Gould manufacturing company was founded in 1848 at Seneca Falls, New York when Seabury S. Gould purchased an interest in Downs, Mynderse & Co. and the firm became Downs & Co. Wooden pumps were produced at the time in an old cotton factory building. In 1869, the name of the company was changed from Downs & Company to Goulds Manufacturing Company. Seabury S. Gould was regarded as a man of unusual vision, and as the founder of Goulds Manufacturing Company he was keen to start producing cast iron pumps. An iron pump, he believed, would overcome all the disadvantages of a wooden pump. It would be strong and efficient and provide fresh flowing water for the pioneers. He ran the company until after the American Civil War and because Goulds Manufacturing had a foundry, they also produced all kinds of cast iron products such as corn shellers, bells, sad irons, sinks, tools, and a line of fire engines. From 1848 to 1964 a Gould family member had always been President of the company. However, the company ownership in 1964 was transferred from family-owned stock to public offerings and employee ownership of stock. The subject item called the "N e w Deluge" was an improved bilge pump for vessels having not more than 25 feet depth of hold. It was also used by contractors for pumping out excavations and was well adapted for irrigation use. This hand pump was designed to be used where a hand pump of large capacity was desired. Goulds made many different types of pumps to suit differing pumping situations such as. Well Pumps, Hydraulic Rams, Diaphragm Pumps, Tank Pumps, Sprayers and Small Capacity Power rumps. Goulds Triplex, Centrifugal, Rotary and Deep Well Power Pumps The subject item was first introduced to the market in the Goulds catalogue of 1915 and became a very popular pump used in Australia and the USA. It is manufactured by a company still trading today with offices in Australia and many other countries.Hand Pump cast iron with long reversable pumping lever and cylindrical casing there are 4 metal holes for fastening to floor surface. Painted black. Embossed "NEW DELUGE" "- - -" and "No 16" or "No 18".warrnambool, flagstaff-hill, flagstaff-hill-maritime-museum, maritime-museum, shipwreck-coast, flagstaff-hill-maritime-village, pump, hand pump, goulds manufacturing

This black and white photograph of the tugboat NYORA towing the steam ship INVERNESS-SHIRE was taken between 1915, when the INVERNESS-SHIRE was dis-masted, and 9the July 1917, when NYORA tragically sank. The sailing ship INVERNESS-SHIRE was a four masted steel barque built in 1894 by Robert Duncan & Co. Limited, Glasgow, U.K. (The supervising engineer during the building was William Cumming. He accompanied every ship he’d built on their maiden voyages from UK to Melbourne.) In 1916 she was purchased by A/S Christiansand (Sven O. Stray), Kristiansand, Norway and renamed SVARTSKOG. In October 1920 she disappeared at sea, carrying a cargo of coal, and all hands were lost. The steam powered NYORA was a powerful tugboat and a salvage vessel built by J.P. Rennoldson & Sons Ltd, South Shields, Tyne and Wear, UK. She was originally launched with the name NEPEAN in May 1909, then as NYORA in August 1909 and registered in Melbourne in November 1909 by owners Huddart Parker Pty Ltd. She was made of steel, had triple-compounded steam engines, and her dimensions were 306 ton, 135.0 x 25.1 x 13.6ft. The Melbourne tug NYORA was known as “one of the best known tugs in Victoria, and carried the latest appliances for firefighting and salvage purposes.” She serviced the Port of Melbourne for most of her career. In July 1917 NYORA was towing the American schooner ASTORIA from Port Pirie to Sydney, because ASTORIA’s engines had broken down; she had been delivering a large cargo of timber. On July 9th the vessels were two days out from Port Pirie. At 10:30am NYORA foundered after casting off at Cape Jaffa, 50 miles south of Kingston, South Australia, and sank. Only 2 of the 16 crew survived; NYORA’s Master, Captain W.M. McBain (William Murray) and helmsman, able seaman Gordon Lansley. They were rescued by the two Cape Jaffa light keepers, Jamieson & Clark, who launched the rescue from the Cape Jaffa lighthouse on Margaret Brock Reef. Both men were brought to the lighthouse keeper’s cottage where they recuperated after their long exposure to the rough. (The Queenscliff Sentinal of 14th July 1917 noted that both saved men originated from the same district; Gordon Lansley was from Queenscliff and Captain McBain formerly from Point Lonsdale.) The ASTORIA was “in a very dangerous position ten miles west of the Margaret Brock reef near the Cape Jaffa lighthouse, setting towards the land.” Captain Solly from Beachport later said “Owing to the position … the ship was very fortunate in making Guichen Bay in safety, as she did” (Guichen Bay is south of Robe). Captain Bull, manager of Huddart Packer Pty Ltd, NYORA’s owner, was unable to see any reason for the foundering, as the NYORA was well known for its seaworthiness. At a hearing later on, the Marine Board could blame on no-one either, but found that the ship had been swamped by heavy seas, and had listed to one side when a load of 40 tons of coal in sacks on her deck shifted. The tow line to the ASTORIA was cut to try and save the tug but a huge wave swamped her, crashed open the engine room door and flooded the compartment. It was impossible to launch the lifeboats due to the listing of the sea and NYORA sank within 15 minutes. There was some criticism of the length of time it took Captain Solly and the lifeboat crew to get from Beachport to Cape Jaffa to help with the rescue. However, they had great difficulty in the very strong seas, taking 9 hours just to reach Robe, which was only 32 miles away. There they filled the tanks with ample benzene for the task ahead (impossible to do at sea at the time), took in food and brought on board the Robe Harbour Master, Mr Sneath. The Harbour Master was then able to safely pilot the lifeboat to Cape Jaffa in the smoother coastal waters, saving very much time, but by the time they arrived at Cape Jaffa the 2 survivors had already been taken to the lighthouse on the mainland. There was also a question as to the chances of the ship ASTORIA lowering a lifeboat to help with the disaster. Captain Solly explained that it would have been impossible without sacrificing the lives of the lifeboat crew , due to the great height of the ship out of the water and the roughness of the sea. Captain Svenson, of the ASTORIA, said himself “We are ourselves in a helpless position” and “"Cannot see anything of lifeboats”. One of the 14 lost crew of the NYORA was Hugh Edwards, whose body was not recovered. The descendants of Captain William McBain have continued the seafaring heritage. His son was also a tugboat captain (Captain Norman Clive McBain), working mostly from Reid Street Pier, Williamstown, who would often take his own grandson out to sea to spend time with him on his tugboat. Now that grandson has built a tugboat in memory of his heritage and spends time in it with his own grandson. The Cape Jaffa original lighthouse has been dismantled and moved to Kingston and is now a Lighthouse Museum. The attached photographs of Margaret Brock Reef, and the Cape Jaffa Lighthourse keeper's cottage (now in ruins) is courtesy of Capt. William McBain's great grandson, who visited the area in 2015. There is a model of the NYORA in Museum Victoria, donated by Huddart Packer & Co Ltd. in 1937. This photograph is significant for its association with the tugboat NYORA, that is part of the seafaring history of the Port of Melbourne and associated Victorian ports. Black and White photograph of the tugboat NYORA and steam ship INVERNESS-SHIRE. C. 1915-1917.flagstaff hill, warrnambool, shipwrecked-coast, flagstaff-hill, flagstaff-hill-maritime-museum, maritime-museum, shipwreck-coast, flagstaff-hill-maritime-village, historic maritime photograph, lighthouses, shipwrecks, steamships, j.p. rennoldson & sons ltd, huddart parker pty ltd, nepean, nyora, inverness-shire, astoria, captain w.m. mcbain, william cummings supervising engineer, cape jaffa lighthouse, beachport lifeboat, captain solly, captain svenson, margaret brock reef

The design of this and other similar treadle powered dental engine (or dentist drill) was in common use by dentists from the 1870’s into the 1920's. When electricity became accessible to most communities the electrically powered dental engines began to take over from the treadle power. Over the ages teeth were extracted using picks and scissors and other gouging instruments. Bow drills, hand drills and even a "bur thimble" drill were later used to prepare cavities for filling. Some drills were made bendable by attaching flexible shanks between the metal bur and the handle, giving access to the teeth at the back of the mouth. Other mechanical devices were introduced along the way, such as clockwork drills, but they were hard to handle and inefficient. Over the centuries “dentistry has been performed by priests, monks and other healers. This was followed by barbers; the barber’s chair may well have been the precursor to the dental chair. “(SA Medical Heritage Society Inc.) In 1871 James Morrison patented the first commercially manufactured 'foot treadle dental engine', the first practica dental engine although others had been introduced as early as 1790 (by John Greenwood). Handmade steel burs or drills were introduced for dental handpieces, taking advantage of the significant increase in the speed of the drill. In 1891 the first machine-made steel burs were in use. The treadle drill reduced the time to prepare a cavity from hours to less than ten minutes. In 1876 the Samuel S. White Catalogue of Dentist Instruments listed a 12 ½ inch wheel diameter dental engine, with 14 bright steel parts, for sale at US $55 In today’s market, this is the equivalent to US $1200 approx. The specifications of that dental engine are very similar to the this one in our Flagstaff Hill Maritime Village’s collection. It is interesting to note that workings of a similar treadle dentist drill were used and modified to power a treadle spinning wheel of one of the volunteer spinners at Flagstaff Hill Maritime Village. The foot treadle dental engine was a milestone in dental history. “Historic importance of treadle powered machines; they made use of human power in an optimal way” (Lowtech Magazine “Short history of early pedal powered machines”) The invention of a machine to speed up the process of excavation of a tooth lead to the invention of new burs and drills for the handpieces, improving speed and the surgical process of dentistry. They were the fore-runner of today’s electrically powered dental engines. This treadle-powered dentist drill, or dentist engine, is made of iron and steel and provides power for a mechanical dental hand-piece that would be fitted with a dental tool. The drill has a three footed cast iron base, one foot being longer than the other two. A vertical C shaped frame is joined into the centre of the base, holding an axle that has a driving-wheel (or flywheel) and connecting to a crank. A slender, shoulder height post, made from telescoping pipes, joins into the top of this frame and is height adjusted by a hand tightened screw with a round knob. On the post just above the frame is a short metal, horizontal bar (to hold the hand-piece when it is not in use). A narrow tubular arm is attached to the top of the stand at a right angle and can move up and down. At the end of the arm is a firmly fixed, flexible rubber hose protected for a short distance by a sheath of thin metal. At the end of the hose there is a fitting where the drill’s hand-piece would be attached; a small, silver coloured alligator clip is also at the end. A treadle, or foot pedal, is hinged to the heel to the long foot of the base, and joined at the toe to the crank that turns the driving-wheel. There is a spring under the toe of the treadle. The metal driving-wheel has a wide rim. Touching the inside of the rim are four tubular rings that bulge towards the outside of the driving-wheel, away from the pole, and all meet at the hub of the axle. The axle is bulbous between the inside of the driving-wheel and the frame then passes through the frame and is attached on the other side. The driving-wheel has a groove around which a belt would sit. The belt would also fit around a pulley on the arm, at the top of the post. The pulley is joined to a rod inside the arm and this spins the drill's hand-piece and dental tool holder. The two shorter feet of the base are made from a long metal bar that has been curved outwards, and its centre is bolted to the base of the pole. Under the ends of the curved legs of the base are wedge shaped feet. The driving-wheel is decorated in light coloured paint on both sides, each side having three sets of floral decals evenly spaced around them, and each about a sixth of the wheel's circumference. Similar decoration is along the sides of the frame. The foot pedal has decorative cutout patterns in the centre of the foot and at the toe. On the long foot of the stand is some lettering with a fine, light coloured border around it. The lettering is hard to read, being a dark colour and flaking off. There are also remnants of fine, light coloured flourishes. The foot pedal has lettering of the maker’s trade mark cast into the metal at the ball of the foot. Lettering on the base is peeling and difficult to read. The foot pedal has a trade mark cast into it that looks like a combination of ‘C’ , ‘S’ , ‘A’, ‘R’. flagstaff hill, warrnambool, shipwrecked coast, flagstaff hill maritime museum, maritime museum, shipwreck coast, flagstaff hill maritime village, great ocean road, dentist, teeth, dental drill, dental engine, treadle drill, foot powered drill, treadle engine, orthodontics, dental surgery, james morrison

The design of this and other similar treadle powered dental engine (or dentist drill) was in common use by dentists from the 1870’s into the 1920's. When electricity became accessible to most communities the electrically powered dental engines began to take over from the treadle power. Over the ages teeth were extracted using picks and scissors and other gouging instruments. Bow drills, hand drills and even a "bur thimble" drill were later used to prepare cavities for filling. Some drills were made bendable by attaching flexible shanks between the metal bur and the handle, giving access to the teeth at the back of the mouth. Other mechanical devices were introduced along the way, such as clockwork drills, but they were hard to handle and inefficient. Over the centuries “dentistry has been performed by priests, monks and other healers. This was followed by barbers; the barber’s chair may well have been the precursor to the dental chair. “(SA Medical Heritage Society Inc.) In 1871 James Morrison patented the first commercially manufactured 'foot treadle dental engine', the first practica dental engine although others had been introduced as early as 1790 (by John Greenwood). Handmade steel burs or drills were introduced for dental handpieces, taking advantage of the significant increase in the speed of the drill. In 1891 the first machine-made steel burs were in use. The treadle drill reduced the time to prepare a cavity from hours to less than ten minutes. In 1876 the Samuel S. White Catalogue of Dentist Instruments listed a 12 ½ inch wheel diameter dental engine, with 14 bright steel parts, for sale at US $55 In today’s market, this is the equivalent to US $1200 approx. The specifications of that dental engine are very similar to the this one in our Flagstaff Hill Maritime Village’s collection. It is interesting to note that workings of a similar treadle dentist drill were used and modified to power a treadle spinning wheel of one of the volunteer spinners at Flagstaff Hill Maritime Village. The foot treadle dental engine was a milestone in dental history. “Historic importance of treadle powered machines; they made use of human power in an optimal way” (Lowtech Magazine “Short history of early pedal powered machines”) The invention of a machine to speed up the process of excavation of a tooth lead to the invention of new burs and drills for the handpieces, improving speed and the surgical process of dentistry. They were the fore-runner of today’s electrically powered dental engines. This treadle-powered dentist drill, or dentist engine, is made of iron and steel and provides power for a mechanical dental handpiece that would be fitted with a dental tool. On the foot is painted lettering naming it "The Brentfield" and there is a fine line of light coloured paint creating a border around the name. The paint under the lettering is peeling off. The drill has a Y-shaped, three footed cast iron base, one foot being longer than the other two. A vertical frame is joined into the centre of the base, holding an axle that has a driving-wheel (or flywheel) and connecting to a crank. A slender, shoulder height post, made from adjustable telescoping pipes, joins into the top of this frame. On the post just above the frame is a short metal, horizontal bar (to hold the hand-piece when it is not in use). A narrow tubular arm is attached to the top of the stand at a right angle and can move up, down and around. There is a pulley each side of the joint of the arm and a short way along the arm is fitted a short metal pipe. A little further along the arm a frayed-ended cord hangs down from a hole. At the end of the arm is another pulley and a joint from which hangs a long, thin metal pipe with two pulleys and a fitting on the end. A treadle, or foot pedal, is joined to the long foot of the base, and joined at the toe to the crank that turns the driving-wheel. The metal driving-wheel has a wide rim. Touching the inside of the rim are four tubular rings that bulge towards the outside of the driving-wheel, away from the pole, and all meet at the hub of the axle. The axle fits between the inside of the driving-wheel and the frame then passes through the frame and is attached on the other side. The driving-wheel has a groove around which a belt would sit. The belt would also fit around a pulley on the arm, at the top of the post. The pulley is joined to a rod inside the arm and this spins the drill's hand-piece and dental tool holder. The foot pedal has a cross-hatch pattern on the heel and the ball of the foot has tread lines across it. The end of the toe and the instep areas have cut-out pattern in them. "The ____/ Brentfield / __ DE IN L___" (Made in London) painted on the long foot of the base. Marked on the drill connection is “Richter De Trey, Germany”flagstaff hill, warrnambool, shipwrecked coast, flagstaff hill maritime museum, maritime museum, shipwreck coast, flagstaff hill maritime village, great ocean road, dentist, teeth, dental drill, dental engine, treadle drill, foot powered drill, treadle engine, orthodontics, dental surgery, james morrison, the brentfield, richter de trey, german dental fitting, london dental drill

This AC generator operated for the State Electricity Commission in the Ballarat North Power Station prior to World War Two. James Oddie of Ballarat has an association with Thomas Parker of Elswell-Parker. In early 1887 Oddie arrived in England seeking information on electrical knowledge and its developments. At this time Henry Sutton was teaching Electricity and Magnetism at the Ballarat School of Mines. Oddie stayed in the United Kingdom for around three years and during that time became a close friend of Thomas Parker and his family. The two first met at the first official running of the Blackpool tram, and Oddie was invited to visit Parker at Wolverhampton. Over the years Thomas Parker kept newspaper cuttings (mainly Australian) relating to James Oddie and his work. The following article is a description of the Wolverhampton works by James Oddie, and was collected by Thomas Parker. After the dinner at Blackpool, Mr. Parker visited me, and cordially invited me to see his extensive works at Wolverhampton, an invitation I was not slow to avail myself of. This was the keynote of the best friendship I made in England. I went shortly afterwards and stayed several days, visiting the works daily, as Mr. Parker gave me the run of the whole works. There I ordered the installation of a 60 light dynamo, with a 28 cell storage battery and paraphernalia, now doing duty at the Observatory. I subsequently visited the works frequently, sometimes for a week at a time, and I regard it as the brightest spot in my English constellation. Mr. Parker started his works in 1880, with one man beside himself. He never had a single day’s instruction in electricity in his life; now he daily instructs between 300 and 400 employees, who worship him as a father. He is said to be now the most practical electrical engineer and mechanist in Europe. During one of my visits I took with me an artist, who is painting for me a portrait, 6 feet by 5 feet, of Mr. Parker, surrounded by dynamos, secondary batteries, measuring instruments etc. Electric tram cars are going to be a big thing in England. Parker’s Company Limited, is now, with three other companies, in the hands of the Electric Construction Company, with Mr. Parker as manager of the lot. The whole of the works will be taken to Wolverhampton. Before I left, a tender for £50,000 was accepted for the construction of new works.AC Generator painted read and black on a stand. This AC generator operated for the State Electricity Commission in the Ballarat North Power Station prior to World War Twogenerator, ac generator, elwell-parker ltd, state electricity commission, sec, ballarat north power station, james oddie, wolverhampton

This small Adana letterpress was based on a larger press. It was intended for printing stationery such as business cards, visitor’s cards, shop price cards and notepaper headers, Used for letterpress printing, and advertised as “Virtually indestructible”. Used for hobby printing, schools, and similar uses. When donated to Flagstaff Hill the chase still had letter type in it, which was printed out "THE SHADOWS / apahc / the aauage / shaboogie ". Currently, the machine is used by the Flagstaff Hill "Examiner" office to make business cards for use by some of the Volunteers in the Village. HISTORY Donald Aspinall, born in London in 1899, suffered shell shock while serving in World War 1. During his recovery, while still a teenager, he worked his hobby, the design of a small flatbed printing press, then advertised it in The Model Engineer’ in 1918 and received an overwhelming response of orders. In 1922 Aspinall founded the Adana Agency, in Twickenham. His had great success in his sales of flatbed, self-inking wooden presses to hobby printing enthusiasts. Over the years Adana made a variety of machines; flatbed, lever, treadle and powered presses Adana cast its own type in 1925 and has a number of patents for press parts. In the 1980’s the company wound down, and was purchased by Caslon, who still service and supply part for the Adana machines. Printing press; hand operated small letterpress machine made by Adana. Tiny platen style. Model Five-Three (5 inch x 3 inch). Cast metal base and lever handle with rounded end, both painted dark red, rounded red metal lever handle. C. 1934 Marks on foot of stand " REG. NO. / ISIL 46 & S00575 / PATENTS PENDING" and "REG. TRADE MARK / ADANA"flagstaff hill, warrnambool, shipwrecked coast, flagstaff hill maritime museum, maritime museum, shipwreck coast, flagstaff hill maritime village, great ocean road, adana letterpress, adana model three-five, mini letterpress, printing machine, donald aspinall

Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerPhotograph of a street art poster taken on the streets of Hong Kong during the protests against legislation to allow Hong Kong suspects to be extradited to mainland Chinese carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, poster art, posters

Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerMore than a thousand protestors surround Hong Kong's main police headquarters on Arsenal Street in Wan Chai on June 26th following a peaceful rally at Edinburgh Place in Central. Doors to the complex were barricaded by protestors, who left after a six hour siege in protest at police violence at a prtest held earlier on 12 June 2019. Protesters ended a six-hour siege of Hong Kong’s police headquarters – their second in a week over the now-suspended extradition bill – early on Thursday morning. More than 1,000 were involved at the height of the protest, which began after 10pm on Wednesday. Around 100 were left at the end and dispersed without a fight when officers with riot shields emerged from the building in Wan Chai at 4am on Thursday. After a peaceful rally attended by thousands earlier at Edinburgh Place in the Central business district, hundreds descended on Arsenal Street, blocking the junction with Lockhart Road to all traffic and sealing the entrances to the police base. (https://www.scmp.com/news/hong-kong/politics/article/3016238/hong-kong-police-under-siege-again-protesters-surround )carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, protest, protestors

Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerSeven police officers stand guard in front of Hong Kong's main police headquarters on Arsenal Street in Wan Chai as an estimated one thousand protestors surround on 26 June 2019. Protestors take turns to step up and hurl abuse at the officers, in a protest lasting 6 hours before peacefully dispersing. The protesters chanted 'Release the martyrs' and 'Stop police violence' in reference to violent clashes with police in the days previous. ( https://www.scmp.com/news/hong-kong/politics/article/3016238/hong-kong-police-under-siege-again-protesters-surround)carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, protest, protestors, police, wan chai

Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerPhotograph crowds gathering on June 16 on the streets of Causeway Bay before an estimated 2 million people take part in march protesting the government's push for extradition laws to China and demanding an apology from the chief executrive Carrie Lam. Nearly 2 million’ people take to streets, forcing public apology from Hong Kong leader Carrie Lam as suspension of controversial extradition bill fails to appease protesters. (https://www.scmp.com/news/hong-kong/politics/article/3014737/nearly-2-million-people-take-streets-forcing-public-apology )carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, protest, protestors

Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerPhotograph of a crowd or protestors against proposed extradition laws gathering on the streets of Causeway Bay, Hong Kong, leading down to the gathering area. carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, protest, protestors

Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerPhotograph of a crowd on the streets of Hong Kong to protest against proposed extradition laws, heading towards Admiralty. carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, protest, protestors, admiralty

Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerCrowds mass on Queens Way in Hong Kong as an estimated 2 million people march in protest at the government's refusal to withdraw a controverisal law allowing people to be extradited to mainland China. Chants demanded the chief executive apologise and the legislation be withdrawn, while many held signs protesting police violence. Nearly 2 million protesters flooded the streets of Hong Kong on Sunday, organisers claimed, delivering a stunning repudiation of Chief Executive Carrie Lam Cheng Yuet-ngor’s governance and forcing a public apology out of the city’s leader over her campaign to bulldoze a controversial extradition bill through the legislature. A day after Lam suspended her push for the bill, expecting it to defuse a crisis that has seen violent clashes between mostly young protesters and police, the centre of Hong Kong was brought to a complete standstill as the masses marched to chastise her for refusing to withdraw the bill or apologise when first asked to, and declaring that nothing short of her resignation would satisfy them now. (https://www.scmp.com/news/hong-kong/politics/article/3014737/nearly-2-million-people-take-streets-forcing-public-apology ) carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, protest, protestors, admiralty

Mrs J.L.Smith and Ada Smith in the backyard of the house Law Muir Den 510 Centre Rd Bentleigh c 1910. . The early settler women usually devoted a whole day to washing as it was very labourious. A fire was lit in a stone pit and a large tub of water boiled. Soap that had been made, usually in the previous Autumn, from fat drippings and caustic soda, was flaked into the tub to form suds. The clothes were moved around in the tub with a long wooden paddle that was also used to lift the clothes out of the tub into another tub of cold rinsing water..Stains were removed by scrubbing soap on the cloth against a scrubbing board. Clothes were wrung by hand or a mechanical wringer and hung on the clothes line to dry. Mary Ann Smith was married John Logan Smith 1860-1932 who at first rented a cottage 'Law Muir Den' & Shed from Mr Box and commenced business as a wood merchant - sawing logs into shorter pieces using one horse to power the saw. He purchased the property, added to the buildings , began trading in fuel and fodder as well and installed a chaff cutting mill powered by 10hp steam engine. The business prospered As Motor transport was increasing 1926 J L Smith built a small Garage on the opposite corner (Woolworths Supermarket 2005) , employed a good mechanic ( Reg Hunt ) and developed another successful business. J.L.Smith was an early settler in East Brighton now Bentleigh and established successful Wood cutting, Grain & Chaff cutting and Motor garage businesses in Centre Road . He was elected Councillor of the Shire of Moorabbin and, with Mary Ann, his family were involved with local Church, Red Cross, and other community organizations.Photograph, Black & White, showing 2 women washing clothes in a large tub, set over a fire in a stone pit, in the back yard. Clothes are hanging from a rope line strung between 2 trees and held up with a wooden 'prop'

Black and white photograph of E. W. Hands Butchery and poulter shop, located at the corner of Forest and Barnard Streets, Est. 1859. Verandah faces both streets and has very ornate lacework where the hand rail is fitted on the top floor, and more lacework the top edge of the roof and similar lacework at beneath the floor of the top floor. There are seven males standing front and centre wearing the uniform of the trade, coat and black and white horizontal striped apron. Other bystanders can be seen to the left including children. A large tree can be seen to the left and a smaller leafless tree to the front facing Barnard Street. Two large white posts font centre, left post does not appear to have attachments, the other has five crossbars carrying power and/or phone wiring, and some sort of decoration attached to the top of the post. Top right corner can be seen the wiring to provide power for the trams.buildings, commercial, hands butchery

Photo of a paddock, sign ''Caution gas main'' at the centre, on the right hand side a road and on the left a fence and a power pole. Date stamp at bottom left 20/07/1999. location unknown.Kodakplace, land, paddock

Joan O'Shea Collection. Buff Coloured Booklet City of Bendigo. 150th anniversary of Bendigo 1850s to 1950s. Image on cover coat of arms for City of Bendigo underneath word progress, left hand side horse, right hand side bullock. History of Bendigo: From Sheep Run to Provincial City in 100 years. Map of Bendigo and Surrounds Railways, Water Courses & Storage, Power, Municipal Boundaries & Land Available for Industry. Municipal District Creation 1855, Borough Proclamation 1863, Proclaimed City 1871, Area: 7992 Acres Population as of last census City of Bendigo 28,722, City of Bendigo and adjacent Urban Areas 36,909. City of Bendigo Map, The Past Prior to 1850. Icons of Bendigo The Bendigo base Hospital,Law Courts & Post Office, Primary Schools, Housing, Industry including Butter Production, Poultry Farming, Livestock Sales & Tomato Growing, Slaughter House & ordnance factory. The Present Recreation Photos: Bendigo Bowling Club, Queen Elizabeth Oval, Municipal Lawn Tennis Courts The Future of Bendigo, Bendigo Photographs From The 1950s,Cambridge Press Bendigobendigo, history, progress of bendigo 1850s on.

Handwritten on graph paper - Employee names include: Gregory, Reed, Tueno, Cant, Power, Evans, Caughlan, Livingstone, Palmer, Higham, Picker, Townsend, Shaw, Harrison, Threlfall, Kurzke, Hopgood, Sanf, Nickson, R. Wirth, J.Wirth, Pollard, Dole, Perdon, Hogan, Grenfell, Boston, Hope, A.James. Also has instructions for the staff of the duty at hand.person, individual, basil miller

A grey coloured booklet with Restricted at the top and bottom of the cover. Code 7610-66-107-1143 is written top right hand of cover, australia - armed forces - service manuals, land warfare, australian army

A gray coloured cover with black writing on it. The identification code is 7610-66-107-1143 and is in the top right hand side of the booklet. There are two punch holes on the left hand side of the booklet. The booklet is covered with a clear plastic coveraustralia - armed forces - service manuals, land warfare

"In Safe hands: Presidents of the Port Melbourne Football Club", by Terry KEENAN. describes the 29 presidents of the Port Melbourne Football Clubcyril letts, richard taylor, william swallow, peter saultry, albert victor renowden, sport - australian rules football, thomas swallow, carl frederick julius seismann, john finlay malcolmson, frederick thomas derham, george sangster, arthur tate, arthur hester, franz opitz, george alexander rogers, james peter crichton, william harper, arthur hardingham, hugh stranaghan, henry lang, walter 'watty' power, thomas griffin, joseph earle, albert garbutt, henry perazzo, james mutch, norm goss snr, henry harrison, john bradley, port melbourne football club, pmfc, alexander arthur james

Robert Ashton Lister was born in England in 1845 into an industrial family. After attending the Paris Exhibition in 1867, Robert argued with his father and formed the R.A. Lister Company to produce agricultural machinery at his factory in Dursley, England. In 1889 he linked his machine with Pederson’s cream separator which now ran at a consistent speed due to a spinning centrifugal separator thus producing consistency of cream. It was marketed through the Commonwealth and Robert himself drove right across Alberta in Canada with horse and buggy to promote the machine. He also expanded the use of his machine to sheep shearing. In 1909 the Company acquired the rights to manufacture petrol driven engines. When World War 1 began in 1914 the Company focused on producing petrol engines, lighting plants and munitions for the War Department, the workforce was mainly female as the men enlisted and left for the Front. After the War, Robert Lister retired, and the Company was taken over by his grandsons Robert, Frank, George and Percy with A.E.Mellerup. Their father Charles represented the Company in North America and Europe. Foreign competition and over supply of second-hand ex-military engines and lighting sets saw profits drop but the Company managed to recover under the leadership of Managing Director Percy. In 1929 the Company designed the CS (cold start) diesel engine producing 6-7kW which became known as the Lister 9-1. The engines were all painted the same shade of Brunswick green. By 1936 Lister was producing a wide range of petrol and diesel engines most of which were small at 1.5 to 3 horsepower. These could be bought ‘stand-alone’ or powering a complementary range of pumps, churns, cream separators, auto-trucks, generating plant and sheep shearing equipment. The most successful was the D Type Lister introduced in 1937 most of which were rated at 1.5hp at 700rpm. More than 250,000 were sold up to 1964 and although RA Lister ceased production many years ago, hundreds of these engines are still in use today.Green Lister stationary engine with petrol engine Size 71J, 3 HP, 450 RPM painted Brunswick Green. Used to power pump or similar purpose. The engine was made in1928, Dursley, UKfarm machinery, churchill island, engine, stationary engine, lister

Robert Ashton Lister was born in England in 1845 into an industrial family. After attending the Paris Exhibition in 1867, Robert argued with his father and formed the R.A. Lister Company to produce agricultural machinery at his factory in Dursley, England. In 1889 he linked his machine with Pederson’s cream separator which now ran at a consistent speed due to a spinning centrifugal separator thus producing consistency of cream. It was marketed through the Commonwealth and Robert himself drove right across Alberta in Canada with horse and buggy to promote the machine. He also expanded the use of his machine to sheep shearing. In 1909 the Company acquired the rights to manufacture petrol driven engines. When World War 1 began in 1914 the Company focused on producing petrol engines, lighting plants and munitions for the War Department, the workforce was mainly female as the men enlisted and left for the Front. After the War, Robert Lister retired, and the Company was taken over by his grandsons Robert, Frank, George and Percy with A.E.Mellerup. Their father Charles represented the Company in North America and Europe. Foreign competition and over supply of second-hand ex-military engines and lighting sets saw profits drop but the Company managed to recover under the leadership of Managing Director Percy. In 1929 the Company designed the CS (cold start) diesel engine producing 6-7kW which became known as the Lister 9-1. The engines were all painted the same shade of Brunswick green. By 1936 Lister was producing a wide range of petrol and diesel engines most of which were small at 1.5 to 3 horsepower. These could be bought ‘stand-alone’ or powering a complementary range of pumps, churns, cream separators, auto-trucks, generating plant and sheep shearing equipment. The most successful was the D Type Lister introduced in 1937 most of which were rated at 1.5hp at 700rpm. More than 250,000 were sold up to 1964 and although RA Lister ceased production many years ago, hundreds of these engines are still in use today.Green Lister Stationary Petrol Engine Serial No. 16268. It is the smaller of two Lister engines in collection. It was made in 1924, Dursley, UK. The two engines in the collection are petrol engines from the 1920s predating the more numerous diesel engines manufactured from 1920 on.farm machinery, stationary engine, machine driven, belt driven

The double-ended ring spanner served as a useful, manual tool for maintaining farm machinery. The hexagonal rings would be placed over a nut to secure it, before the spanner was rotated to tighten the nut. The ring design provides greater purchase, or grip on all sides of the nut, which in turn reduces the risk of rounding the nut, or slippage. Early spanners were mostly made from iron and hand-forged using an anvil and hammer. Since the mid-19th century, gravity or powered drop forging techniques were used to compress metal for greater strength. Ring spanners produced in the 20th century are mostly made of chrome vanadium steel.stainless steel, some pitting. One end slightly smaller than the otherdouble, ended, spanner, tool, tools, churchill island, farm

Hand shears - also called blade shears - were used to shear sheep prior to the introduction of machine shears and are still used today where no power machinery is available. Hand shears consist of two blades with a hinge at the end furthest from the point. The cutting edges pass each other as the shearer squeezes them together and shears the wool close to the animal's skin. In 1892 Jack Howe an Australian shearer sheared 321 sheep in one day using hand shears. This record has never been broken. This pair was made by Burgon and Ball in Sheffield under patent number 294. Filed in 1865, this brand of shears has been in constant production since then, although this pair was probably made in the 1930s.Spring double handled hand shears for shearing sheep."HIND'S PATENT DOUBLE HOLLOW GROUND BURGON AND BALL PATENT NO. 294 (inside a shield with a crown on top) MADE IN ENGLAND"churchill island, hand shear, burgon and ball, shearing

Hand shears - also called blade shears - were used to shear sheep prior to the introduction of machine shears and are still used today where no power machinery is available. Hand shears consist of two blades with a hinge at the end furthest from the point. The cutting edges pass each other as the shearer squeezes them together and shears the wool close to the animal's skin. In 1892 Jack Howe an Australian shearer sheared 321 sheep in one day using hand shears. This record has never been broken. hand shears with single spring, surface rust, unused, unsharpenedhand shears, sheep shearing, churchill island heritage farm