This collection of 22 photos was most likely taken in 1984. Mr Gordon Scholes AO was the Minister for Defence in the Hawke Government from 1983 to 1984. It’s evident in these photos he was taken on a tour through the production areas. Mr John Brumby AO at this time was the Federal Member for Bendigo. He later moved on to Victorian state politics, serving as Treasurer from 2000 to 2007 and Premier from 2007 to 2010. Key Army Survey Regiment personnel identified include COL Alex Laing, the Director of Survey from 1983 to 1988 and CO LTCOL Jorge Gruszka who led the unit from 1982 to 1985. The rank of the senior officer is not known, however would have been a Major-General or above, due to the presence of the aide-de-camp (female captain). This is a set of 22 photographs of a visit to the Army Survey Regiment, Bendigo circa 1984, by Mr Gordon Scholes AO, who was the Minister for Defence. The photographs were printed on photographic paper and are part of the Army Survey Regiment’s Collection. Photographs .1P to .11P, .14P to .17P and .19P to .22P were scanned at 600 dpi. Photographs .12P to .13P and .18P were scanned at 300 dpi. .1) - Photo, black and white, c1984. L to R: unidentified, Mr John Brumby AO, Mr Gordon Scholes AO CO LTCOL Jorge Gruszka, unidentified, D-SVY COL Alex Laing, unidentified (x3). .2) - Photo, black and white, c1984. L to R: unidentified, CO LTCOL Jorge Gruszka AO, Mr John Brumby AO, Mr Gordon Scholes AO, unidentified (x4), D-SVY COL Alex Laing. .3) - Photo, black and white, c1984. L to R: unidentified (x2), Mr John Brumby, unidentified, CO LTCOL Jorge Gruszka AO, Mr Gordon Scholes AO, CAPT Danny Galbraith. .4) - Photo, black and white, c1984. L to R: unidentified, CO LTCOL Jorge Gruszka AO, Mr Gordon Scholes AO Mr John Brumby AO, unidentified. .5) - Photo, black and white, c1984. L to R: unidentified, Mr Gordon Scholes AO, unidentified, CO LTCOL Jorge Gruszka AO Mr John Brumby AO, unidentified. .6) - Photo, black and white, c1984. L to R: MAJ Daryl Hockings CSM, unidentified (x2). .7) - Photo, black and white, c1984. L to R: CAPT Danny Galbraith, unidentified (x2), Mr John Brumby AO, unidentified, CO LTCOL Jorge Gruszka AO, Mr Gordon Scholes AO, unidentified (x2). .8) - Photo, black and white, c1984. L to R: unidentified, Mr Gordon Scholes AO, CO LTCOL Jorge Gruszka AO, MAJ Daryl Hockings CSM, D-SVY COL Alex Laing, unidentified. .9) - Photo, black and white, c1984. L to R: unidentified, Mr John Brumby AO, CAPT Bob John, CO LTCOL Jorge Gruszka, Mr Gordon Scholes AO, unidentified (x2), MAJ Graham Baker, unidentified, MAJ Daryl Hockings CSM. .10) - Photo, black and white, c1984. L to R: Mr John Brumby AO, CAPT Bob John, Mr Gordon Scholes AO, unidentified (x2), MAJ Graham Baker, unidentified, MAJ Daryl Hockings CSM. .11) - Photo, black and white, c1984. L to R: unidentified, CO LTCOL Jorge Gruszka, Mr Gordon Scholes AO, unidentified (x2), MAJ Graham Baker, unidentified (x2). .12) - Photo, black and white, c1984. L to R: unidentified, CO LTCOL Jorge Gruszka, Mr Gordon Scholes AO. .13) - Photo, black and white, c1984. L to R: unidentified, Mr John Brumby AO, Mr Gordon Scholes AO, D-SVY COL Alex Laing, CO LTCOL Jorge Gruszka. .14) - Photo, black and white, c1984. L to R: unidentified, Mr Gordon Scholes AO, unidentified media, D-SVY COL Alex Laing, unidentified, CO LTCOL Jorge Gruszka, unidentified media (x2). .15) - Photo, black and white, c1984. L to R: unidentified, D-SVY COL Alex Laing, unidentified (x2), Mr Gordon Scholes AO, unidentified media (x3). .16) - Photo, black and white, c1984. L to R: unidentified (x5), CO LTCOL Jorge Gruszka, Mr Gordon Scholes AO. .17) - Photo, black and white, c1984. L to R: unidentified (x2), D-SVY COL Alex Laing, unidentified (x3), CO LTCOL Jorge Gruszka, Mr Gordon Scholes AO, Mr John Brumby AO. .18) - Photo, black and white, c1984. L to R: unidentified, CO LTCOL Jorge Gruszka, Mr Gordon Scholes AO. .19) - Photo, black and white, c1984. L to R: unidentified, CO LTCOL Jorge Gruszka, Mr John Brumby AO, D-SVY COL Alex Laing, unidentified, Mr Gordon Scholes AO, unidentified (x2). .20) - Photo, black and white, c1984. L to R: D-SVY COL Alex Laing, unidentified (x2). .21) - Photo, black and white, c1984. L to R: Mr John Brumby AO, unidentified, D-SVY COL Alex Laing, unidentified. .22) - Photo, black and white, c1984. L to R: unidentified (x3), Mr Gordon Scholes AO, Mr John Brumby AO, CO LTCOL Jorge Gruszka. .1P to .22P – no annotationsroyal australian survey corps, rasvy, army survey regiment, army svy regt, fortuna, asr

Booklet produced in 1940 for members of the 2nd AIF by the Australian Comforts Fund Victorian Division. The 128-page pocket-sized book could be carried everywhere and provided Australian soldiers with a wide range of useful information about the requirements of war service and many other important details such as: The Laws and Customs of War - including Geneva Convention guidelines, notes on spies and insignia of rank; Things a Soldier should Know - including over 60 points; Signaling - including flags, morse code, shipboard bell times and time zone; Decorations Awarded to Australians in the Great War; Arabic and Japanese words; First Aid for gas injuries etc.; Australian Historical Events, facts and figures etc.; and Conduct Overseas - including expectations of behaviour when representing Australia. non-fictionaustralian comforts fund (victoria), second world war 1939-1945, hugh george ferguson

Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerPhotograph of a street art poster taken on the streets of Hong Kong during the protests against legislation to allow Hong Kong suspects to be extradited to mainland Chinese carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, poster art, posters

Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerMore than a thousand protestors surround Hong Kong's main police headquarters on Arsenal Street in Wan Chai on June 26th following a peaceful rally at Edinburgh Place in Central. Doors to the complex were barricaded by protestors, who left after a six hour siege in protest at police violence at a prtest held earlier on 12 June 2019. Protesters ended a six-hour siege of Hong Kong’s police headquarters – their second in a week over the now-suspended extradition bill – early on Thursday morning. More than 1,000 were involved at the height of the protest, which began after 10pm on Wednesday. Around 100 were left at the end and dispersed without a fight when officers with riot shields emerged from the building in Wan Chai at 4am on Thursday. After a peaceful rally attended by thousands earlier at Edinburgh Place in the Central business district, hundreds descended on Arsenal Street, blocking the junction with Lockhart Road to all traffic and sealing the entrances to the police base. (https://www.scmp.com/news/hong-kong/politics/article/3016238/hong-kong-police-under-siege-again-protesters-surround )carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, protest, protestors

Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerSeven police officers stand guard in front of Hong Kong's main police headquarters on Arsenal Street in Wan Chai as an estimated one thousand protestors surround on 26 June 2019. Protestors take turns to step up and hurl abuse at the officers, in a protest lasting 6 hours before peacefully dispersing. The protesters chanted 'Release the martyrs' and 'Stop police violence' in reference to violent clashes with police in the days previous. ( https://www.scmp.com/news/hong-kong/politics/article/3016238/hong-kong-police-under-siege-again-protesters-surround)carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, protest, protestors, police, wan chai

Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerPhotograph of a crowd or protestors against proposed extradition laws gathering on the streets of Causeway Bay, Hong Kong, leading down to the gathering area. carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, protest, protestors

Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerPhotograph of a crowd on the streets of Hong Kong to protest against proposed extradition laws, heading towards Admiralty. carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, protest, protestors, admiralty

The Lake Condah Mission site includes bluestone ruins and a reconstructed timber building, as well as the cemetery which were part of the original settlement. With European settlement in the 1830s came conflict. Gunditjmara people fought for their land during the Eumerella wars, which lasted more than 20 years. As this conflict drew to an end in the 1860s, many Aboriginal people were displaced and the Victorian government began to develop reserves to house them. Many Aboriginal people refused to move from their ancestral land and eventually the government agreed to build a mission at Lake Condah, close to some of the eel traps and within sight of Budj Bim (Mt Eccles). The mission opened in 1867. The Mission was formally closed in 1918, and Aboriginal people were forced off the Mission, some moving to Lake Tyers. The Gunditjmara protested against the Mission’s closure and many continued to reside in the buildings until the majority of the reserve land was handed over to the Soldier Settlement Scheme in the 1940s. The mission was destroyed by the government in the 1950s in an effort to force the integration of Gunditjmara people with the general community but the Gunditjmara people continued to live in the area and protect their heritage. The mission lands were returned to the Gunditjmara in 1987. Lake Condah Mission is a place with special meaning to the Gunditjmara community - as a community meeting place, an administrative centre, a symbol of political struggle and a link to family histories. As a result the Gunditjmara community do not want open public access to this site. Key Features of Interest Ruins of stone cottages and plot remains of buildings such as the church Reconstructed dormitory building (https://www.budjbim.com.au/visit/cultural-sites/lake-condah-mission/?gclid=EAIaIQobChMIz6j36ZvF-QIV8ZhmAh2tmA3qEAAYASAAEgLxrvD_BwE, accessed 2022)Colour photographs of the former Lake Condah Aboriginal Missionlake condah, lake condah aboriginal mission, aborigines, aboriginal, gunditjmara, eumerella wars

Hugh Mahon (1857-1931) was a resident of Ringwood at the time of his death and was buried in Box Hill cemetery.Full title: Hugh Mahon, Patriot, Pressman, Politician by Jeff Kildea - Volume 2: Politician: the years from 1901 to 1931."This book, the second part of a to-volume biography of Mahon, covers the period from his election to parliament in 1901 until his death in 1931. It describes his almost 20 years as a backbencher and a ministe during which he gained a reputation as one of the brainiest men in parliament as well as one of the most controversial. It provides an insight into his reluctant decision to oppose conscription in 1916 and examines in depth his commitment to Irish self-government and the circumstances of his dramatic expulsion from parliament in 1920. The volume also looks at Mahon's career as managing director of the Catholic Church Property Insurance Co. and his intervention in Irish politics dujring the debatge over the Anglo-Irish treaty. It is the story of a flawed genius who simultaneously evoked high praise and damning criticism."

The Japanese government-issued Oceanian Pound was one of several issues of Japanese invasion money used during World War II. Consisting of only four denominations, the Oceanian Pound was the shortest set (i.e., total number of denominations) issued. Geographically, the region of Oceania comprises numerous islands across the vast South and Central Pacific which includes the islands of New Zealand.[1] Certain descriptions may or may not include Australia.[2] Oceania has also been defined by island groupings: Melanesia, Micronesia, and Polynesia.[1][3] However, from a numismatic perspective (i.e., the issuance of Japanese invasion money), Oceania consisted of the occupied territories of Guam, Gilbert and Ellice Islands, Caroline Islands, Marianas Islands, Solomon Islands, Palau, and the now defunct Territory of New Guinea.[4] [5] Although officially called "Oceania" the region was considered a financial and currency union under Japanese colonial dominion that included several political jurisdictions rather than a single polity.A blue coloured paper note with picture of fruit and an island beach on the front.On the front reads "Japanese Government One Shilling" and on the reverse the number 1. On the front in red are the letters "OC".money, paper, currency, japanese, wwii, japan, oceania, shilling, one, occupation, japanese government, blue

Before her marriage to Ron Kirner, Joan Hood taught at the Ballarat Girls' Junior Technical School in the late 1950s. The Girls' school was a division of the Ballarat School of Mines. After entering politics Joan Kirner was Minister for Education (1988) and Premier of Victoria (1990 to 1992). In 1992 Premier of Victoria Joan Kirner visited her former workplace to officially open and name four new facilities, marking stage 2 of the school's State Works and Services Development Project. Honoured in the naming ceremony was the late Albert Steane, the late Kenneth Fleckoe and Mr Jack Barker, President of the Ballarat School of Mines. The fourth facility was the recently opened carpentry and joinery complex. Mrs Kirner said naming the building in honour of the three men would act as a continual reminder of their contribution to education in Australia and what they have passed on to future generations. She said the Government and the State Training Board saw the college as not only one that was most important to Victoria but also nationally and internationally. A group of 5 people walking along Ballarat's Lydiard Street South. The former Ballarat Brewery in the background is in the process of being demolished to make way for an expansion of the SMB campus. Left to right: Peter Shiells, E.J. (Jack) Barker, Winsome Barker, Premier of Victoria Joan Kirner, Frank Sheehan MLA (Labor State Member for Ballarat South). joan kirner, joan hood, ballarat junior technical girls' school, e.j. barker, peter shiells, frank sheehan

John Edward Redmond, was a prominent banker and businessman before entering Parliament as a member for Wexford constituency in 1859; his statue stands in Redmond Square, Wexford town.(http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/John_Redmond, accessed 21/01/2014) His great nephew, John Edward Redmond (1 September 1856 – 6 March 1918) was an Irish nationalist politician, barrister, MP in the House of Commons of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland and leader of the Irish Parliamentary Party from 1900 to 1918. He was a moderate, constitutional and conciliatory politician who attained the twin dominant objectives of his political life, party unity and finally in September 1914 achieving the promise of Irish Home Rule under an Act which granted an interim form of self-government to Ireland. However, implementation of the Act was suspended by the intervention of World War I, and ultimately made untenable after the Conscription Crisis of 1918. (http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/John_Redmond, accessed 21/01/2014)Image of moustached politician John E. Redmond.ballarat irish, redmond, john redmond, irish nationalist party, irish home rule

Sir Albert Arthur Dunstan, KCMG was an Australian politician. A member of the Country Party (now National Party of Australia), Dunstan was the 33rd Premier of Victoria. His term as Premier was the second-longest in the state's history, behind Sir Henry Bolte. Dunstan, who was Premier from 2 April 1935 to 14 September 1943 and again from 18 September 1943 to 2 October 1945, was the first Premier of Victoria to hold that office as a position in its own right, and not just an additional duty taken up by the Treasurer, Attorney General, or Chief Secretary. Sir Henry BoltePrint Page Print this page 15-November-2018[Diane Watson] 15-November-2018[Diane Watson] 15-November-2018[Diane Watson] 21-November-201615-November-2018 [Diane Watson]21-November-201615-November-2018[Diane Watson]15-November-2018[Diane Watson]21-November-2016 Photographs supplied by Sandra Brown / Diane Watson A statue commemorates the former Premier of Victoria, Sir Henry Bolte for his services to Victoria and Ballarat. In the 1955 elections an almost unknown sheep farmer from the bush, Henry Bolte, became premier. His long, uninterrupted Liberal rule was a seminal period in Victoria`s history, not least for the unprecedented development of the hitherto languishing state and the political stability that his election in 1955 delivered. There was a chaotic political culture in Victoria before Bolte was elected. It was effectively a national joke with one minority government in 1943 lasting just five days and another in 1952 lasting only four.Statue of Henry Bolte and Sir Allbert Dunstantreasury gardens, statue, henry bolte, albert dunstan, premier

In 2005 Michele Matthews interviewed current and former residents of Bendigo for her thesis on the 1930s Depression as part of her PhD Research, with the University of Melbourne Faculty of Arts, History Department. Michele interviewed fifteen members of prominent Bendigonian families. The thesis was titled: "How Depressing?: The impact of the Great Depression on Bendigo and District 1925-1935". The Michele Matthews Collection contains fourteen audio cassette tape recordings and one written transcript. The tapes are each approximately 1 hour and 45 minutes duration. The questions presented to the interviewees explore everyday experiences they would have lived through at the time of the Depression. The questions covered sixteen relevant subjects: • Introduction and housing • Social activities, swimming, cinemas, school and games played with friends • Organizations such as the RSL, Relief Committees etc. and any effect they had on family life • The life of the single woman • Unemployment and Employment • Government Assistance • Charities Aid • Self-help • People Power, e.g. boycotts or protests • Politics • Trouble or crime • Family Health, Medical and Diet • Education • General memories of, and hardships encountered, during the DepressionAudio tape interview with Amy Brown (Nee Osterfield). Amy was born in 1922. In 1942 she married Allan Stanley Brown. Her father, Charles Osterfield was a wood cutter before becoming unemployed. She never attended school. The tape has been converted to a sound file. The 150 minute interview can be listened to, and the notes viewed, at the Bendigo Historical Society. By appointment only. Also included is Amy's memories of her childhood - Amy's Story. This is a 26 page document available here to read.history, bendigo, michele matthews collection, the 1930s depression tapes, amy brown

In 2005 Michele Matthews interviewed current and former residents of Bendigo for her thesis on the 1930s Depression as part of her PhD Research, with the University of Melbourne Faculty of Arts, History Department. Michele interviewed fifteen members of prominent Bendigonian families. The thesis was titled: "How Depressing?: The impact of the Great Depression on Bendigo and District 1925-1935". The Michele Matthews Collection contains fourteen audio cassette tape recordings and one written transcript. The tapes are each approximately 1 hour and 45 minutes duration. The questions presented to the interviewees explore everyday experiences they would have lived through at the time of the Depression. The questions covered sixteen relevant subjects: • Introduction and housing • Social activities, swimming, cinemas, school and games played with friends • Organizations such as the RSL, Relief Committees etc. and any effect they had on family life • The life of the single woman • Unemployment and Employment • Government Assistance • Charities Aid • Self-help • People Power, e.g. boycotts or protests • Politics • Trouble or crime • Family Health, Medical and Diet • Education • General memories of, and hardships encountered, during the DepressionAudio tape interview with sisters Doreen Domenica Favalora, and Josephine Monica Faveloro; cake and food shop owners. Daughters of Salvatore and Gina Favaloro. Doreen was born in 1915, and Josephine in 1920. Both attended school at St Mary's College, Doreen, c1920-1933, and Josephine, 1925-1938. The tape has been converted to a sound file. The 120 minute interview can be listened to, and the notes viewed, at the Bendigo Historical Society. By appointment only. The sisters lived at 137 Forest Street (not the one in the photo) Generations of the Favaloro family have attended Catherine McAuley College and its predecessor colleges St Mary's and Marist Brothers'. A book has been released documenting the progressive family migration from Salina, Italy to Bendigo. The family went on to run many much-loved businesses in Bendigo including cafes, fruit shops, theatre kiosks and caterers. A book has been written called 'The Favaloro Family of Bendigo: The Early Year 1895-1942' by Robert McWilliam. The photo and article are from the Bendigo Weekly Newspaper Friday April 7th 2006history, bendigo, michele matthews collection, the 1930s depression tapes, doreen and josephine favaloro