973 are recorded. Previously, deceased bodies were interred according to traditional rites. However, as these practices were increasingly at odds with some of the features of contemporary social, economic and political life, two men who had lost close family members initiated church funeral services and established a cemetery. These practices soon spread to most Pitjantjatjara communities in a manner which illustrates the model of change outlined by Everett Rogers (1962) in Diffusion of Innovations. Reference is made to four more recent funerals to show how these events have been elaborated and have become major social occasions. The world from Malarrak: Depictions of South-east Asian and European subjects in rock art from the Wellington Range, Australia Sally K May, Paul SC Ta�on, Alistair Paterson, Meg Travers This paper investigates contact histories in northern Australia through an analysis of recent rock paintings. Around Australia Aboriginal artists have produced a unique record of their experiences of contact since the earliest encounters with South-east Asian and, later, European visitors and settlers. This rock art archive provides irreplaceable contemporary accounts of Aboriginal attitudes towards, and engagement with, foreigners on their shores. Since 2008 our team has been working to document contact period rock art in north-western and western Arnhem Land. This paper focuses on findings from a site complex known as Malarrak. It includes the most thorough analysis of contact rock art yet undertaken in this area and questions previous interpretations of subject matter and the relationship of particular paintings to historic events. Contact period rock art from Malarrak presents us with an illustrated history of international relationships in this isolated part of the world. It not only reflects the material changes brought about by outside cultural groups but also highlights the active role Aboriginal communities took in responding to these circumstances. Addressing the Arrernte: FJ Gillen?s 1896 Engwura speech Jason Gibson, Australian National University This paper analyses a speech delivered by Francis James Gillen during the opening stages of what is now regarded as one of the most significant ethnographic recording events in Australian history. Gillen?s ?speech? at the 1896 Engwura festival provides a unique insight into the complex personal relationships that early anthropologists had with Aboriginal people. This recently unearthed text, recorded by Walter Baldwin Spencer in his field notebook, demonstrates how Gillen and Spencer sought to establish the parameters of their anthropological enquiry in ways that involved both Arrernte agency and kinship while at the same time invoking the hierarchies of colonial anthropology in Australia. By examining the content of the speech, as it was written down by Spencer, we are also able to reassesses the importance of Gillen to the ethnographic ambitions of the Spencer/Gillen collaboration. The incorporation of fundamental Arrernte concepts and the use of Arrernte words to convey the purpose of their 1896 fieldwork suggest a degree of Arrernte involvement and consent not revealed before. The paper concludes with a discussion of the outcomes of the Engwura festival and the subsequent publication of The Native Tribes of Central Australia within the context of a broader set of relationships that helped to define the emergent field of Australian anthropology at the close of the nineteenth century. One size doesn?t fit all: Experiences of family members of Indigenous gamblers Louise Holdsworth, Helen Breen, Nerilee Hing and Ashley Gordon Centre for Gambling Education and Research, Southern Cross University This study explores help-seeking and help-provision by family members of Indigenous people experiencing gambling problems, a topic that previously has been ignored. Data are analysed from face-to-face interviews with 11 family members of Indigenous Australians who gamble regularly. The results confirm that substantial barriers are faced by Indigenous Australians in accessing formal help services and programs, whether for themselves or a loved one. Informal help from family and friends appears more common. In this study, this informal help includes emotional care, practical support and various forms of ?tough love?. However, these measures are mostly in vain. Participants emphasise that ?one size doesn?t fit all? when it comes to avenues of gambling help for Indigenous peoples. Efforts are needed to identify how Indigenous families and extended families can best provide social and practical support to assist their loved ones to acknowledge and address gambling problems. Western Australia?s Aboriginal heritage regime: Critiques of culture, ethnography, procedure and political economy Nicholas Herriman, La Trobe University Western Australia?s Aboriginal Heritage Act 1972 (WA) and the de facto arrangements that have arisen from it constitute a large part of the Aboriginal ?heritage regime? in that state. Although designed ostensibly to protect Aboriginal heritage, the heritage regime has been subjected to various scholarly critiques. Indeed, there is a widespread perception of a need to reform the Act. But on what basis could this proceed? Here I offer an analysis of these critiques, grouped according to their focus on political economy, procedure, ethnography and culture. I outline problems surrounding the first three criticisms and then discuss two versions of the cultural critique. I argue that an extreme version of this criticism is weak and inconsistent with the other three critiques. I conclude that there is room for optimism by pointing to ways in which the heritage regime could provide more beneficial outcomes for Aboriginal people. Read With Me Everyday: Community engagement and English literacy outcomes at Erambie Mission (research report) Lawrence Bamblett Since 2009 Lawrie Bamblett has been working with his community at Erambie Mission on a literacy project called Read With Me. The programs - three have been carried out over the past four years - encourage parents to actively engage with their children?s learning through reading workshops, social media, and the writing and publication of their own stories. Lawrie attributes much of the project?s extraordinary success to the intrinsic character of the Erambie community, not least of which is their communal approach to living and sense of shared responsibility. The forgotten Yuendumu Men?s Museum murals: Shedding new light on the progenitors of the Western Desert Art Movement (research report) Bethune Carmichael and Apolline Kohen In the history of the Western Desert Art Movement, the Papunya School murals are widely acclaimed as the movement?s progenitors. However, in another community, Yuendumu, some 150 kilometres from Papunya, a seminal museum project took place prior to the completion of the Papunya School murals and the production of the first Papunya boards. The Warlpiri men at Yuendumu undertook a ground-breaking project between 1969 and 1971 to build a men?s museum that would not only house ceremonial and traditional artefacts but would also be adorned with murals depicting the Dreamings of each of the Warlpiri groups that had recently settled at Yuendumu. While the murals at Papunya are lost, those at Yuendumu have, against all odds, survived. Having been all but forgotten, this unprecedented cultural and artistic endeavour is only now being fully appreciated. Through the story of the genesis and construction of the Yuendumu Men?s Museum and its extensive murals, this paper demonstrates that the Yuendumu murals significantly contributed to the early development of the Western Desert Art Movement. It is time to acknowledge the role of Warlpiri artists in the history of the movement.b&w photographs, colour photographsracism, media, radio, pitjantjatjara, malarrak, wellington range, rock art, arrernte, fj gillen, engwura, indigenous gambling, ethnography, literacy, erambie mission, yuendumu mens museum, western desert art movement

Folder: 895 Main Road, Eltham Contents Listing 1. Certificate of Title; Vol. 8424, Fol. 334, 5 February 1963 2. Certificate of Title; Lot 2, Plan of Subdivision No. 63242, Parish of Nillumbik, Vol. 8479, Fol. 283, 18 May 1964 (Eltham War Memorial Trust) 3. Newspaper article: Extensions to shire offices will benefit all, by Fab Calafuri, Diamond Valley News, Tuesday, July 8, 1986, p6 [Reverse side, p5, Residents rally to save dam by Helen Gillman about Peck’s Dam in Napier Street, Montmorency] 4. Office memo: Temporary Shutdown of Water Supply Shire Offices – Tuesday 9 March 1993; Anthony Guzzo, 5 March 1993 – Melbourne Water advice due to works on new library 5. Plan of Old Municipal Offices, date and creator unknown 6. Newspaper clipping: Move to convert shire office for police use, by Jodie Haythorne, Diamond Valley News, May 1995 7. Newspaper clipping: Sale of Eltham office / Removal of Question time; Nillumbik Happenings, Mountain Views, 15 May 1995 8. Newspaper clipping: Bid for TAFE campus, Mountain Views, 25 September 1995, p8 9. Newspaper clipping: Will the former Shire of Eltham offices become a TAFE college?, The Advertiser, circa September 1995 [Reverse side; Jezza! Photo of football legend Alex Jesaulenko at Watsonia RSL also Advertisement: Maternal and Child Health Centre Timetable] 10. Newspaper clipping: Eltham may get TAFE campus in shire offices, by Fiona Kaegi and Natalie Town, and Nillumbik set for rate cuts, Diamond Valley News, circa September 1995 [Reverse side; Art for hope – article about artist Damien Curtain at Hurstbridge Primary School] 11. Newspaper clipping: More talks on TAFE, The Advertiser, Tuesday, October 17, 1995, p3 – includes photos of Nillumbik Chief Commissioner Don Cordell, Box Hill College of TAFE Executive Director Andrew Jackson and Niillumbik CEO Barry Rochford; Eltham MP Wayne Phillips with Eltham Chamber of Commerce President Norm Williams and Rotary Club of Eltham President Peter Bishop; Eltham College principal John Brennan with St Helena Secondary College head Ken Cunningham and Eltham High School principal Ron Edwards. [On reverse, p4, Sorry sag of botched relations, Jock Kyme] 12. Newspaper clipping: Eltham hails TAFE take-over, by Fiona Kaegi and Council to hold regular briefings, Diamond Valley News, 18 October 1995 13. Newspaper clipping (photocopy): Why no council office at Eltham?, Mark Burns, Letters, Diamond Valley News, 18 October 1995 14. Newspaper clipping: Future of Eltham office?, Mountain Views, Monday, October 23, 1995, p8 15. Newspaper clipping: Council seeks opinions on former shire offices, by Fiona Kaegi, Diamond Valley News, 25 October 1995 16. Newspaper clipping: Shire office move, The Advertiser, December 1995 17. Newspaper clipping: Former shire offices up for sale; possibly Diamond Valley News, December 1995 18. Newspaper clipping: Agents to sell shire office, Mountain Views, Monday, December 18, 1995, p8 19. Newspaper clipping: Advertisement; Nillumbik Shire Council Proposed Sale or Lease of Eltham Municipal Offices, Diamond Valley News, 10 January 1996 20. Newspaper clipping: No Submissions on Eltham Shire Offices, Diamond Valley-Whittlesea Advertiser, 30 January 1996, p1 21. Photocopy: Minutes of Ordinary Council Meeting, 31 January 1996, 7.4 Sale or Lease of Former Eltham Municipal Offices 22. Photocopy: Letter HTW Valuers to Nillumbik Shire Council, Valuation of former Eltham Municipal Offices at $1.45 million, 31 January 1996 23. Newspaper clipping: New G’boro, Eltham places, Diamond Valley-Whittlesea Advertiser, Tuesday, March 26, 1996, p4 [on reverse, p3, ALP Faithful at Montsalvat] 24. Newspaper clipping: Legal costs a hurdle for action group, by Laeta Antonysen, Diamond Valley News, 16 April 1996 25. Photocopy (91 pages): Tender Documents for purchase of Former Eltham Shire Offices 895 Main Road, Eltham, Prepared for Nillumbik Shire Council, Maddock Lonie & Chisholm, Melbourne. Tenders close at 3.00pm on 24 April 1996 26. Newspaper clipping (Photocopy): Building’s asbestos riddle. By Fiona Kaegi, Diamond Valley News, 26 June 1996 27. Photocopy: Minutes of Ordinary Council Meeting, 26 June 1996, 11.43/96 Sale of Eltham Offices, Main Road, Eltham 28. Media Release (Photocopy of facsimile from Barry Rochford, CEO): Community Facilities in New Gateway to Eltham, 28 June 1996 29. Photocopy (A3): TPA1 – Site Plan 1:200 Proposed Convenience Centre At Main Road Eltham, Baldasso Cortese Pty Ltd Architects, Collingwood, July 1996 30. Newspaper clipping: ‘Whopper’ For Eltham?, Letters, Sigmund Jorgensen, The Advertiser, Tuesday, July 2, 1996, p3 31. Newspaper clipping: Ex-shire offices to go, by Fiona Kaegi, Diamond Valley News, 3 July 1996, p1 32. Photocopy Newspaper clipping: Unsuccessful bidders criticise sale of offices, by Fiona Kaegi, Diamond Valley News, 10 July 1996 33. Newspaper clipping: Insensitive proposal, Sue Dyet, Letters, Diamond Valley Newsm 17 July 1996 34. Photocopy: Minutes of Ordinary Council Meeting, 17 July 1996, 7.116/96 Sale of Eltham Offices, Main Road, Eltham 35. Newspaper clipping: Former shire office sale angers residents, Diamond Valley News, 30 July 1996, p3 36. Newspaper clipping: Eltham Offices Demolition, ‘You can’t demolish city hall’, The Advertiser, Tuesday, July 30, 1996, pp14-15 features photos of Eltham protestors, Thelma Barkway, Harry Gilham, Jenni Mitchell, Jock Kyme and David Essex 37. Photocopy (A3): TPA1 – Site Plan Proposed Convenience Centre, Main Road, Eltham, Graeme Bentley Landscape Architects, August 1996 38. Newspaper clipping (Photocopy): Letters; Disbelief at plans, Margaret Jennings; Lack of respect, Mike Jansz; Community opinion, Sigmund Jorgensen, Diamond Valley News, circa August 1996 39. Newspaper clipping (Photocopy): ‘There was no conflict of interest’, The Advertiser, Tuesday, August 4, 1996 40. Newspaper clipping: Chamber supports plans, by Jodie Guest, Diamond Valley News, 7 August 1996 41. Newspaper clipping (Photocopy): Letters; Adding to the price, Kelly Fitzpatrick; Area being torn apart, Jenni Bundy, Diamond Valley News, 7 August 1996 42. Newspaper clipping: Labor joins battle to save offices, by Fiona Kaegi, Diamond Valley News, (7?) August 1996 43. Newspaper clipping: Letters to the Editor; ‘Atrocious assault of commercialism’, Lois Loftus-Hills, The Advertiser, Tuesday, August 13, 1996, p9 44. Newspaper clipping: Letters; Roll up for the show, Kahn Franke; Thanks for turn-out, Margaret Jennings; Way past time, Jenni Bundy; Angry at the vandalism (continued p13 missing), Diamond Valley News, August 14, 1996, p12 45. Newspaper clipping: ‘Enough is enough’ states John Cohen; Letters to the Editor, Diamond Valley-Whittlesea Advertisers, Tuesday, August 20, 1996, p2 [Reverse, p1, Trade boost at Diamond Creek] 46. Newspaper clipping: Public viewing, Diamond Valley News, 4 September 1996, p 47. Newspaper clipping: Letters; Chiefs must resign, Gayle Blackwood; Time to have your say, Margaret Jennings; Sensible balance, Gwen Jakins; Recycling: a fine example, Grace Mitchell; Limits on site use, Stephen Clendinnen; Diamond Valley News, 4 September 1996, p4 48. Newspaper clipping: Letters; A lasting memorial, Ken and Laurel Eckersell; Stripping assets, Jack Lawson; Diamond Valley News, 4 September 1996, p29 49. Newspaper clipping: Letters; Nillumbik: in the eye of the beholder, Sigmund Jorgensen; ‘Crying inside’ over Eltham Shire office, Grace Mitchell; The Advertiser, Tuesday, September 10, 1996, 2 50. Newspaper clipping: Public Notice; Notice of an Application for Planning Permit, Dallas price Homes Pty Ltd, Diamond Valley News, 11 September 1996 51. Newspaper clipping (Photocopy): Timing was the problem: chief, by Laeta Antonysen, Diamond Valley News, 11 September 1996 52. Newspaper clipping: Letters; Architectural monstrosity, Jenni Bundy; Bargain price, Gavin Gray; Paying for road works, Sue Dyet; Diamond Valley News, 11 September 1996 [ on reverse, articles on Queen’s Guide Nicola Blay (photo) and Plenty River and Diamond Creek waterways] 53. Newspaper clipping: Eltham Hub Plans on Show, The Advertiser, Tuesday, September 17, 1996, p1 54. Newspaper clipping: Bleeding halted: Commish and Letters; Sigmund’s credibility gap, David Nolte; ‘Double standards’, Ros Harris, The Advertiser, Tuesday, September 17, 1996, p3 55. Newspaper clipping: Gateway to the future; Plans on display, public comments sought, by Laeta Antonysen, Diamond Valley News, September 18, 1996, p8 [Reverse, p7, Policy limits event signs, and, Council ‘arrogant’ on ward option: MP] 56. Newspaper clipping (Photocopy): 19 on council inquiry list, by Jodie Guest, Diamond Valley News, 18 September 1996 – about council listing 19 people who are only to be dealt with directly by CEO, Barry Rochford 57. Newspaper clipping (Photocopy): Eltham is wonderful, Sigmund Jorgensen, Letters, The Advertiser, Tuesday, September 24, 1996, p4 58. Objection to Grant of Planning Permit (Photocopy): Russell Yeoman per Eltham District Historical Society Inc. re application 960376 for petrol station, convenience shop, retail shop, etc to be issued to Dallas price Homes Pty Ltd, 25 September 1996 59. Newspaper clipping (Photocopy): Public meeting, Eltham Gateway Action Group – to discuss latest plans to develop former shire office site on Sunday 4 September 1996; publication unknown, possibly Diamond Valley News 60. Newspaper clipping: Minister orders sale probe, by Jodie Guest, Diamond Valley News, Wednesday, October 12, 1996, p1 61. Newspaper clipping: Letters; Headline could mislead, Wayne Phillips, Member for Eltham, The Advertiser, Tuesday, October 8, 1996, p3 62. Newspaper clipping: Letters; Few jobs for young, Margaret Jennings; The whole truth, Alan Ramsay, Diamond Valley News, October 9, 1996, p12 63. Newspaper clipping: Public outcry at Abbott veto with ‘reserve power’; 200 residents yell abuse as commissioners give ok to Eltham service station, The Advertiser, Tuesday, October 15, 1996, p1 64. Newspaper clipping: Letters; Eltham Hub briochure has ‘trees that are a fiction’, Lois Lofus-Hills, The Advertiser, Tuesday, October 15, 1996, p2 65. Newspaper clipping: Shrewd tactics row, by Jodie Guest, Diamond Valley News, Wednesday, October 16, 1996, p1 66. Newspaper clipping: Residents have their say on former shire offices, by Jodie Guest, and, Anger over reserve power, by Laeta Antonysen, Diamond Valley News, Wednesday, October 16, 1996, p9 67. Newspaper clipping: Office sale report will not be made public, Diamond Valley News, October 23, 1996 [Reverse, article featuring Youth development officer, Ian Patching] 68. Newspaper clipping: Letters; Happening in a hurry, Peter Dodds; Development unsuitable, Mark Burns; Vale those dreamers, Sigmund Jorgensen, Diamond Valley News, October 23, 1996, two pages unidentified 69. Newspaper clipping: Group to fight council decision on office site, by Laeta Antonysen, Diamond Valley News, October 26, 1996 – re Eltham Gateway Action Group taking Council to the Administrative Appeal Tribunal over approval of controversial development [Reverse, article on Bend of Islands place name] 70. Newspaper clipping: Three days allowed to hear objection, by John Dubois, Diamond Valley New, December 4, 1996 71. Newspaper clipping: Letters; Site traffic dangers, Frank Burgoyne; Thanks for support, Margaret Jennings, Diamond Valley News, noted in pen as 8 December 1996 though probably 11 December 1996 [Reverse, What about that link, asks council, by Natalie Town – about ring road between Greensborough and Ringwood] 72. Newspaper clipping: Minister to rule on proposal, by Fiona Kaegi, Diamond Valley News, December 18, 1996 73. Report (Photocopy, 31 pages): Convenience Centre Development Proposal: Italian Cypress at Former Eltham Shire Offices Site, Main Rd. Eltham, Graeme Butler & Associates, 1997 74. Newspaper clipping: People unite to battle project, by Fiona Kaegi, Diamond Valley News, February 19, 1997 75. Letter (Photocopy): Ms B Martin to Fiona Kaegi to be submitted for Letters to the Editor, Diamond Valley News 26 March 1996 edition 76. Letter (Photocopy): Thelma Barkway to Fiona Kaegi to be submitted for Letters to the Editor, Diamond Valley News 26 March 1996 edition 77. Newspaper clipping: Legal Battle, by Fiona Kaegi, Diamond Valley News, Wednesday, April 2, 1997 78. Newspaper clipping: Site Row Saga, by Laeta Antonysen, Diamond Valley News, Wednesday, April 9, 1997 79. Newspaper clipping: Community fears loss of heritage, by Laeta Antonysen, Diamond Valley News, April 9, 1997 80. Newspaper clipping: Debate erupts over service station plan, by Laeta Antonysen, Diamond Valley News, April 9, 1997 [Reverse, ‘No’ to rates hike proposal] 81. Newspaper clipping: Letter to the Editor; “Your front-page last week is considerable inaccurate … a surplus of $14,000 is expected at 30 June 1977.”, Robert Marshall, The Advertiser, April 28, 1997, p1 82. Newspaper clipping: $1.1m Debt Plan, by Fiona Keagi, Diamond Valley News, Wednesday, April 23, 1997, p1 and continued on p24, Shire to defer works programs 83. Newspaper clipping: Blast for Council, by Laeta Antonysen, Diamond Valley News, Wednesday, April 30, 1997, p1 and continued on p7, ‘Experts’ oppose plans for shire site. 84. Newspaper clipping: Photo – Uncertainty: the future of the former Eltham Shire office site is still to be decided by Planning Minister Rob Maclellan., Diamond Valley News, April 30, 1997 [ Reverse; Not your average convenience store, by Laeta Antonysen] 85. Newspaper clipping: Shire site decision soon, Diamond Valley News, May 28, 1997 86. Newspaper clipping: Letters to the Editor; Features to protect, Ken Eckersell, Diamond Valley News, June 4, 1997 87. Newspaper clipping: Costly bun fight over shire offices, by Laeta Antonysen, Diamond Valley News, July 2, 1997 [reverse, Montsalvat plans season of festivals, by Fiona Kaegi] 88. Newspaper clipping: Shire office shemozzle, Diamond Valley News, July 2, 1997 – provides a brief timeline of events June 1996 to April 22, 1997 89. Newspaper clipping: Law Suit Threat, by Fiona Kaegi and Laeta Antonysen, Diamond Valley News, Wednesday, July 9, 1997, p1 90. Newspaper clipping: Report rejects store plan, and, Residents with panel, Diamond Valley News, Wednesday, July 9, 1997 91. Newspaper clipping: Councillors meet Shell developer, by Laeta Antonysen, Diamond Valley News, July 30, 1997 92. Newspaper clipping: Deadline extended to allow more talks, by Fiona Kaegi, Diamond Valley News, August 8, 1997. Also Curves to stay in link road about Nillumbik’s realignment plans for Diamond Creek’s ‘windy mile’ [Reverse, Shire tightens grants scheme] 93. Newspaper clipping: $10m option for shire office site, by Laeta Antonysen, Diamond Valley News, September 10, 1997 94. Newspaper clipping: New plan for shire office site, by Laeta Antonysen, and , Council refuses to do trade with developer, Diamond Valley News, September 17, 1997, p12 [ Reverse, p11, Mixed reaction to kangaroo culling] 95. Newspaper clipping: Gateway plan review, by Laeta Antonysen, Diamond Valley News, October 22, 1997, p3 96. Newspaper clipping: Top planner calls for rethink on office site, by Jodie Guest, Diamond Valley News (includes photo of John Pizzey) 97. Newspaper clipping: Opposition offers help on planning, by Jamie Duncan, Diamond Valley News, November 5, 1997, p3 (includes photo of Opposition Leader John Brumby and Nillumbik Shire President Robert Marshall at the Eltham Gateway site) 98. Letter (Photocopy): Russell Yeoman, Secretary, Eltham District Historical SAociety to Mr B. Rochford, CEO, Nillumbik Shire Council, 15 November 1997 with specific reference to the health of the three “Shillinglaw” trees 99. Newspaper clipping: Puzzlement over delay on office site, by Laeta Antonysen, Diamond Valley News, November 19, 1997 100. Newspaper clipping: Developer pulls out, by Laeta Antonysen, Diamond Valley News, December 10, 1997, p3, and, Council uproar over officers [Reverse, p4, Final victory – announcing resignation of Jenni Mitchell as president of Etham Gateway Action Group] 101. Newspaper clipping: Letters; Asset of pride, Sigmund Jorgensen, Diamond Valley News, January 14, 1998 102. Newspaper clipping: Minister ‘no’ to plan, by Laeta Antonysen, Diamond Valley News, February 11, 1998, p3 103. Newspaper clipping: Shell shocked as Eltham planning protest is upheld, by Gabrielle Costa, date and publication unknown; possibly The Age, February 1998 104. Newspaper clipping: Land review, by Laeta Antonysen, Diamond Valley News, April 1, 1998 105. Newspaper clipping: Bid to move shire offices to new site, by Laeta Antonysen, Diamond Valley News not specifically about 895 Main Road but former Diamond Valley Shire Offices at Civic Drive, Greensborough, circa June 1998 106. Newspaper clipping: Letters; What about us?, Gayle Blackwood, Diamond Valley News, circa June 10, 1998 107. Letter (Photocopy): Sigmund Jorgensen to Kahn Franke, 1 July 1998 re advertisement and list of contributors 108. Advertisement (Photocopy): Show that democracy is not dead in Nillumbik !!!, Saturday 17 Oct. 1998 109. Newspaper clipping: Arts dream shattered, by Natalie Birch, Diamond Valley Leader, July 17, 2002, p3 – Council about to dump plans for an arts centre on former office site 110. Newspaper clipping: Letters; This site belongs to the people, John Cohen; Pro-development, Jenni Bundy, Diamond Valley Leader, May 21, 2003 111. Discussion Paper: Community Use of Site, 895 Main Road Eltham, 8 pages, Gayle Blackwood, Sue Dyet, Ken Eckersell, 25 August 2003 with supporting drafts dated August 5 and 6. 112. Newspaper clipping: Shire plan ‘sacrilegious’; Residents fight war memorial sale, by Dave Cropssthwaite, Diamond Valley Leader, Nillumbik Edition, Wednesday, August 18, 2004, p1 – about council plans to sell Eltham War memorial and former Shire Office sites 113. Newspaper clipping: Land sales to come under more debate, by Dave Crossthwaite, Diamond Valley Leader, September 15, 2004, p5 114. Newspaper clipping: Council saves ex-office site, axes club plan, Diamond Valley Leader, March 30, 2005 115. Newspaper clipping: Letters; Ask the people, John Cohen, Diamond Valley Leader, April 6, 2005, p20 116. Newspaper clipping: Shire moving for public use zoning on Eltham landmark sites, Diamond Valley Leader, October 25, 2006 117. Newspaper clipping: Letters; Consultation a sham, Carol Doherty; Civic centre excellent, Marguerite Marshall; Only Eltham counts, Carmel Jacobsen, Diamond Valley Leader, May 22, 2007 [Reverse, Disability a test for councillor (Bo Bendtsen)] 118. Newspaper clipping: Advertisement; Nillumbik Planning Scheme, Approval of Amendment C49 – rezoning of 895 and 903-907 Main Road, Diamond Valley Leader, September 5, 2007, p7 119. Newspaper clipping: Illustration; An artist’s impression of the proposed Nillumbik civic centre in Main Rd., Diamond Valley Leader, June 25, 2008 [Reverse, City link with learning – about Eltham College setting up a city campus for Year 9 students, with photo featuring principal Dr David Warner and students] 120. Newspaper clipping: Civic centre forecast withdrawn, Diamond Valley Leader, July 2, 2008 121. Letter: Nillumbik Shire Council, 5 September 2008, re Civic Future Project 122. Letter: Nillumbik Shire Council to EDHS, 5 October 2008, re Civic Future Project 123. Letter (Copy): Mrs D. Bassett-Smith to Mayor and Councillors, 17 April 2009 re former shire office site and future community use 124. Letter (Copy): Eltham District Historical Society to Bill Forrest, CEO, Nillumbik Shire Council, 1 August 2009, in support of D. Bassett-Smith letter of 17 April 2009 and response from Council, 12 August 2009 125. Newspaper clipping: Hotel mooted for site, by Brittany Shanahan, Diamond Valley Leader, July 5, 2017 126. Newspaper clipping: Letters; Fury, surprise and support for Eltham development; Re: Grand plan for Eltham’s jewel (February 7), Cath McLardy, Diamond Valley Leader, February 14, 2008, p14 [Reverse, p13, Learning from the fateful day; the devastation on that day in 2009 will always stay in Steve Warrington’s mind. He recalls the tragedy] 127. Newspaper clipping: Letters; Plan to fight council on land sell-off, Jennifer Ambrudge and others, Diamond Valley Leader, February 14, 2018, p15 – about council plan to sell off reserves and shire office site and Eltham War Memorial 128. Newspaper clipping: Plans for site urged, by Brittany Shanahan, Diamond Valley Leader, September 5, 2018 129. Newspaper clipping: Approach under fire; Council plans for historic shire site raises eyebrows, by Brittany Shanahan, Diamond Valley Leader, September 19, 2018 130. Newspaper clipping: Advertisement; Our plan for a revitalised Eltham, Nillumbik Shire Council, Diamond Valley Leader, Wednesday, October 3, 2018, p7 131. Notice: Eltham Community Town Meeting, Saturday 134th October 2018 – about council plans to sell off community reserves and assets – along with flyer for Eltham Community Action Group 132. Essay A4 18 pages: An essay addressed to the Councillors of Nillumbik Shire, October 2018 (with addendum 7 November), Andrew Lemon 133. Photocopy Marked Up Flyer: The story behind 895 and 903-907 Main Road, Eltham – the heart of Eltham’s Town Centre, with marked up comments by Eltham Community Action Group, collected 9 December 2018 134. Newspaper clipping: Calls to fix ‘outdated’ site; negotiations cease with developers amid renewed push to improve civic space at Main St. Eltham, by Anthony Plovesan, Diamond Valley Leader, May 29, 2019, p5 135. Newspaper clipping: Ex-council site flagged for hospital; Councillor suggests former Eltham headquarters would be ideal spot, by Anthony Plovesan, Diamond Valley Leader, October 30, 2019, p3 136. Concept plan: Proposal; Nillumbik Cultural Gallery with Art Cinema, Restaurant, Tourism, Preliminary Sketch Design G, Barry Pearce Architect and Designer, 8 April 2022, 8 pagesmain road, eltham, property, houses, shops, businesses, shillinglaw trees, eltham shire offices site

This item was produced for commercial shops and other traders in a period, 1800 to the 1950s. They were used because they were extremely cost effective, speedy, easy to learn and simple to use. It was also at a time before pocket calculators and electric cash tills were produced. The reckoners were a fast and accurate accounting book for a ever increasing bulk purchasing industry. These reckoners were at the start of a business principle "time is money" The reckoner was also looked upon as a way of reducing staff errors in the calculation field. This reckoner was highly valued to a rural industry in the Kiewa Valley because of the bulk produce being bought and sold here. Produce such as milk, tobacco, cattle, timber and fruits relied on weights and quantities calculation for cost pricing. Electrical machines were not of use in "the field or paddock" where important price negotiations took place. For a successful business to keep going accuracy was upper most to producers. It was still a time where honest transactions built reputations and tardiness ruined them. It was a time when a producer's word was his bond and a gentleman's handshake was as good as a contract. This attitude lasted a lot longer in rural regions than in the city. A producer's reputation was based on face to face negotiations and honesty.This hard cover book (blue in colour) contains 210 pages of black numbers and headings on light yellow pages (aged). The numbers refer to calculations of per unit price of goods and percentages.Top of front cover "Inglis Reckoners" underneath "The 'Express' Ready Reckoner", underneath "with All the Pence up to 1(pound symbol), Interest, Wages, Discount, Tables Etc." The spine: The Express Ready Reckoner with all the pence up to 1 (pound symbol) Interest Wages Discount Tables &c." underneath " The Express Series Vol 1" at the bottom of spine "Gall & Inglis"inlis, ready reckoner, imperial calculations

An inter-club memorandum advising of the Board's approval to establish a hostel for Junior Legatees, later to be known as Holmbush, and ultimately as Blamey House. Holmbush was the first residential accommodation operated by Melbourne Legacy, and was established in 1942. It accommodated boys aged between 9 and 19, usually attending secondary school. In 1956, Holmbush became known as Blamey House. It was located not far from another Legacy home, Stanhope (1245 Burke Road). Residents of Holmbush and other Legacy homes were the children of deceased ex-servicemen. Sometimes residents at Legacy homes were both children of ex-servicemen and wards of state. In 1956, Blamey House, another Legacy children's home formerly in Beaumaris moved into the Holmbush property in Kew, and it was renamed Blamey House. Location 1942 - 1956? Address - Holmbush was located at 1267 Burke Road, Kew. Location: Kew Early record of the establishment of one of Melbourne Legacy's residences.Typed memo, black on white with blue letterhead outlining the agreement of the JLC board to proceed with the hostel for boys.residences, holmbush initial negotiations

The care of children was a major part of Legacy work in the 1950s, many of whom would have lost their fathers in WWII. The minutes document the fostering of children by individual legatees, and their living conditions at Holmbush. It is clear that the children made do with whatever clothes could be afforded, and they were strongly encouraged to to study. Discipline was commensurate with what was acceptable at the time, and the children were expected to do their share of chores around the home.Complete set of minutes for the year 1955 with details of the children in care at Holmbush, their environment and activities.Foolscap typed sheets, black type on faded white paper 00279.1 26.1.1955 00279.2 7.2.1955 00279.3 8.3.1955 00279.4 20.4.1955 00279.5 26.5.1955 00279.6 27.6.1955 00279.7 26.7.1955 00279.8 13.8.1955 00279.9 7.9.1955 00279.10 10.10.1955 00279.11 10.11.1955 residences, holmbush initial negotiations, committee, holmbush

Initial rules for the running of Holmbush and for the intended residents, with the aim of providing a 'private family residence of the best type' for Junior Legatees admitted by the Management Committee, including a list of clothing each resident was expected to bring.Details of how the Melbourne Legacy residence was to be run reveal how much work and time the Legatees invested in looking after Junior Legatees and how seriously they took this responsibility in 1943.Quarto carbon copy of typed rules, black on faded white'Approved J.L.C. 1943' handwritten in blue ink.residences, holmbush administration, holmbush initial negotiations, rules

Retrieved from a file marked "Holmbush (later Blamey House)" Refers to the needs of Legacy children which led to the establishment of Melbourne Legacy residences, and gives an indication of costs at that time as well as the attitudes of the times. Although it is undated, it must have been written before 1943. One of the earliest documents relating to the Melbourne Legacy residences.Two typed quarto sheets, black on white, undated, two punched holes for filing,"Original memorandum prepared by L/Craig and circulated among J.L.C."holmbush initial negotiations, residences

Notes from the meeting of the Junior Legatee Committee held on 28 September 1942 reveal how Legatees perceived the need to establish a residence for juniors. The notes detail the type of residence which would be appropriate, and how it should be funded and run in broad outline. These views were informed by an interview with the Headmaster of Box Hill Grammar School, a co-educational boarding school.It is interesting to note the different attitudes towards boys and girls at that time; girls required sewing and music rooms to replace the workshop and gym for the boys. The impetus to provide safe accommodation for children exemplify Legacy values.5 quarto carbon copies, black on white, two punched holes for filing.Pages 4 and 5 hand written numbers '4' and '3' Date on Page 1 underlined in pen.holmbush initial negotiations, committee

Initial thinking about the establishment of Holmbush 'for boys whose earnings and family circumstances are insufficient to enable them to pay full rates for Board & Lodging; and to extend to them the supervision benefits, and comradeship of Legacy."Further documentation on the practicalities of establishing a Legacy residence for boys. The then current costs are detailed.3 carbon copied foolscap sheets, tattered at the foot, and typed onto paper previously used for a schedule of works for Spicer Detmold. Two punched holes for filing.00297.1 Item 2.a "Day, Fullarton (2) Priest, (illegible)" 00297.2. Item 2.e "+ Churches, Sports Grounds, Swimming Pool & (illegible)" holmbush initial negotiations, holmbush