On of a class of 120 trams built at Preston Workshops between 1939 and 1951. Third tram to be converted to a Colonial Tramcar Restaurant Tram. Of the six trams converted, the only former Melbourne Restaurant tram in use currently (March 2019), trams 4, 5, and 6 having been withdrawn during October 2018.Four motor bogie tram - ex Melbourne - tram No. 939 - One of a class of 120 trams built at Preston Workshops between 1939 and 1951. Third tram to be converted to a Colonial Tramcar Restaurant Tram. Of the six trams converted, the only former Melbourne Restaurant tram in use currently (March 2019), trams 4, 5, and 6 having been withdrawn during October 2018. The tram was built by the MMTB as No. 939 in 1948 at Preston Workshops as a standard SW6 tramcar. It was resident for most of its life at Camberwell, Kew and South Melbourne depots and finally Southbank depot. Heavily rebuilt internally to give a flat floor, air-conditioned, 240V and 24V systems fitted along with changes to bulkheads and position of the passenger door and a goods door in 1994. The tram was converted into Melbourne Restaurant tram No. 3 in 1994/95, being launched on 8-2-1995. While in the later part of its use by the Colonial Tramcar Restaurant Co, it was named “Valentine” during July 2008. It was withdrawn from service in May 2012, when it was replaced by No. 935 (Restaurant No. 6). In August 2014, the Museum received a grant from the Victorian Government of $40,000 to refurbish tram – part of the Transport Investing in Regions Program. The tram was relocated to the Ballarat depot on 29/10/2014. Refurbishment work was completed during March 2016 and the tram was formally launched on 5/4/2016.. The tram is named after Sir Henry Cuthberts (1829 - 1907), the first Chairman of the Ballaarat Tramway Co (the horse tram operator). Sir Henry was a Ballarat based solicitor, member of the Legislative Council, Knighted in 1897 and strong supporter of many Ballarat institutions. Photo Warren Doubleday 5-4-2016.trams, cuthberts 939, restaurant tram, sw6 class, tram 939

Black and white negative, by Wal Jack, of W2 343 (Essendon Aerodrome Route 59) and SW6 860 (City Route 19) southbound in Elizabeth St, c1955 near to Franklin St Note the Moomba decorations in the overhead. In the background is Disney's (at 416 Elizabeth St a Holden dealer) with flags under the verandah) Rod Atkins advised 7/9/2020: "He was born in Ballarat to Arthur Disney and Isabella Christina Hill. During World War I he served with the Australian Flying Corps and was at Gallipoli. He then became a motor dealer, running his own company. In June 1924 he married Ruby Chapman. From 1935 to 1952 he served on Melbourne City Council. He was elected to the Victorian Legislative Council in 1940 as a United Australia Party member, representing Higginbotham Province; at this time his father still represented Melbourne West for the Labor Party. Disney was a supporter of Ian MacFarlane, and served in his brief ministry in October–November 1945 as Minister of Transport and Mines. He consequently lost Liberal endorsement in 1946 and was defeated. In 1948 he was elected Lord Mayor of Melbourne, serving until 1951; during this period he was closely involved with securing the 1956 Olympic Games for Melbourne. Knighted in 1951, Disney died in 1952 at Auburn.[1] The ones at Swanston street are taken on different days. Yes there is one of those under powered Jaguars parked across the road .... Did you notice the tram signal on the pole? An interesting thing I did not know looking at all three photos is that the flag pole holder on the route number box is on the inside. So when did it move to the outside of the box? On the photo of the RAAF tram, there is one employee wearing a cap but appears to be wearing overalls? I wonder what that is all about? "trams, tramways, sw6 class, w2 class, route 59, route 19, elizabeth st, moomba, tram 343, tram 860

Water is key to a thriving community and it is through the representation of water Flow enlivens the space at Bakery Hill. Historically ‘water races’ ran through the valleys of the Greater Ballarat area unearthing the minerals that forged prosperity and wealth. This water still flows today unearthing new possibilities for the community. Possibilities focusing on sustainability, ecology, health and prosperity. Flowing over the site a series of kinetic turbines flutter in the wind creating a contemporary water race. The interactive elements offer visual stimulation enticing people to connect with the artwork and in turn the surrounding spaces. Bakery Hill has great historical significance. It’s connection to the Eureka Stockade and the series of events that were to unfold during the 1850’s was to become the turning point in Australian political history. The placement of each turbine is to mirror a point of history in the timeline of events that occurred during the Eureka Stockade. The Water Race is a symbol of possibilities, the ones created by history and those of modern society. It is a visual timeline that can be read by traversing the site. The connecting turbines that flow and turn in sync are a representation of time passing and the interconnectedness of history with the community that surrounds it. The gateway to Bridge Mall is framed through the placement of each turbine allowing the sense of prosperity and wealth to flow through to the surrounding community. This gateway also references the significance of Bakery Hill reinvigorating the historical site by reconnecting it back to its town centre. The artwork is of aesthetic and historical significance to the people of BallaratTwelve steel turbines set on poles with dates attached and a large bronze 'timeline' plaqueFLOW/ Plotting the motion of Wind, Water, History and Time/ by Holly Grace and Aaron Robinson/ This site has great historical significance. It’s connection to the Eureka Stockade and the series of events that unfolded in the 1850’s was to become the turning point in Australian history. The placement of each turbine within this artwork mirrors a point of history in the events that led up to the Eureka Stockade. It is a visual timeline that can be read by traversing the site. The connecting turbines that flow and turn in sync are a representation of time passing. They are a symbol of the community’s connection to their history. 1851 June James Esmond makes the first discovery of gold in Victoria at Clunes./ 1st July The Port Phillip District separates from New South Wales and becomes the Colony of Victoria. It is still subject to British rule./ August Gold is discovered at Buninyong and at Golden Point, Ballarat. Lt-Governor La Trobe introduces the Gold Licence system in an attempt to reduce the colony’s debt./ 20th September First gold licences issued in Ballarat. / 1852 August/ Eureka Lead discovered on the Ballarat goldfields. December Charles La Trobe resigns as Lt-Governor but he is not relieved until 1854/ July – December/ Unrest builds on the various goldfields with protest meetings held in Bendigo and Castlemaine. Bendigo’s Red Ribbon Movement is active on the goldfields and the Bendigo Petition is presented to Lt-Governor./ December/ Charles Hotham is appointed Lt-Governor/ 1854 March/ A bill to extend the Elective Franchise is passed by the Legislative Council and sent to London for the assent of the British Parliament. 22nd June/ Lt-Governor Sir Charles Hotham arrives in Victoria. The colony faces mounting debt and Hotham orders weekly licence hunts in an attempt to increase income./ August/ Hotham is acclaimed during his visit to the Ballarat goldfield./ 13th September? Hotham orders twice-weekly licence hunts to further increase revenue./ September – October/ Miners are experiencing problems – no shafts bottomed on the Eureka Lead for five weeks./ 7th October/ James Scobie is murdered outside the Eureka Hotel. Many diggers believe that publican James Bentley is responsible./ 9th October/ At Scobie’s inquest, Bentley is acquitted, despite strong evidence of his guilt./ 10th October/ Father Smythe’s servant is beaten up by authorities and falsely arrested for not holding a licence./ 15th October/ Mass meeting of miners on Bakery Hill. Catholic miners meet after Mass. // 17th October/ A meeting of up to 10,000 Diggers is held near the Eureka Hotel to protest against Bentley’s acquittal. The meeting results in the burning of the hotel. Three diggers, Westerby, Fletcher and McIntyre, are arrested. Hotham dispatches 400 soldiers to Ballarat. 22nd October/ Another large meeting is held to address grievances. The Catholics send their leaders, Hayes, Kennedy and Manning to meet Rede. The Government Camp is under siege 11th November/ A public meeting on Bakery Hill results in the formal establishment of the Ballarat Reform League and adoption of the League’s proposals./ 21st November/ The enquiry into the Bentley affair is published. It recommends the dismissal of the judge and the establishment of a Royal Commission. 23rd November/ Westerby, Fletcher and McIntyre are convicted of burning the hotel. The Ballarat Reform League demands their release. 27th November/ A deputation from The Ballarat Reform League, including Humffray, Black and Kennedy, meet with Hotham to demand the release of the three prisoners. Hotham does not believe the diggers have the right to “demand anything”, Rede requests reinforcements in Ballarat. 28th November/ Miners attack the troop reinforcements and wagons passing near the Eureka diggings. A drummer boy is seriously wounded. 29th November/ A “Monster Meeting” attended by more than 10,000 diggers is held on Bakery Hill. The Southern Cross flag is flown for the first time. Peter Lalor addresses the miners and a number of diggers burn their licences. 30th November/ A licence hunt occurs in the morning at the order of Commissioner Rede. Another meeting of radical miners is held on Bakery Hill. Peter Lalor becomes leader of the diggers and calls for volunteers. Many diggers wear an oath to defend their rights and liberties under the Southern Cross flag. A number of diggers move to the Eureka Lead and start to erect a stockade. 3rd December In the early hours of Sunday morning 296 soldiers and police led by Captain Thomas proceed from the Government Camp to the Eureka Lead and attack the Stockade. 22 diggers and 7 military are officially listed as being killed. Many others are wounded. Approximately 120 diggers are arrested and marched to the Government Camp. 4th December/ Funeral of some of the fallen diggers and soldiers. Martial Law is proclaimed in Ballarat. Henry Seekamp, editor of the Ballarat Times is charged with seditious libel. 6th December/ Major General Sir Robert Nickle, commander-in-chief of the military forces in the Australian colonies, arrives in Ballarat. 9th December/ General Nickle repeals martial law. 14th December/ The Gold Fields Commission sits for the first time. 18th December/ The first Ballarat sitting of the Gold Fields Commission is held at Bath’s Hotel. 1855 23rd January/ Henry Seekamp is found guilt of sedition and sentenced to three months in prison. 22nd February/ The Eureka trials starts in Melbourne. February to March/ 13 prisoners are tried and acquitted amid great public rejoicing. 27th March Report of the Royal Commission recommends miners’ rights and significant reforms. 10th November/ Peter Lalor and John Basson Humffray are nominated for seats in the legislative Council. 31st December Sir Charles Hotham dies before his resignation takes effect. flow, aaron robinson, holly grace, public art, eureka stockade, bakery hill

Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerPhotograph of a street art poster taken on the streets of Hong Kong during the protests against legislation to allow Hong Kong suspects to be extradited to mainland Chinese carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, poster art, posters

Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerMore than a thousand protestors surround Hong Kong's main police headquarters on Arsenal Street in Wan Chai on June 26th following a peaceful rally at Edinburgh Place in Central. Doors to the complex were barricaded by protestors, who left after a six hour siege in protest at police violence at a prtest held earlier on 12 June 2019. Protesters ended a six-hour siege of Hong Kong’s police headquarters – their second in a week over the now-suspended extradition bill – early on Thursday morning. More than 1,000 were involved at the height of the protest, which began after 10pm on Wednesday. Around 100 were left at the end and dispersed without a fight when officers with riot shields emerged from the building in Wan Chai at 4am on Thursday. After a peaceful rally attended by thousands earlier at Edinburgh Place in the Central business district, hundreds descended on Arsenal Street, blocking the junction with Lockhart Road to all traffic and sealing the entrances to the police base. (https://www.scmp.com/news/hong-kong/politics/article/3016238/hong-kong-police-under-siege-again-protesters-surround )carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, protest, protestors

Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerSeven police officers stand guard in front of Hong Kong's main police headquarters on Arsenal Street in Wan Chai as an estimated one thousand protestors surround on 26 June 2019. Protestors take turns to step up and hurl abuse at the officers, in a protest lasting 6 hours before peacefully dispersing. The protesters chanted 'Release the martyrs' and 'Stop police violence' in reference to violent clashes with police in the days previous. ( https://www.scmp.com/news/hong-kong/politics/article/3016238/hong-kong-police-under-siege-again-protesters-surround)carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, protest, protestors, police, wan chai

Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerPhotograph crowds gathering on June 16 on the streets of Causeway Bay before an estimated 2 million people take part in march protesting the government's push for extradition laws to China and demanding an apology from the chief executrive Carrie Lam. Nearly 2 million’ people take to streets, forcing public apology from Hong Kong leader Carrie Lam as suspension of controversial extradition bill fails to appease protesters. (https://www.scmp.com/news/hong-kong/politics/article/3014737/nearly-2-million-people-take-streets-forcing-public-apology )carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, protest, protestors

Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerPhotograph of a crowd or protestors against proposed extradition laws gathering on the streets of Causeway Bay, Hong Kong, leading down to the gathering area. carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, protest, protestors

Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerPhotograph of a crowd on the streets of Hong Kong to protest against proposed extradition laws, heading towards Admiralty. carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, protest, protestors, admiralty

Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerCrowds mass on Queens Way in Hong Kong as an estimated 2 million people march in protest at the government's refusal to withdraw a controverisal law allowing people to be extradited to mainland China. Chants demanded the chief executive apologise and the legislation be withdrawn, while many held signs protesting police violence. Nearly 2 million protesters flooded the streets of Hong Kong on Sunday, organisers claimed, delivering a stunning repudiation of Chief Executive Carrie Lam Cheng Yuet-ngor’s governance and forcing a public apology out of the city’s leader over her campaign to bulldoze a controversial extradition bill through the legislature. A day after Lam suspended her push for the bill, expecting it to defuse a crisis that has seen violent clashes between mostly young protesters and police, the centre of Hong Kong was brought to a complete standstill as the masses marched to chastise her for refusing to withdraw the bill or apologise when first asked to, and declaring that nothing short of her resignation would satisfy them now. (https://www.scmp.com/news/hong-kong/politics/article/3014737/nearly-2-million-people-take-streets-forcing-public-apology ) carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, protest, protestors, admiralty

This is a set of 29 photographs of the presentation of the Defence Force Service Medal to personnel in recognition of 15 years of efficient remunerated service, or the Clasp for 5 years of additional service, at the Army Survey Regiment, Bendigo on Corps Day, 1st of July 1976. In photos .1P to .20P, MAJGEN John Williamson AO, OBE GOC FF COMD is featured presenting the Defence Force Service Medal On a separate occasion in photos .19P to .23P, BRIG Brigadier Jim Shelton DSO, MC, MID COMD is featured presenting the Defence Force Service Medal. Photos .6P and.19P to .23P are also catalogued in item 6037.9P.This is a set of 29 photographs of the presentation of the Defence Force Service Medal, at the Army Survey Regiment, Bendigo on Corps Day, 1st of July 1976. The black & white photographs are on 35mm negative film and are part of the Army Survey Regiment’s Collection. The photographs were scanned at 96 dpi. .1) to 2) - Photo, black & white, 1976. L to R: SSGT Gordon Haswell, Defence Force Service Medal presented to CO LTCOL Bob Skitch by MAJGEN John Williamson AO, OBE. .3) - Photo, black & white, 1976. L to R: RSM WO1 Aub Harvey, SSGT Gordon Haswell marches off after the presentation of the Defence Force Service Medal by MAJGEN John Williamson AO, OBE. .4) - Photo, black & white, 1976. L to R: SSGT Gordon Haswell, Defence Force Service Medal presented to MAJ Noel Sproles by MAJGEN John Williamson AO, OBE. On right: RSM WO1 Aub Harvey, ADJT CAPT Dennis Puniard. .5) - Photo, black & white, 1976. L to R: SSGT Gordon Haswell, Defence Force Service Medal presented to WO1 Tony Ellis by MAJGEN John Williamson AO, OBE. On right: RSM WO1 Aub Harvey, ADJT CAPT Dennis Puniard. .6) - Photo, black & white, 1976. L to R: SSGT Gordon Haswell, Defence Force Service Medal presented to WO1 Marj Knight by MAJGEN John Williamson AO, OBE, On right: RSM WO1 Aub Harvey. .7) - Photo, black & white, 1976. L to R: SSGT Gordon Haswell, Defence Force Service Medal presented to WO1 Fred Panknin by MAJGEN John Williamson AO, OBE, On right: RSM WO1 Aub Harvey. .8) - Photo, black & white, 1976. L to R: SSGT Gordon Haswell, Defence Force Service Medal presented to WO2 Alan Bunn by MAJGEN John Williamson AO, OBE. On right: RSM WO1 Aub Harvey, ADJT CAPT Dennis Puniard. .9) - Photo, black & white, 1976. L to R: CO LTCOL Bob Skitch, SSGT Gordon Haswell, Defence Force Service Medal presented to WO2 Max Neil by MAJGEN John Williamson AO, OBE. .10) - Photo, black & white, 1976. L to R: CO LTCOL Bob Skitch, SSGT Gordon Haswell, Defence Force Service Medal presented to WO2 Tibby Szentirmay by MAJGEN John Williamson AO, OBE. On right: RSM WO1 Aub Harvey. .11) - Photo, black & white, 1976. L to R: WO1 Tony Ellis, MAJ Noel Sproles, CO LTCOL Bob Skitch, SSGT Gordon Haswell, RSM WO1 Aub Harvey, ADJT CAPT Dennis Puniard, MAJGEN John Williamson AO, OBE. .12) - Photo, black & white, 1976. L to R: WO2 Tibby Szentirmay, WO2 Max Neil, WO2 Alan Bunn, WO1 Fred Panknin, WO1 Marj Knight, WO1 Tony Ellis, MAJ Noel Sproles, CO LTCOL Bob Skitch, SSGT Gordon Haswell, ADJT CAPT Dennis Puniard, RSM WO1 Aub Harvey. .13) - Photo, black & white, 1976. L to R: WO2 Tibby Szentirmay, WO2 Max Neil, WO2 Alan Bunn, WO1 Fred Panknin, WO1 Marj Knight, WO1 Tony Ellis, MAJ Noel Sproles, CO LTCOL Bob Skitch, MAJGEN John Williamson AO, OBE, SSGT Gordon Haswell, RSM WO1 Aub Harvey, ADJT CAPT Dennis Puniard. .14) - Photo, black & white, 1976. L to R: WO2 Tibby Szentirmay, WO2 Max Neil, WO2 Alan Bunn, WO1 Fred Panknin, WO1 Marj Knight, WO1 Tony Ellis, MAJ Noel Sproles, CO LTCOL Bob Skitch, SSGT Gordon Haswell, MAJGEN John Williamson AO, OBE, RSM WO1 Aub Harvey, ADJT CAPT Dennis Puniard. .15) & .16) - Photo, black & white, 1976. L to R: WO2 Tibby Szentirmay, WO2 Max Neil, WO2 Alan Bunn, WO1 Fred Panknin, WO1 Marj Knight, WO1 Tony Ellis, MAJ Noel Sproles, CO LTCOL Bob Skitch, SSGT Gordon Haswell, CAPT Dennis Puniard. .17) - Photo, black & white, 1976. L to R: WO2 Tibby Szentirmay, WO2 Max Neil, WO2 Alan Bunn, WO1 Fred Panknin, WO1 Marj Knight, WO1 Tony Ellis, MAJ Noel Sproles, CO LTCOL Bob Skitch, SSGT Gordon Haswell. .18) - Photo, black & white, 1976. L to R: WO2 Tibby Szentirmay, WO2 Max Neil, WO2 Alan Bunn, WO1 Fred Panknin, WO1 Marj Knight, WO1 Tony Ellis, MAJ Noel Sproles, CO LTCOL Bob Skitch, SSGT Gordon Haswell, RSM WO1 Aub Harvey, MAJGEN John Williamson AO, OBE, ADJT CAPT Dennis Puniard. .19) & .20) - Photo, black & white, c1976. Defence Force Service Medal presented to WO1 Don Taylor by BRIG Jim Shelton DSO, MC, MID. On right: ADJT CAPT Dennis Puniard. .21) to .23) - Photo, black & white, c1976. Defence Force Service Medal presented to SGT Syd Davis by Brigadier Jim Shelton DSO, MC, MID. .24) - Photo, black & white, 1976. Post Defence Force Service Medal presentations. CAPT Gary Kenney in centre of photo. .25) - Photo, black & white, 1976. Post Defence Force Service Medal presentations. L to R: WO1 Tony Ellis in foreground, identified with guests in background LT Rob John, SSGT Dave Miles, WO1 Doug Malligan, WO1 Bill Boyd, WO2 Max Neil, WO1 Darby Munro, MAJ Peter Eddy, WO1 Marj Knight. .26) - Photo, black & white, 1976. Post Defence Force Service Medal presentations. L to R: WO1 Sam Chambers, MAJGEN John Williamson AO, OBE with guests. .27) - Photo, black & white, 1976. Post Defence Force Service Medal presentations. Bendigo. L to R: WO1 Sam Chambers, Legislative Council Member for Bendigo Mr. Bruce Reid meets MAJGEN John Williamson AO, OBE with guests. CO LTCOL Bob Skitch in background. .28) - Photo, black & white, 1976. Post Defence Force Service Medal presentations. Bendigo. L to R: unidentified, WO1 Sam Chambers, unidentified (x3), Min Chambers (switchboard operater), unidentified, LT Rene van den Tol, CO LTCOL Bob Skitch, MAJGEN John Williamson AO, OBE with guests. .29) - Photo, black & white, 1976. Post Defence Force Service Medal presentations. Bendigo. L to R: LT Rene van den Tol, CO LTCOL Bob Skitch, MAJGEN John Williamson AO, OBE with guests..1P to .29P – No personnel are identified. Date and occasion annotated on film negative sleeve.royal australian survey corps, rasvy, army survey regiment, army svy regt, fortuna, asr

The construction on Lake Kerferd began in 1862 however it wasn't completed until 1874 due to engineering and funding issues. The lake was named after George Briscoe Kerferd (1831–1889) who was responsible for Beechworth's water scheme. George Briscoe Kerferd was born on 21 January 1831 in Liverpool, England and arrived in Melbourne April 1853. He spent his first years in Australia in Bendigo before settling down in Beechworth as a wine and spirits merchant. He married Ann Martindale on 17th December 1853 at St James Cathedral, Melbourne and between them they had three sons and five daughters. Kerferd began his political and legal career in Beechworth when he was first elected to the Municipal Council in May 1857. Later he would be elected to the Legislative Assembly for the Ovens District in November 1864, and continued to represent the area until February 1886. This photograph is historically significant as it provides insight into the water reserves of Victoria. It also demonstrates the political identity of George Briscoe Kerferd and the Beechworth Municipal Council.Sepia rectangular postcard printed on paperObverse: Reverse: 83-131-1/ Post Card/ Correspondence / Address Only / BMM2997 / 53 / [Kodak Australia Stamp] lake kerferd, beechworth, water scheme, water reserve, reservoir, legislative assembly, hon. george briscoe kerferd, catchments, beechworth water reserve, beechworth catchments, municipal council, st. james cathedral, lakes, reserve, water supply, political projects

Taken on Christmas of 1941, shown is a track to Lake Kerferd with forest on both sides. The construction on Lake Kerferd began in 1862 however it wasn't completed until 1874 due to engineering and funding issues. The lake was named after George Briscoe Kerferd (1831–1889) who was responsible for Beechworth's water scheme. George Briscoe Kerferd was born on 21 January 1831 in Liverpool, England and arrived in Melbourne April 1853. He spent his first years in Australia in Bendigo before settling down in Beechworth as a wine and spirits merchant. He married Ann Martindale on 17th December 1853 at St James Cathedral, Melbourne and between them they had three sons and five daughters. Kerferd began his political and legal career in Beechworth when he was first elected to the Municipal Council in May 1857. Later he would be elected to the Legislative Assembly for the Ovens District in November 1864, and continued to represent the area until February 1886.This photograph is historically significant as it provides insight into surrounding areas of the water reserves of Victoria. It is also linked to political identity of George Briscoe Kerferd and the Beechworth Municipal Council.Black and white rectangular photograph printed on matte photographic paper.Obverse: Reverse: 8163/ Back track to Lake Kerford/ Beechworth/ Xmas 1941lake kerferd, beechworth, water scheme, water reserve, forest track, forest pathway, reservoir, legislative assembly, hon. george briscoe kerferd, catchments, beechworth water reserve, beechworth catchments, municipal council, st. james cathedral, lakes, reserve, water supply, political projects

Taken between 1920-1930s, shown is the banks of Lake Kerferd with wooden man-made fencing. The construction on Lake Kerferd began in 1862 however it wasn't completed until 1874 due to engineering and funding issues. The lake was named after George Briscoe Kerferd (1831–1889) who was responsible for Beechworth's water scheme. George Briscoe Kerferd was born on 21 January 1831 in Liverpool, England and arrived in Melbourne April 1853. He spent his first years in Australia in Bendigo before settling down in Beechworth as a wine and spirits merchant. He married Ann Martindale on 17th December 1853 at St James Cathedral, Melbourne and between them they had three sons and five daughters. Kerferd began his political and legal career in Beechworth when he was first elected to the Municipal Council in May 1857. Later he would be elected to the Legislative Assembly for the Ovens District in November 1864, and continued to represent the area until February 1886.The postcard holds Historic significance due to its connection to Beechworth and its Lake Kerford. It demonstrates the interactions between nature and colonialists, especially how the lake has somewhat been 'protected' with the man made fencing. It also presents information on the environmental development or degradation for the area, with possible changes to the environment that may have been caused by human physical forces, natural decay or Global Warming.Black and white rectangular postcard printed on paper.Obverse: Lake Kerferd, Beechworth / Reverse: 8164 / Post Card / Correspondence / Address Only / Kodak Austral [Kodak Australia Stamp] /lake kerferd, beechworth, water scheme, water reserve, reservoir, legislative assembly, hon. george briscoe kerferd, catchments, beechworth water reserve, beechworth catchments, municipal council, st. james cathedral, lakes, reserve, water supply, political projects, man-made fence, environmental changes

The construction on Lake Kerferd began in 1862 however it wasn't completed until 1874 due to engineering and funding issues. The lake was named after George Briscoe Kerferd (1831–1889) who was responsible for Beechworth's water scheme. George Briscoe Kerferd was born on 21 January 1831 in Liverpool, England and arrived in Melbourne April 1853. He spent his first years in Australia in Bendigo before settling down in Beechworth as a wine and spirits merchant. He married Ann Martindale on 17th December 1853 at St James Cathedral, Melbourne and between them they had three sons and five daughters. Kerferd began his political and legal career in Beechworth when he was first elected to the Municipal Council in May 1857. Later he would be elected to the Legislative Assembly for the Ovens District in November 1864, and continued to represent the area until February 1886. The postcard holds Historic significance due to its connection to Beechworth and its Lake Kerford. It demonstrates the interactions between nature and colonialists, especially how the lake has somewhat been 'protected' with the man made fencing. It also presents information on the environmental development or degradation for the area, with possible changes to the environment that may have been caused by human physical forces, natural decay or Global Warming.Sepia rectangular postcard printed on paper.Obverse: The Rose Series P. 10542 / Copyright / Evening lights, Lake Kerferd, Beechworth, VIC Reverse: Farley / Published by the Rose Stereograph Co., / Armadale Victoria. / 84-132-1 / Post card / The "Rose" Series De Luxe / A Real Photograph Produced in Australia / BMM299 lake kerferd, beechworth, water scheme, water reserve, reservoir, legislative assembly, hon. george briscoe kerferd, catchments, beechworth water reserve, beechworth catchments, municipal council, st. james cathedral, lakes, reserve, water supply, political projects, rose series, postcard, rose series stereograph

This is an original Elector’s right certificate of 1900 for the Warrnambool Electoral District. This entitled the owner to vote at elections held for the Legislative Assembly in the Government of Victoria. The voter had to be male and resident in the electorate( in this case Warrnambool).This certificate was issued to Aden Armstrong an undertaker with a business in Timor Street opposite the Old National Bank which was at the corner of Kepler and Timor Streets. The Registrar who signed the certificate was Richard Geilhofer. The certificate was one of the items in the Henri Worland collection of historical society in 1973 by the Warrnambool City Council via Keith Arnel the Town Clerk. The timeframe of this document is on the cusp of major electoral change in Australia with the Federation of Australian states happening in 1901 and the granting of the vote for Australian women in the various states over the next decade.This item would have been a common item at the time as all those entitled to vote had to present same. It has local significance with Aden Armstrong being in business in Warrnambool for a number of years.Cream coloured paper with black text. Victorian coat of Arms at centre top of document. Drawing of lady holding shield on left side Handwritten information is written in faded black ink. Blue stamped number 137050 on top right corner. Back is printed with notes for the elector.Signature and date 1/11/00 at top left. Warrnambool is stamped in dark blue twice at top. Aden Armstrong of Lava St Warrnambool, Undertaker is written on the form with his signature at bottom right. Also signed by the registrar of the day, Richard Geilhofer. Date is also included 24th January 1900 elector's right certificate, aden armstrong, warrnambool, warrnambool undertakers

In 1961 Bruce Evans was elected to the Victorian Legislative Assembly as the member for Gippsland East. He was the party's deputy leader from 1964 to 1970 and its whip from 1970 until his retirement in 1992. "The Land Conservation Council was established by the Land Conservation Act 1970. As one of its three functions, it makes recommendations to the Minister for Planning and Environment with respect to the use of public land, in order to provide for the balanced use of land in Victoria. This report contains the Council’s final recommendations concerning the use of public land in the East Gippsland study area, the boundaries of which correspond to those of the Shire of Orbost. The recommendations in the text are grouped under major headings, such as Parks, State Forest, and so on. " The Council met on seven occasions during the year, and also made visits of inspection to each study area. The Chairman visited Shire Councils in study areas to explain the role and the functions of the Land Conservation Council and to invite submissions on the use of public land in these areas. This is the fourth annual report by the council. This is a useful research tool.A large book 236 pp book with a yellow / gold cover with a green bush scene . The binding is orange. It contains folded maps and information on public land use in East Gippsland.inside - "With Compliments - Bruce Evans, M.P."east-gippsland-study-area conservation public-land-use

This ledger was used bt the Shire of Orbost local government to record Country Roads Board accounts 1950's and 1960's. The item was donated to Orbost & District Historical society from P.R.O.V. as a Place of Deposit (POD) item for safe keeping by a local history group or museum. The shire covered an area of 9,347 square kilometres and existed from 1892 until 1994 when it became part of the East Gippsland Shire Council. Orbost was at first included in the Bairnsdale Shire from 1882 and was later part of the Tambo Shire. Because of travelling distances the Croajingalong Shire was created in 1892 (name changed to Orbost Shire 17.2.1893 with James Cameron as the first Shire President. In 1994 it amalgamated to become part of East Gippsland Shire Council. The Country Roads Board was the government authority for the construction and maintenance of main roads in Victoria between 1913 and 1983. It was succeeded by the Road Construction authority on 1 July 1983 and later merged with the Road Traffic Authority on July 1 1989 to form the Roads Corporation. James Cameron, an Orbost farming pioneer and Member of the Legislative Assembly, fathered the Country Roads Board. This ledger is a hand-written record of accounts for the Orbost Shire local council. It pre-dates computer records. The Orbost Shire Council no longer exists having been absorbed into the East Gippsland Shire Council.A heavy brown coloured ledger with covered wooden covers. it has steel metal binding. Inside are strips of paper marking pages. It contains blue ink hand-written records of monies in/out (?) to Shire of Orbost Council. On the front cover inside a black rectangle in gold print is " LEDGER COUNTRY ROADS BOARD ACCOUNT ORBOST". It is an "Emu Binder".ledger orbost-shire accounts country-roads-board

This ledger was used by the Shire of Orbost to record transactions with the Country Roads board in 1950's and 1960's. The item was donated to Orbost & District Historical society from P.R.O.V. as a Place of Deposit (POD) item for safe keeping by a local history group or museum. The shire covered an area of 9,347 square kilometres and existed from 1892 until 1994 when it became part of the East Gippsland Shire Council. Orbost was at first included in the Bairnsdale Shire from 1882 and was later part of the Tambo Shire. Because of travelling distances the Croajingalong Shire was created in 1892 (name changed to Orbost Shire 17.2.1893 with James Cameron as the first Shire President. In 1994 it amalgamated to become part of East Gippsland Shire Council. The Country Roads Board was the government authority for the construction and maintenance of main roads in Victoria between 1913 and 1983. It was succeeded by the Road Construction authority on 1 July 1983 and later merged with the Road Traffic Authority on July 1 1989 to form the Roads Corporation. James Cameron, an Orbost farming pioneer and Member of the Legislative Assembly, fathered the Country Roads Board. This item is a hand-written record of accounts of the Orbost Shire local Government. It pre-dates computer records,The Shire of Orbost Council no longer exists having been absorbed into th East Gippsland Shire council.A heavy brown coloured ledger with steel bindings. Covers are probably wooden. It contains hand-written records of transactions the Country Roads Board.

This ledger was used by the Shire of Orbost in the late 1950's - 1970's.The item was donated to Orbost & District Historical society from P.R.O.V. as a Place of Deposit (POD) item for safe keeping by a local history group or museum. The shire covered an area of 9,347 square kilometres and existed from 1892 until 1994 when it became part of the East Gippsland Shire Council. Orbost was at first included in the Bairnsdale Shire from 1882 and was later part of the Tambo Shire. Because of travelling distances the Croajingalong Shire was created in 1892 (name changed to Orbost Shire 17.2.1893 with James Cameron as the first Shire President. In 1994 it amalgamated to become part of East Gippsland Shire Council. The Country Roads Board was the government authority for the construction and maintenance of main roads in Victoria between 1913 and 1983. It was succeeded by the Road Construction authority on 1 July 1983 and later merged with the Road Traffic Authority on July 1 1989 to form the Roads Corporation. James Cameron, an Orbost farming pioneer and Member of the Legislative Assembly, fathered the Country Roads Board This item is a hand-written record of Orbost Shire Council accounts. It pre- dates computer records. The Shire of Orbost local council no longer exists having been absorbed by the East Gippsland Shire Council.A black ledger with wooden covers. It contains hand-written records of transactions between Orbost Shire Council and the Country Roads Board.bottom left corner - Orbost in black on a white East Gippsland Shire logoledger accounts shire-of-orbost country-roads-board

This photograph is part of the Caulfield Historical Album 1972. This album was created in approximately 1972 as part of a project by the Caulfield Historical Society to assist in identifying buildings worthy of preservation. The album is related to a Survey the Caulfield Historical Society developed in collaboration with the National Trust of Australia (Victoria) and Caulfield City Council to identify historic buildings within the City of Caulfield that warranted the protection of a National Trust Classification. Principal photographer thought to be Trevor Hart, member of Caulfield Historical Society. Most photographs were taken between 1966-1972 with a small number of photographs being older and from unknown sources. All photographs are black and white except where stated, with 386 photographs over 198 pages.From Victorian Heritage Database citation for Rippon Lea H0614 https://vhd.heritagecouncil.vic.gov.au/places/427(as at 23/10/2020) Rippon Lea was commenced in 1868 by Frederick Sargood, a most successful politician and merchant. He was born in England in 1834 and arrived in Melbourne in 1850. He soon joined his father's wholesale soft goods firm, spending some time as its manager on the goldfields. Sargood entered the Legislative Council in 1874. He was Victoria?s first Minister for Defence in 1883. Sir Frederick Sargood was created CMG. In 1885 and KCMG in 1890 as a reward for his contribution to public life. He died suddenly in 1903. Rippon Lea was designed by the leading firm of architects, Reed and Barnes. Joseph Reed had travelled in Europe in 1863, including northern Italy. When he returned he introduced the use of polychromy. While not the first examples, Rippon Lea and the Independent Church in Collins Street were the best and set a fashion which became a distinctly Melbourne style, particularly used for houses and churches. Its popularity was possible because of the new availability of different coloured bricks. Reed's fine Lombardic Romanesque details soon became debased by others. As Sargood's family grew and his fortunes prospered, Rippon Lea was extended to include 33 rooms - a complete mansion. The cast iron porte cochere and the northern conservatory were added in 1897. The architects were Taylor and Fitts. The ballroom was added in 1882 and remodelled in 1889. Many alterations have changed the interior and exterior during the ownerships of Benjamin Nathan and later his daughter Mrs Louisa Jones in the 1930s and are in their own right of significance. Sir Thomas Bent owned the property from 1903 until 1911 but never lived there. He subdivided much of the land. The original garden dates from about 1868, and it seems that William Guilfoyle of the Botanic Gardens was involved. It was redesigned in a more natural style in the 1880s by Sargood and his head gardener, Adam Anderson. The lake, waterfalls, fernery, hill and grotto are balanced by mighty deciduous trees and conifers. These are interspersed with, but never dominated by Australian species such as eucalyptus and other exotics. The sinuous drive with its carefully prepared approach to the house is notable. The original vegetable gardens, orchard and outer paddocks no longer survive. The shade house is important as the largest known in Australia and possibly the world. Its curved plan and form of construction are particularly notable. It was built about 1884.Page 94 of Photograph Album with four photographs (three landscape and one portrait) of Ripponlea - stables, lookout and neighbouring cottages.Handwritten: "Ripponlea" Hotham Street [top right] / Neg 256 Dec 1972 STABLES [under top left photo] / Neg 248 Dec 1972 LOOKOUT [under top right photo] / Neg 254 Dec 1972 / COTTAGES WILLOW STREET [under bottom left photo] / Neg 259 Dec 1972 STABLES [under bottom right photo] / 94 [bottom right]trevor hart, elsternwick, mansion, hotham street, frederick sargood, reed and barnes, 1860's, 1890's, 1880's, benjamin nathan, nathan, louisa jones, thomas bent, sir thomas bent, william guilfoyle, guilfoyle, adam anderson, ripponlea, victorian, sir frederick sargood, architects, bricks, polychrome bricks, taylor and fitts, stables, lookouts, cottages, outbuildings, rippon lea

This photograph is part of the Caulfield Historical Album 1972. This album was created in approximately 1972 as part of a project by the Caulfield Historical Society to assist in identifying buildings worthy of preservation. The album is related to a Survey the Caulfield Historical Society developed in collaboration with the National Trust of Australia (Victoria) and Caulfield City Council to identify historic buildings within the City of Caulfield that warranted the protection of a National Trust Classification. Principal photographer thought to be Trevor Hart, member of Caulfield Historical Society. Most photographs were taken between 1966-1972 with a small number of photographs being older and from unknown sources. All photographs are black and white except where stated, with 386 photographs over 198 pages.From Victorian Heritage Database citation for Rippon Lea H0614 https://vhd.heritagecouncil.vic.gov.au/places/427(as at 23/10/2020) Rippon Lea was commenced in 1868 by Frederick Sargood, a most successful politician and merchant. He was born in England in 1834 and arrived in Melbourne in 1850. He soon joined his father's wholesale soft goods firm, spending some time as its manager on the goldfields. Sargood entered the Legislative Council in 1874. He was Victoria's first Minister for Defence in 1883. Sir Frederick Sargood was created CMG. In 1885 and KCMG in 1890 as a reward for his contribution to public life. He died suddenly in 1903. Rippon Lea was designed by the leading firm of architects, Reed and Barnes. Joseph Reed had travelled in Europe in 1863, including northern Italy. When he returned he introduced the use of polychromy. While not the first examples, Rippon Lea and the Independent Church in Collins Street were the best and set a fashion which became a distinctly Melbourne style, particularly used for houses and churches. Its popularity was possible because of the new availability of different coloured bricks. Reed's fine Lombardic Romanesque details soon became debased by others. As Sargood's family grew and his fortunes prospered, Rippon Lea was extended to include 33 rooms - a complete mansion. The cast iron porte cochere and the northern conservatory were added in 1897. The architects were Taylor and Fitts. The ballroom was added in 1882 and remodelled in 1889. Many alterations have changed the interior and exterior during the ownerships of Benjamin Nathan and later his daughter Mrs Louisa Jones in the 1930s and are in their own right of significance. Sir Thomas Bent owned the property from 1903 until 1911 but never lived there. He subdivided much of the land. The original garden dates from about 1868, and it seems that William Guilfoyle of the Botanic Gardens was involved. It was redesigned in a more natural style in the 1880s by Sargood and his head gardener, Adam Anderson. The lake, waterfalls, fernery, hill and grotto are balanced by mighty deciduous trees and conifers. These are interspersed with, but never dominated by Australian species such as eucalyptus and other exotics. The sinuous drive with its carefully prepared approach to the house is notable. The original vegetable gardens, orchard and outer paddocks no longer survive. The shade house is important as the largest known in Australia and possibly the world. Its curved plan and form of construction are particularly notable. It was built about 1884.Page 90 of Photograph Album with five photographs (one landscape and 4 portrait) of Ripponlea - two different views of the front entrance to the mansion, one of the front gates and two different views of the main residence.Handwritten: "Ripponlea" 192 Hotham Street [top right] / North [under top left photo] / Neg 255 Dec 1972 MAIN DRIVE [under bottom left photo] / Neg 238 8 OCT 1966 [under middle right photo] / 88 [bottom right]trevor hart, elsternwick, mansion, hotham street, frederick sargood, reed and barnes, cast iron porte cochere, conservatory, 1860's, 1890's, ballroom, 1880's, benjamin nathan, louisa jones, thomas bent, sir thomas bent, william guilfoyle, adam anderson, lake, grotto, shade house, portico, ripponlea, victorian, sir frederick sargood, architects, polychrome bricks, lombardic romanesque architectural style, rippon lea, taylor and fitts, land subdivisions, gardens, drives, vegetable gardens, orchards

This photograph is part of the Caulfield Historical Album 1972. This album was created in approximately 1972 as part of a project by the Caulfield Historical Society to assist in identifying buildings worthy of preservation. The album is related to a Survey the Caulfield Historical Society developed in collaboration with the National Trust of Australia (Victoria) and Caulfield City Council to identify historic buildings within the City of Caulfield that warranted the protection of a National Trust Classification. Principal photographer thought to be Trevor Hart, member of Caulfield Historical Society. Most photographs were taken between 1966-1972 with a small number of photographs being older and from unknown sources. All photographs are black and white except where stated, with 386 photographs over 198 pages.From Victorian Heritage Database citation for Rippon Lea H0614 https://vhd.heritagecouncil.vic.gov.au/places/427(as at 23/10/2020) Rippon Lea was commenced in 1868 by Frederick Sargood, a most successful politician and merchant. He was born in England in 1834 and arrived in Melbourne in 1850. He soon joined his father's wholesale soft goods firm, spending some time as its manager on the goldfields. Sargood entered the Legislative Council in 1874. He was Victoria?s first Minister for Defence in 1883. Sir Frederick Sargood was created CMG. In 1885 and KCMG in 1890 as a reward for his contribution to public life. He died suddenly in 1903. Rippon Lea was designed by the leading firm of architects, Reed and Barnes. Joseph Reed had travelled in Europe in 1863, including northern Italy. When he returned he introduced the use of polychromy. While not the first examples, Rippon Lea and the Independent Church in Collins Street were the best and set a fashion which became a distinctly Melbourne style, particularly used for houses and churches. Its popularity was possible because of the new availability of different coloured bricks. Reed's fine Lombardic Romanesque details soon became debased by others. As Sargood's family grew and his fortunes prospered, Rippon Lea was extended to include 33 rooms - a complete mansion. The cast iron porte cochere and the northern conservatory were added in 1897. The architects were Taylor and Fitts. The ballroom was added in 1882 and remodelled in 1889. Many alterations have changed the interior and exterior during the ownerships of Benjamin Nathan and later his daughter Mrs Louisa Jones in the 1930s and are in their own right of significance. Sir Thomas Bent owned the property from 1903 until 1911 but never lived there. He subdivided much of the land. The original garden dates from about 1868, and it seems that William Guilfoyle of the Botanic Gardens was involved. It was redesigned in a more natural style in the 1880s by Sargood and his head gardener, Adam Anderson. The lake, waterfalls, fernery, hill and grotto are balanced by mighty deciduous trees and conifers. These are interspersed with, but never dominated by Australian species such as eucalyptus and other exotics. The sinuous drive with its carefully prepared approach to the house is notable. The original vegetable gardens, orchard and outer paddocks no longer survive. The shade house is important as the largest known in Australia and possibly the world. Its curved plan and form of construction are particularly notable. It was built about 1884.Page 91 of Photograph Album with four photographs (two portrait and two landscape) of various external views of Ripponlea.Handwritten: SOUTH [under top left photo] / SOUTH [under top right photo] / WEST [under bottom left photo] / 91 [bottom left]trevor hart, elsternwick, mansion, hotham street, frederick sargood, reed and barnes, cast iron porte cochere, conservatory, 1860's, 1890's, ballroom, 1880's, benjamin nathan, louisa jones, thomas bent, sir thomas bent, william guilfoyle, adam anderson, lake, grotto, shade house, portico, ripponlea, victorian, sir frederick sargood, architects, taylor and fitts, rippon lea, polychrome bricks, lombardic romanesque style

This photograph is part of the Caulfield Historical Album 1972. This album was created in approximately 1972 as part of a project by the Caulfield Historical Society to assist in identifying buildings worthy of preservation. The album is related to a Survey the Caulfield Historical Society developed in collaboration with the National Trust of Australia (Victoria) and Caulfield City Council to identify historic buildings within the City of Caulfield that warranted the protection of a National Trust Classification. Principal photographer thought to be Trevor Hart, member of Caulfield Historical Society. Most photographs were taken between 1966-1972 with a small number of photographs being older and from unknown sources. All photographs are black and white except where stated, with 386 photographs over 198 pages.From Victorian Heritage Database citation for Rippon Lea H0614 https://vhd.heritagecouncil.vic.gov.au/places/427(as at 23/10/2020) Rippon Lea was commenced in 1868 by Frederick Sargood, a most successful politician and merchant. He was born in England in 1834 and arrived in Melbourne in 1850. He soon joined his father's wholesale soft goods firm, spending some time as its manager on the goldfields. Sargood entered the Legislative Council in 1874. He was Victoria?s first Minister for Defence in 1883. Sir Frederick Sargood was created CMG. In 1885 and KCMG in 1890 as a reward for his contribution to public life. He died suddenly in 1903. Rippon Lea was designed by the leading firm of architects, Reed and Barnes. Joseph Reed had travelled in Europe in 1863, including northern Italy. When he returned he introduced the use of polychromy. While not the first examples, Rippon Lea and the Independent Church in Collins Street were the best and set a fashion which became a distinctly Melbourne style, particularly used for houses and churches. Its popularity was possible because of the new availability of different coloured bricks. Reed's fine Lombardic Romanesque details soon became debased by others. As Sargood's family grew and his fortunes prospered, Rippon Lea was extended to include 33 rooms - a complete mansion. The cast iron porte cochere and the northern conservatory were added in 1897. The architects were Taylor and Fitts. The ballroom was added in 1882 and remodelled in 1889. Many alterations have changed the interior and exterior during the ownerships of Benjamin Nathan and later his daughter Mrs Louisa Jones in the 1930s and are in their own right of significance. Sir Thomas Bent owned the property from 1903 until 1911 but never lived there. He subdivided much of the land. The original garden dates from about 1868, and it seems that William Guilfoyle of the Botanic Gardens was involved. It was redesigned in a more natural style in the 1880s by Sargood and his head gardener, Adam Anderson. The lake, waterfalls, fernery, hill and grotto are balanced by mighty deciduous trees and conifers. These are interspersed with, but never dominated by Australian species such as eucalyptus and other exotics. The sinuous drive with its carefully prepared approach to the house is notable. The original vegetable gardens, orchard and outer paddocks no longer survive. The shade house is important as the largest known in Australia and possibly the world. Its curved plan and form of construction are particularly notable. It was built about 1884.Page 92 of Photograph Album with four photographs (three landscape and one portrait) of Ripponlea - views of entrance and left front of mansion.Handwritten: "Ripponlea" Hotham Street [top right] / Neg 245 Dec 1972 [under top left photo] / Neg 246 Dec 1972 [under bottom left photo] / Neg 247 Dec 1972 [under bottom right photo] / 92 [bottom right]trevor hart, elsternwick, mansion, hotham street, frederick sargood, reed and barnes, lombardic, romanesque, cast iron porte cochere, conservatory, 1860's, 1890's, ballroom, 1880's, benjamin nathan, louisa jones, thomas bent, sir thomas bent, william guilfoyle, adam anderson, lake, grotto, shade house, portico, ripponlea, victorian, sir frederick sargood, architects, polychrome bricks, lombardic romanesque style, rippon lea, entrances

This photograph is part of the Caulfield Historical Album 1972. This album was created in approximately 1972 as part of a project by the Caulfield Historical Society to assist in identifying buildings worthy of preservation. The album is related to a Survey the Caulfield Historical Society developed in collaboration with the National Trust of Australia (Victoria) and Caulfield City Council to identify historic buildings within the City of Caulfield that warranted the protection of a National Trust Classification. Principal photographer thought to be Trevor Hart, member of Caulfield Historical Society. Most photographs were taken between 1966-1972 with a small number of photographs being older and from unknown sources. All photographs are black and white except where stated, with 386 photographs over 198 pages.From Victorian Heritage Database citation for Rippon Lea H0614 https://vhd.heritagecouncil.vic.gov.au/places/427(as at 23/10/2020) Rippon Lea was commenced in 1868 by Frederick Sargood, a most successful politician and merchant. He was born in England in 1834 and arrived in Melbourne in 1850. He soon joined his father's wholesale soft goods firm, spending some time as its manager on the goldfields. Sargood entered the Legislative Council in 1874. He was Victoria?s first Minister for Defence in 1883. Sir Frederick Sargood was created CMG. In 1885 and KCMG in 1890 as a reward for his contribution to public life. He died suddenly in 1903. Rippon Lea was designed by the leading firm of architects, Reed and Barnes. Joseph Reed had travelled in Europe in 1863, including northern Italy. When he returned he introduced the use of polychromy. While not the first examples, Rippon Lea and the Independent Church in Collins Street were the best and set a fashion which became a distinctly Melbourne style, particularly used for houses and churches. Its popularity was possible because of the new availability of different coloured bricks. Reed's fine Lombardic Romanesque details soon became debased by others. As Sargood's family grew and his fortunes prospered, Rippon Lea was extended to include 33 rooms - a complete mansion. The cast iron porte cochere and the northern conservatory were added in 1897. The architects were Taylor and Fitts. The ballroom was added in 1882 and remodelled in 1889. Many alterations have changed the interior and exterior during the ownerships of Benjamin Nathan and later his daughter Mrs Louisa Jones in the 1930s and are in their own right of significance. Sir Thomas Bent owned the property from 1903 until 1911 but never lived there. He subdivided much of the land. The original garden dates from about 1868, and it seems that William Guilfoyle of the Botanic Gardens was involved. It was redesigned in a more natural style in the 1880s by Sargood and his head gardener, Adam Anderson. The lake, waterfalls, fernery, hill and grotto are balanced by mighty deciduous trees and conifers. These are interspersed with, but never dominated by Australian species such as eucalyptus and other exotics. The sinuous drive with its carefully prepared approach to the house is notable. The original vegetable gardens, orchard and outer paddocks no longer survive. The shade house is important as the largest known in Australia and possibly the world. Its curved plan and form of construction are particularly notable. It was built about 1884.Page 93 of Photograph Album with four photographs (two landscape and two portrait) of Ripponlea - lake and gardens.Handwritten: Neg 239 Dec 1973 LAKE [under top left photo] / Neg 242 Dec 1973 FERN HOUSE [under top right photo] / Neg 243 Dec 1972 FERN HOUSE [under bottom left photo] / Neg 241 Dec 1972 LAKE [under bottom right photo] / 93 [bottom left]trevor hart, elsternwick, mansion, hotham street, frederick sargood, sargood, reed and barnes, 1860's, 1890's, 1880's, benjamin nathan, nathan, louisa jones, thomas bent, sir thomas bent, william guilfoyle, adam anderson, lake, grotto, shade house, portico, ripponlea, victorian, sir frederick sargood, architects, taylor and fitts, rippon lea, gardens, ferns, bridges, walking trails

R.T. Vale had a stationary and bookshop in Ballarat. He had studied at the Ballarat School of Mines, and served on its Council. In 1886 he was elected to the Victorian Legislative Assembly as the member for Ballarat West, serving until 1889 and again from 1892 to 1902. From 1894 to 1896 he was a minister without portfolio.Two handwritten letters from Richard T. Vale. .1) Letter on Government of Victoria Education Office letterhead dated 09 May 1898. .2) Letter of Legislative Assembly Victoria letterhead dated 28 October 1898..1) Dear Martell, I want you to send to dept details as to Room required size of classes how often they meet [illegible] of present accommodation and [illegible] how they clash ad how the proposed rooms are to be erected send at once. Yours truly R.T. Vale .2) 28.10.1898 D.M. I called at [illegible] today plans not quite colored yet I have to be traced from sheets full of detail drawings [illegible] to service and would made had it been safe when they tried [illegible]. I [illegible] would have to wait another fortnight. Yours R.T. Vale.richard t. vale, r.t. vale, legislative assembly victoria, goverment of victoria