This slide is part of a collection of visual resources used by Stuart Ascough while conducting training, seminars, conferences and lectures in China, Australia, India, Russia and Taiwan. This item is part of a collection of books, manuals, photographs, letters and clothing relating to the working life of Stuart Ascough. Stuart's career in the wool industry spanned over 43 years from 1960 to 2003 in various roles including Topmaking Plant Manager at Courtaulds Ltd. in Spennymore, U.K., Operations Manager at Port Phillip Mills in Williamstown Victoria, Marketing Executive, Early Stage Wool Processing at the International Wool Secretariat Melbourne, Australia and General Manager of Victoria Wool Processors Pty. Ltd. in Laverton North, Victoria. Throughout his career Stuart travelled extensively, and in the 1990s worked at many topmaking mills in China on quality improvement projects. He also provided technical advice and training at mills in India, Ukraine, Lithuania, Kyrgyzstan, Russia, Latvia, Byelorussia and other parts of Europe and Asia.35mm colour transparency mounted in plastic slide mount showing interior view of machinery and wool in a laboratory.wool, industry, australia, australian wool board international wool secretariat, topmaking, carding, factory, training, gill box

This slide is part of a collection of visual resources used by Stuart Ascough while conducting training, seminars, conferences and lectures in China, Australia, India, Russia and Taiwan. This item is part of a collection of books, manuals, photographs, letters and clothing relating to the working life of Stuart Ascough. Stuart's career in the wool industry spanned over 43 years from 1960 to 2003 in various roles including Topmaking Plant Manager at Courtaulds Ltd. in Spennymore, U.K., Operations Manager at Port Phillip Mills in Williamstown Victoria, Marketing Executive, Early Stage Wool Processing at the International Wool Secretariat Melbourne, Australia and General Manager of Victoria Wool Processors Pty. Ltd. in Laverton North, Victoria. Throughout his career Stuart travelled extensively, and in the 1990s worked at many topmaking mills in China on quality improvement projects. He also provided technical advice and training at mills in India, Ukraine, Lithuania, Kyrgyzstan, Russia, Latvia, Byelorussia and other parts of Europe and Asia.35mm colour transparency mounted in plastic slide mount showing interior view of factory depicting balls of wool stacked in rows on racking.wool, industry, australia, australian wool board international wool secretariat, topmaking, carding, factory, training, gill box

This slide is part of a collection of visual resources used by Stuart Ascough while conducting training, seminars, conferences and lectures in China, Australia, India, Russia and Taiwan. This item is part of a collection of books, manuals, photographs, letters and clothing relating to the working life of Stuart Ascough. Stuart's career in the wool industry spanned over 43 years from 1960 to 2003 in various roles including Topmaking Plant Manager at Courtaulds Ltd. in Spennymore, U.K., Operations Manager at Port Phillip Mills in Williamstown Victoria, Marketing Executive, Early Stage Wool Processing at the International Wool Secretariat Melbourne, Australia and General Manager of Victoria Wool Processors Pty. Ltd. in Laverton North, Victoria. Throughout his career Stuart travelled extensively, and in the 1990s worked at many topmaking mills in China on quality improvement projects. He also provided technical advice and training at mills in India, Ukraine, Lithuania, Kyrgyzstan, Russia, Latvia, Byelorussia and other parts of Europe and Asia.35mm colour transparency mounted in plastic slide mount showing interior view of machinery and wool in a laboratory.wool, industry, australia, australian wool board international wool secretariat, topmaking, carding, factory, training, gill box

This slide is part of a collection of visual resources used by Stuart Ascough while conducting training, seminars, conferences and lectures in China, Australia, India, Russia and Taiwan. This item is part of a collection of books, manuals, photographs, letters and clothing relating to the working life of Stuart Ascough. Stuart's career in the wool industry spanned over 43 years from 1960 to 2003 in various roles including Topmaking Plant Manager at Courtaulds Ltd. in Spennymore, U.K., Operations Manager at Port Phillip Mills in Williamstown Victoria, Marketing Executive, Early Stage Wool Processing at the International Wool Secretariat Melbourne, Australia and General Manager of Victoria Wool Processors Pty. Ltd. in Laverton North, Victoria. Throughout his career Stuart travelled extensively, and in the 1990s worked at many topmaking mills in China on quality improvement projects. He also provided technical advice and training at mills in India, Ukraine, Lithuania, Kyrgyzstan, Russia, Latvia, Byelorussia and other parts of Europe and Asia.35mm colour transparency mounted in plastic slide mount showing detail view of combing machinery.wool, industry, australia, australian wool board international wool secretariat, topmaking, carding, factory, training, gill box

This slide is part of a collection of visual resources used by Stuart Ascough while conducting training, seminars, conferences and lectures in China, Australia, India, Russia and Taiwan. This item is part of a collection of books, manuals, photographs, letters and clothing relating to the working life of Stuart Ascough. Stuart's career in the wool industry spanned over 43 years from 1960 to 2003 in various roles including Topmaking Plant Manager at Courtaulds Ltd. in Spennymore, U.K., Operations Manager at Port Phillip Mills in Williamstown Victoria, Marketing Executive, Early Stage Wool Processing at the International Wool Secretariat Melbourne, Australia and General Manager of Victoria Wool Processors Pty. Ltd. in Laverton North, Victoria. Throughout his career Stuart travelled extensively, and in the 1990s worked at many topmaking mills in China on quality improvement projects. He also provided technical advice and training at mills in India, Ukraine, Lithuania, Kyrgyzstan, Russia, Latvia, Byelorussia and other parts of Europe and Asia.35mm colour transparency mounted in plastic slide mount showing a factory interior with combing machines, including red barrels and orange painted building pillars.wool, industry, australia, australian wool board international wool secretariat, topmaking, carding, factory, training, gill box

This slide is part of a collection of visual resources used by Stuart Ascough while conducting training, seminars, conferences and lectures in China, Australia, India, Russia and Taiwan. This item is part of a collection of books, manuals, photographs, letters and clothing relating to the working life of Stuart Ascough. Stuart's career in the wool industry spanned over 43 years from 1960 to 2003 in various roles including Topmaking Plant Manager at Courtaulds Ltd. in Spennymore, U.K., Operations Manager at Port Phillip Mills in Williamstown Victoria, Marketing Executive, Early Stage Wool Processing at the International Wool Secretariat Melbourne, Australia and General Manager of Victoria Wool Processors Pty. Ltd. in Laverton North, Victoria. Throughout his career Stuart travelled extensively, and in the 1990s worked at many topmaking mills in China on quality improvement projects. He also provided technical advice and training at mills in India, Ukraine, Lithuania, Kyrgyzstan, Russia, Latvia, Byelorussia and other parts of Europe and Asia.35mm colour transparency mounted in plastic slide mount showing exterior of carding machinery.wool, industry, australia, australian wool board international wool secretariat, topmaking, carding, factory, training, gill box

This slide is part of a collection of visual resources used by Stuart Ascough while conducting training, seminars, conferences and lectures in China, Australia, India, Russia and Taiwan. This item is part of a collection of books, manuals, photographs, letters and clothing relating to the working life of Stuart Ascough. Stuart's career in the wool industry spanned over 43 years from 1960 to 2003 in various roles including Topmaking Plant Manager at Courtaulds Ltd. in Spennymore, U.K., Operations Manager at Port Phillip Mills in Williamstown Victoria, Marketing Executive, Early Stage Wool Processing at the International Wool Secretariat Melbourne, Australia and General Manager of Victoria Wool Processors Pty. Ltd. in Laverton North, Victoria. Throughout his career Stuart travelled extensively, and in the 1990s worked at many topmaking mills in China on quality improvement projects. He also provided technical advice and training at mills in India, Ukraine, Lithuania, Kyrgyzstan, Russia, Latvia, Byelorussia and other parts of Europe and Asia.35mm colour transparency mounted in plastic slide mount showing a black and white illustration depicting the mechanics of a combing machine.wool, industry, australia, australian wool board international wool secretariat, topmaking, carding, factory, training, gill box

This slide is part of a collection of visual resources used by Stuart Ascough while conducting training, seminars, conferences and lectures in China, Australia, India, Russia and Taiwan. This item is part of a collection of books, manuals, photographs, letters and clothing relating to the working life of Stuart Ascough. Stuart's career in the wool industry spanned over 43 years from 1960 to 2003 in various roles including Topmaking Plant Manager at Courtaulds Ltd. in Spennymore, U.K., Operations Manager at Port Phillip Mills in Williamstown Victoria, Marketing Executive, Early Stage Wool Processing at the International Wool Secretariat Melbourne, Australia and General Manager of Victoria Wool Processors Pty. Ltd. in Laverton North, Victoria. Throughout his career Stuart travelled extensively, and in the 1990s worked at many topmaking mills in China on quality improvement projects. He also provided technical advice and training at mills in India, Ukraine, Lithuania, Kyrgyzstan, Russia, Latvia, Byelorussia and other parts of Europe and Asia.35mm colour transparency mounted in plastic slide mount showing a black and white illustration depicting the mechanics of a combing machine.wool, industry, australia, australian wool board international wool secretariat, topmaking, carding, factory, training, gill box

This slide is part of a collection of visual resources used by Stuart Ascough while conducting training, seminars, conferences and lectures in China, Australia, India, Russia and Taiwan. This item is part of a collection of books, manuals, photographs, letters and clothing relating to the working life of Stuart Ascough. Stuart's career in the wool industry spanned over 43 years from 1960 to 2003 in various roles including Topmaking Plant Manager at Courtaulds Ltd. in Spennymore, U.K., Operations Manager at Port Phillip Mills in Williamstown Victoria, Marketing Executive, Early Stage Wool Processing at the International Wool Secretariat Melbourne, Australia and General Manager of Victoria Wool Processors Pty. Ltd. in Laverton North, Victoria. Throughout his career Stuart travelled extensively, and in the 1990s worked at many topmaking mills in China on quality improvement projects. He also provided technical advice and training at mills in India, Ukraine, Lithuania, Kyrgyzstan, Russia, Latvia, Byelorussia and other parts of Europe and Asia.35mm colour transparency mounted in plastic slide mount showing exterior of carding machinery.wool, industry, australia, australian wool board international wool secretariat, topmaking, carding, factory, training, gill box

This slide is part of a collection of visual resources used by Stuart Ascough while conducting training, seminars, conferences and lectures in China, Australia, India, Russia and Taiwan. This item is part of a collection of books, manuals, photographs, letters and clothing relating to the working life of Stuart Ascough. Stuart's career in the wool industry spanned over 43 years from 1960 to 2003 in various roles including Topmaking Plant Manager at Courtaulds Ltd. in Spennymore, U.K., Operations Manager at Port Phillip Mills in Williamstown Victoria, Marketing Executive, Early Stage Wool Processing at the International Wool Secretariat Melbourne, Australia and General Manager of Victoria Wool Processors Pty. Ltd. in Laverton North, Victoria. Throughout his career Stuart travelled extensively, and in the 1990s worked at many topmaking mills in China on quality improvement projects. He also provided technical advice and training at mills in India, Ukraine, Lithuania, Kyrgyzstan, Russia, Latvia, Byelorussia and other parts of Europe and Asia.35mm colour transparency mounted in plastic slide mount showing a black and white illustration depicting the mechanics of a combing machine.wool, industry, australia, australian wool board international wool secretariat, topmaking, carding, factory, training, gill box

This slide is part of a collection of visual resources used by Stuart Ascough while conducting training, seminars, conferences and lectures in China, Australia, India, Russia and Taiwan. This item is part of a collection of books, manuals, photographs, letters and clothing relating to the working life of Stuart Ascough. Stuart's career in the wool industry spanned over 43 years from 1960 to 2003 in various roles including Topmaking Plant Manager at Courtaulds Ltd. in Spennymore, U.K., Operations Manager at Port Phillip Mills in Williamstown Victoria, Marketing Executive, Early Stage Wool Processing at the International Wool Secretariat Melbourne, Australia and General Manager of Victoria Wool Processors Pty. Ltd. in Laverton North, Victoria. Throughout his career Stuart travelled extensively, and in the 1990s worked at many topmaking mills in China on quality improvement projects. He also provided technical advice and training at mills in India, Ukraine, Lithuania, Kyrgyzstan, Russia, Latvia, Byelorussia and other parts of Europe and Asia.35mm colour transparency mounted in plastic slide mount showing a black and white illustration depicting the mechanics of a combing machine.wool, industry, australia, australian wool board international wool secretariat, topmaking, carding, factory, training, gill box

This slide is part of a collection of visual resources used by Stuart Ascough while conducting training, seminars, conferences and lectures in China, Australia, India, Russia and Taiwan. This item is part of a collection of books, manuals, photographs, letters and clothing relating to the working life of Stuart Ascough. Stuart's career in the wool industry spanned over 43 years from 1960 to 2003 in various roles including Topmaking Plant Manager at Courtaulds Ltd. in Spennymore, U.K., Operations Manager at Port Phillip Mills in Williamstown Victoria, Marketing Executive, Early Stage Wool Processing at the International Wool Secretariat Melbourne, Australia and General Manager of Victoria Wool Processors Pty. Ltd. in Laverton North, Victoria. Throughout his career Stuart travelled extensively, and in the 1990s worked at many topmaking mills in China on quality improvement projects. He also provided technical advice and training at mills in India, Ukraine, Lithuania, Kyrgyzstan, Russia, Latvia, Byelorussia and other parts of Europe and Asia.35mm colour transparency mounted in plastic slide mount showing detail of machinery.wool, industry, australia, australian wool board international wool secretariat, topmaking, carding, factory, training, gill box

This slide is part of a collection of visual resources used by Stuart Ascough while conducting training, seminars, conferences and lectures in China, Australia, India, Russia and Taiwan. This item is part of a collection of books, manuals, photographs, letters and clothing relating to the working life of Stuart Ascough. Stuart's career in the wool industry spanned over 43 years from 1960 to 2003 in various roles including Topmaking Plant Manager at Courtaulds Ltd. in Spennymore, U.K., Operations Manager at Port Phillip Mills in Williamstown Victoria, Marketing Executive, Early Stage Wool Processing at the International Wool Secretariat Melbourne, Australia and General Manager of Victoria Wool Processors Pty. Ltd. in Laverton North, Victoria. Throughout his career Stuart travelled extensively, and in the 1990s worked at many topmaking mills in China on quality improvement projects. He also provided technical advice and training at mills in India, Ukraine, Lithuania, Kyrgyzstan, Russia, Latvia, Byelorussia and other parts of Europe and Asia.35mm colour transparency mounted in plastic slide mount showing a black and white illustration depicting the mechanics of a combing machine.wool, industry, australia, australian wool board international wool secretariat, topmaking, carding, factory, training, gill box

This slide is part of a collection of visual resources used by Stuart Ascough while conducting training, seminars, conferences and lectures in China, Australia, India, Russia and Taiwan. This item is part of a collection of books, manuals, photographs, letters and clothing relating to the working life of Stuart Ascough. Stuart's career in the wool industry spanned over 43 years from 1960 to 2003 in various roles including Topmaking Plant Manager at Courtaulds Ltd. in Spennymore, U.K., Operations Manager at Port Phillip Mills in Williamstown Victoria, Marketing Executive, Early Stage Wool Processing at the International Wool Secretariat Melbourne, Australia and General Manager of Victoria Wool Processors Pty. Ltd. in Laverton North, Victoria. Throughout his career Stuart travelled extensively, and in the 1990s worked at many topmaking mills in China on quality improvement projects. He also provided technical advice and training at mills in India, Ukraine, Lithuania, Kyrgyzstan, Russia, Latvia, Byelorussia and other parts of Europe and Asia.35mm colour transparency mounted in plastic slide mount showing detail of machinery.wool, industry, australia, australian wool board international wool secretariat, topmaking, carding, factory, training, gill box

This slide is part of a collection of visual resources used by Stuart Ascough while conducting training, seminars, conferences and lectures in China, Australia, India, Russia and Taiwan. This item is part of a collection of books, manuals, photographs, letters and clothing relating to the working life of Stuart Ascough. Stuart's career in the wool industry spanned over 43 years from 1960 to 2003 in various roles including Topmaking Plant Manager at Courtaulds Ltd. in Spennymore, U.K., Operations Manager at Port Phillip Mills in Williamstown Victoria, Marketing Executive, Early Stage Wool Processing at the International Wool Secretariat Melbourne, Australia and General Manager of Victoria Wool Processors Pty. Ltd. in Laverton North, Victoria. Throughout his career Stuart travelled extensively, and in the 1990s worked at many topmaking mills in China on quality improvement projects. He also provided technical advice and training at mills in India, Ukraine, Lithuania, Kyrgyzstan, Russia, Latvia, Byelorussia and other parts of Europe and Asia.35mm colour transparency mounted in plastic slide mount showing a factory interior with combing machinery and wool.wool, industry, australia, australian wool board international wool secretariat, topmaking, carding, factory, training, gill box

This slide is part of a collection of visual resources used by Stuart Ascough while conducting training, seminars, conferences and lectures in China, Australia, India, Russia and Taiwan. This item is part of a collection of books, manuals, photographs, letters and clothing relating to the working life of Stuart Ascough. Stuart's career in the wool industry spanned over 43 years from 1960 to 2003 in various roles including Topmaking Plant Manager at Courtaulds Ltd. in Spennymore, U.K., Operations Manager at Port Phillip Mills in Williamstown Victoria, Marketing Executive, Early Stage Wool Processing at the International Wool Secretariat Melbourne, Australia and General Manager of Victoria Wool Processors Pty. Ltd. in Laverton North, Victoria. Throughout his career Stuart travelled extensively, and in the 1990s worked at many topmaking mills in China on quality improvement projects. He also provided technical advice and training at mills in India, Ukraine, Lithuania, Kyrgyzstan, Russia, Latvia, Byelorussia and other parts of Europe and Asia.35mm colour transparency mounted in plastic slide mount showing exterior of carding machinery.wool, industry, australia, australian wool board international wool secretariat, topmaking, carding, factory, training, gill box

This slide is part of a collection of visual resources used by Stuart Ascough while conducting training, seminars, conferences and lectures in China, Australia, India, Russia and Taiwan. This item is part of a collection of books, manuals, photographs, letters and clothing relating to the working life of Stuart Ascough. Stuart's career in the wool industry spanned over 43 years from 1960 to 2003 in various roles including Topmaking Plant Manager at Courtaulds Ltd. in Spennymore, U.K., Operations Manager at Port Phillip Mills in Williamstown Victoria, Marketing Executive, Early Stage Wool Processing at the International Wool Secretariat Melbourne, Australia and General Manager of Victoria Wool Processors Pty. Ltd. in Laverton North, Victoria. Throughout his career Stuart travelled extensively, and in the 1990s worked at many topmaking mills in China on quality improvement projects. He also provided technical advice and training at mills in India, Ukraine, Lithuania, Kyrgyzstan, Russia, Latvia, Byelorussia and other parts of Europe and Asia.35mm colour transparency mounted in plastic slide mount showing factory interior with gill box machinery.wool, industry, australia, australian wool board international wool secretariat, topmaking, carding, factory, training, gill box

1963 – A general in the Army of the Republic of Vietnam, Nguyễn Văn Thiệu participates in the overthrow of President Ngô Đình Diệm 's government. Coup leader General Dương Văn Minh briefly becomes chief of a military junta in South Vietnam. 1964 – Lieutenant General Nguyễn Khánh overthrows Minh to become prime minister. 1965 – Vice Air Marshall Nguyễn Cao Kỳ overthrows Khánh to become prime minister. General Nguyễn Văn Thiệu is his chief of state. 1967 – Nguyễn Văn Thiệu runs successfully to be the second president of South Vietnam. Nguyễn Cao Kỳ is his running mate. 1971 – President Nguyễn Văn Thiệu re-elected. 1973 – The Paris Peace Accords, negotiated without Thiệu’s participation, fails to stop the fighting in South Vietnam. Even so, US and allied troops withdraw. 1975 – On 24 April, with North Vietnamese victory imminent, Thiệu’ resigns as president and the CIA fly him to Taiwan. He then spends most of his exile in London, moving to Massachusetts, USA, in the 1990s. Timber framed image of Nguyen Van Thieu, Second President of Vietnamrepublic of vietnam, president of south vietnam, nguyen van thieu, thieu

Ino KIYOSHI (1 (1946-28/09/2008) ) Born Kyoto, Japan Kiyoshi Ino was born into a family that has been involved in the production of pottery for some 160 years. He working towards a Diploma of Ceramic Arta at the Kyoto School of Arts and Crafts, which he completed in 1969. He then attended the Kyoto Technical School for a post-graduate course in glazing, and was laer appointed lecturer in Ceramics at the Kyoto Technical School. After completing a study tour of China and Taiwan, Ino was one of a group of Japanese potters that travelled to Australia from the 1970s onwards following in the footsteps of the famous Japanese potter, Shoji Hamada who Kyoshi visited in 1965. Kiyoshi Ino visited Sydney in 1973, where he worked with Japanese potter Shigeo Shiga. Between 1974 and 1976 Kyoshi took up an appointment as Visiting Lecturer in Ceramics at the Gippsland Institute of Technical Education, returning there as Assistant to the Senior Lecturer in Ceramics in 1979. He left Gippsland Institute in 1988. Ino was involved in the establishment of a space for artists in the old butter factory at the nearby township of Yinnar and in 1982 the Yinnar Art Resource Collective, commonly known as Yinnar ARC, was established.Glazed vesseljan feder memorial ceramics collection, staffmember, ceramics, yinnar art resource collective, ino kiyoshi

Ballarat University College was affiliated with the University of Melbourne. It was previously Ballarat College of Advanced Education, and later became the University of Ballarat. John Sharpham was the Director of the Ballarat College of Advanced Education. In 1991 the college had an enrolment of over 4,200 people.Nine four page newsletters of the Ballarat University College. .1) Steve Moneghetti interview and picture, Chianti, Pat Hope biography, Platypus Survical Study, Halls of Residence. .2) John Sharpham, Pat Hope, National rankings, Mount Helen Library extensions, Student accomodation, H. Troon Pty Ltd, Brett Edgington, Melissa Graham, Michael Ransom, Department of Conservation and Environment, Land rehabilitation, Ron Kemp, Richard Steep, Rodger Fernandez, francoise Jewell, Petrus Spronk, basketball. .3) Literary Essay Wards, Meg Tasker, John Sharpham, Garry Kinnane, Town and Gown, Keving Livingston, Bruce Garner, Sports Performance unit, Director's Medal winners - Paul Davidson and Belinda Collins .4) Derek Woolley, John Sharpham, Assistant Director, Scott barber, nursing, Thoshan Ruberu .5) Ian Brain, Brotherhood of St Laurence, John Sharpham, Nina McKay, Koorie Bridging Course .6) John Sharpham, Taiwan, Dennis Else, Trevor Hastings, Leanne Phillips, Cinnamon Francis .7) Derek Woolley, Asian Studies, Carolyn Blackman, Rober Sharrock, Cari Dowing, Jodie Hawkin, Mary Hickey, Nigel McCallum, Kevin Livingston .8) John Sharpham, Mary Hickey, Mohammad Hilmi, Bin Yusof, Bill Pryor, Ross ramsat, Clare Cummins, Extra Muros, Anne Rowe, Mary Egan, Vicki Shelton .9) John Sharpham, Garry Kidd, Peter BlizzardElaine d'Esterre Ian hemingway, Parking, Kerry Daniell, Denis Shanahan, trevor hastings moneghetti, student accomodation, mt helen student accommodation, ballarat university college, hope, chianti, platypus, jewell, kemp, steep, spronk, petrus spronk, tasker, kinnane, garner, livingston, town and gown, ruberu, barber, else, phillips, collins, francis, wooley, livingston, mccallum, hickey, sharrock, dowing, hawkins, egan, shelton, pryor, ramsay, hilmi, yusof

The spade is a memento of the planting of a tree by the responseible Commonealth Minister to recognise the contribution of ATCV and ATCV volunteers to repair of the Australian environment. At the time ATCV had been operating in Ballarat for six years. ATCV volunteers had planted 192,000 trees from April 1987- March 1988. Senator Richardson was then Minister for the Arts and the Environment in the Hawke ALP Government and on 17 November 1988 he planted a tree using this spade at Sovereign Hill Outdoor Museum (at which ATCV volunteers had planted trees which are (by 2010) fully grown and a significant feature of the site). Peter Hiscock was director of Sovereign Hill as well as President of ATCV and among the most significant leaders of ATCV (now CVA). The spade also symbolises the recovery of ATCV (then a small and struggling community group) from near closure owing to the effects of the 1987 recession. The Cyclone Sylvaspade concept was component project of the Australian Bicentennial celebrations aimed at recognising organisations which had contributed positively to conservation of Australia's environment. The concept was originated and driven by Dr Wilf Crane of the CSIRO Division of Forestry and a highly regarded forester and environmentalist and champion of the cause of rejuvenating Australia's degraded landscape with trees. At the naming of a road after him in Canberra he was described as a: "enthusiast, a man of conviction, action, humility and simplicity". Wilf conceived the project, developed the tree planting spade with Boral Cyclone and the Institute of Foresters of Australia and launched it with the then Governor-General Sir Ninian Stephens at the new Parliament House. Cyclone has been a brand name for a manufacturer of good quality hand tools for over a century. It is likely manufacturing was still done in Australia at the time of manufacture of the Sylvaspade. Much of it has now moved offshore, particuarly to China and Taiwan.This object is historically significant because it is a memento of a significant national event, the 200th anniversary of European settlement and the start of a process of environmental change which has had negative consequences and which demands a commitment to conserving the uniques Australian national environment. It recognised the achievement of ATCV in tree planting over six years. The Cyclone Sylvaspade is a practical memento and having the responsible Commonwealth Minister plant a tree with it was highly symbolic of ATCV's practical commitment to repair of our environment all over Australia. It was also used by the Victorian Premier, Hon John Brumby, to plant a tree at the reopening of the Boral Asphalt plant, Ballarat, in April 2010. The spade is No. 12 of a limited edition. This item is a functional tree planting spade called a "Cyclone Sylvaspade", mounted on a block of wood with a plaque. The handle of the spade is made of grey plastic, the haft is light, stained wood, and the blade is manufactured to resemble silver and has engravings. It was donated by the Boral company and presented to ATCV by the Minister of Arts and the Environment, Senator Graham Richardson after he had planted a tree to mark the occasion at Sovereign Hill Outdoor Museum, BallaratOn the stem of the spade here is a label showing the logo of the Boral company which reads "SYLVASPADE Tree Planting Spade - Made in Australia." On the blade is engraved "Cyclone - NUMBER 0012 - SYLVASPADE - 1788-1988" together with the logo of the Australian Bicentennial Authority. The spade is mounted on a sturdy polished wooden board on which there is a brass-coloured plate bearing the words: "PRESENTED BY SENATOR THE HON GRAHAM RICHARDSON TO AUSTRALIAN TRUST FOR CONSERVATION VOLUNTEERS IN RECOGNITION OF THEIR CONTRIBUTION TO THE ENVIRONMENT 17TH NOVEMBER 1988 DONATED BY BORAL LIMITED"of, trust, ballarat, memento, australian, australia, environment, conservation, atcv, for, volunteers, cyclone, sylvaspade, senator graham richardson, 1788 1988 australian, bicentennial, boral, spade, sovereign hill, 17th november 1988, 1988, minister for arts and environment, tree planting, institute, foresters, dr, wilf, crane

Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerPhotograph of a street art poster taken on the streets of Hong Kong during the protests against legislation to allow Hong Kong suspects to be extradited to mainland Chinese carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, poster art, posters

Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerMore than a thousand protestors surround Hong Kong's main police headquarters on Arsenal Street in Wan Chai on June 26th following a peaceful rally at Edinburgh Place in Central. Doors to the complex were barricaded by protestors, who left after a six hour siege in protest at police violence at a prtest held earlier on 12 June 2019. Protesters ended a six-hour siege of Hong Kong’s police headquarters – their second in a week over the now-suspended extradition bill – early on Thursday morning. More than 1,000 were involved at the height of the protest, which began after 10pm on Wednesday. Around 100 were left at the end and dispersed without a fight when officers with riot shields emerged from the building in Wan Chai at 4am on Thursday. After a peaceful rally attended by thousands earlier at Edinburgh Place in the Central business district, hundreds descended on Arsenal Street, blocking the junction with Lockhart Road to all traffic and sealing the entrances to the police base. (https://www.scmp.com/news/hong-kong/politics/article/3016238/hong-kong-police-under-siege-again-protesters-surround )carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, protest, protestors

Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerSeven police officers stand guard in front of Hong Kong's main police headquarters on Arsenal Street in Wan Chai as an estimated one thousand protestors surround on 26 June 2019. Protestors take turns to step up and hurl abuse at the officers, in a protest lasting 6 hours before peacefully dispersing. The protesters chanted 'Release the martyrs' and 'Stop police violence' in reference to violent clashes with police in the days previous. ( https://www.scmp.com/news/hong-kong/politics/article/3016238/hong-kong-police-under-siege-again-protesters-surround)carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, protest, protestors, police, wan chai

Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerPhotograph crowds gathering on June 16 on the streets of Causeway Bay before an estimated 2 million people take part in march protesting the government's push for extradition laws to China and demanding an apology from the chief executrive Carrie Lam. Nearly 2 million’ people take to streets, forcing public apology from Hong Kong leader Carrie Lam as suspension of controversial extradition bill fails to appease protesters. (https://www.scmp.com/news/hong-kong/politics/article/3014737/nearly-2-million-people-take-streets-forcing-public-apology )carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, protest, protestors

Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerPhotograph of a crowd or protestors against proposed extradition laws gathering on the streets of Causeway Bay, Hong Kong, leading down to the gathering area. carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, protest, protestors

Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerPhotograph of a crowd on the streets of Hong Kong to protest against proposed extradition laws, heading towards Admiralty. carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, protest, protestors, admiralty

Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerCrowds mass on Queens Way in Hong Kong as an estimated 2 million people march in protest at the government's refusal to withdraw a controverisal law allowing people to be extradited to mainland China. Chants demanded the chief executive apologise and the legislation be withdrawn, while many held signs protesting police violence. Nearly 2 million protesters flooded the streets of Hong Kong on Sunday, organisers claimed, delivering a stunning repudiation of Chief Executive Carrie Lam Cheng Yuet-ngor’s governance and forcing a public apology out of the city’s leader over her campaign to bulldoze a controversial extradition bill through the legislature. A day after Lam suspended her push for the bill, expecting it to defuse a crisis that has seen violent clashes between mostly young protesters and police, the centre of Hong Kong was brought to a complete standstill as the masses marched to chastise her for refusing to withdraw the bill or apologise when first asked to, and declaring that nothing short of her resignation would satisfy them now. (https://www.scmp.com/news/hong-kong/politics/article/3014737/nearly-2-million-people-take-streets-forcing-public-apology ) carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, protest, protestors, admiralty

Penelope Aitken lives and works in Melbourne, Australia. She makes paintings and installations about relationships: between people, between things and between people and things. Recurring subjects include friendship, genealogy, romantic liaisons, and cross-cultural exchange as well as gardening, craft and landscape design. 'I am interested in the social, psychological and aesthetic motives behind organisation, belonging and displacement and I often make work that investigates such arrangements.' She has held regular solo exhibitions since 1995 and has been represented in group exhibitions since 1989. These have included shows in public and commercial galleries, artist run spaces, outdoor projects and festivals in Melbourne, Sydney, Perth, Brisbane, Bundaberg, Kuala Lumpur, Taipei, Tokyo and Famagusta, Northern Cyprus. Aitken has previously worked at the Australian Centre for Contemporary Art and at Asialink at the University of Melbourne. From 2006 - 2009 she was a board member of the Melbourne artist run gallery, West Space and she has also curated and coordinated numerous exhibitions and written and edited catalogues, articles and essays. She holds a Bachelor of Arts and a Bachelor of Education (Visual Arts) both from The University of Melbourne and completed her Masters of Fine Art at the Victorian College of the Arts in 2004. In 1997 Aitken was selected to be a studio artist for two years at Gertrude Contemporary Art Spaces, Melbourne and in 2000 she undertook an Australia Council Studio at the Taipei National University of the Arts, Taiwan. More recently she spent two months in 2007 at the Laughing Waters Residency, Birrarung, in Eltham, Victoria. There she began her current interest in the rocks used in the landscape designs of Gordon Ford. Paintings of Ford's rocks made since 2007 as well as glacial erratics, meteors, and other natural and displaced rocks were exhibited in March 2011 at the Light Factory Gallery in Eltham in a show called My History of here, and Second Nature, one work from this exhibition, was awarded first prize at Eltham Masterworks 2011. Other work made about rocks in nature and culture include: the project, A dark archive, as well as in two installations: You seem so settled for one that doesn't belong held at West Space in 2009 and Gathering these things to remind me of home shown in 2010 at the Bundaberg Regional Art Gallery, Queensland. In July and August 2007 Aitken undertook an arts recidency at Birrarung, a house and garden designed by Gordon Ford and managed as the Laughing Waters Artist in Residence Program by the Shire of Nillumbik Victoria. The rocks depicted in the painting 'Mapping Mass & Void 10' are all taken from the garden at Birrarung. Aitken has made reference to those rocks and the way in which Ford thought of the rocks as individuals that need to be handled and placed with consideration to show off their best aspects.oil and acrylic on linen ek prac 2015