Photograph taken at the time of the Back to Bright Celebrations 1929-1930. Unveiling of the Clock Tower in Mafeking Square,Bright, as a memorial to the fallen of the Boer War and World War 1. One of the tubas in the photograph is included in the Bright Historical Society collection.External photograph of the Wandiligong Brass Band. Backdrop of large tree. 22 male members with their instruments, no drums shown.Reverse of the photograph: Top Row J Stephens, A Simmonds L.Bennett F Matthews B Stephens N.Williams A.Smith/2nd. A Watters M Matthews S Stephens W Stephens G Chalwell B.Gribble R.Goldsworthy. R B Stephens/Front. W.Williams H Williams C.Williams T.Williams A.Williams L.Williams S.Smith/ Back to Bright. 1929 -1930 R Goldsworthy photograph, brass band, wandiligong, back to bright, 1929 1930, r goldsworthy, musical instruments

The Ballarat School of Mines was the first technical school in Australasia..1) Hard green covered book with part leather binding. Finance Committee, Council and one Christian Education (or chaplaincy) on sub-committee minutes Dr James Stewart, 1950, pp. 64, 138, 160 G. Baragwanath, carpenter, 1950 G.W. Barrell, 1950, p. 24 V. Belikov, 1950, p. 35 G.W. Cornell, 1950, pp. 37, 44, 78 R.M. Cutter, 1950 H. Edwards, 1950, pp. 14, 15 Arthur Gouday, 1950, p. 29 J.E. Hewitt, 1950, p. 119 D. Kellock, 1950, p. 117 H.H. Kerr, 1950, p. 74 L. Lederman, 1950, obituary, pp. 19, 28 A,W, Lynch, 1950, p. 24 D. Mullins (plumbing), 1950, pp 44, 78 A.M. Praetz, 1950, p. 95 Kevin White, 1950, p. 75 S.E. Williams, 1950 C.M. Chisholm, 1951 N.F. Dewsnap, 1951 F.A. Farr, 1951 R.P. Flower, 1951, p173 L. Garner, 1951, p128 Douglas R. Mills, 1951, p182 F.G. Proctor, 1951 A.J. Andreartha, 1952 B. Bryan, 1952 D. Cotton, 1952 D. Duggan, 1952 Hans Fumberger, 1952, p260, 287 V.C. Jones, 1952, p248 J.R. Lyall, 1952, p206 E.G. Savage, 1952, p228 Geoffrey F. Stevens, 1952 Albert Watts, 1952, p260 K.C. Webb, 1952, p248 Neon Signs, 1953, p310 William Baragwanath, 1953, p324 Ronald G. Barlyn, 1953, p314 C.M. King, 1953, p272 W. Murton, 1953, p340 F. Ritchie, 1953, p303 J. Turnbull, 1953, p274 J.R. Allsop, 1954 David Morris, 1954, p350 W.J. Paterson, 1954, p424 John Peyton, 1954, p348 William Sadler, 1954, p352 Mrs Connors, 1955 Corbould, 1955, p497, 503, 514, 521, 550 A. Causland, 1955, p507 W.W. Leggatt, 1955, p504 B.D. Ngip, 1955, p462 L.K. O'Down, 1955, p460 R. Rowlands, 1955, p508 J.A. Strange, 1955, p501 L. Wilson, 1955, p459 Harry Brew, 1956, p516 H.L. Coburn, 1956, p571 I.R. Gordon, 1956, p541 B.M. Hearn, 1956, p 550 John Miles, 1956, p571 H.A. Patterson, 1956, p553 Ballarat School of Mines Proposed Gymnasium (Corbould Recreation Hall) 364, 403, 445, 452, 458, 523, 531, 540 Ballarat School of Mines Museum, 1950, p38, 105, 112; Aboriginal Relics, P566 poliomyelitis, 1952 Ballarat School of Mines Agrostology, 1952, p242, 312, 360, 362, 370 Ballarat School of Mines Neon Sign, 1953 Ballarat School of Mines Basketball site, 1953 Hickman Street, Ballarat, Deviation near White Flat, 1954 Ballarat School of Mines Bicycle sheds, 1954 Ballarat Technical School, Norman Street, Ballarat, 1954 Ballarat North Technical School, 1956, p521 Ballarat School of Mines Christian Education, 1956, p569 Blacksmithing, 1956, p523 Ballarat School of Mines Museum Future, 1956, p526, 535, 536, 542, 561, 568 Ballarat School of Mines War Museum, 1956, p516, 542 Fossils, 1955, p462 123 grant Street purchase, 1956, p546 model Farm Smith gift, 1956, p561 Shearing, 1955, p504 Repatriation Students, 1856, p 555 .2) Typed and handwritten documents in plastic envelope at back of book on sundry topics.ballarat school of mines, ballarat school of mines council minutes, ballarat school of mines finance committee, ballarat school of mines christian education, chaplaincy, dr james stewart, g. baragwanath, g.w. barrell, v. belikov, g.w. cornell, r.m. cutter, h. edwards, arthur gouday, j.e. hewitt, d. kellock, h.h. kerr, l. lederman, d. mullins, a.m. praetz, kevin white, s.e. williams, c.m. chisholm, n.f. dewsnap, f.a. farr, r.p. flower, l. garner, douglas r. mills, f.g. proctor, a.j. andreartha, b. bryan, d. cotton, d. duggan, hans fumberger, v.c. jones, j.r. lyall, e.g. savage, geoffrey f. stevens, albert watts, k.c. webb, william baragwanath, ronald g. barylyn, c.m. king, w. murton, f. ritchie, j. turnbull, j.r. allsop, david morris, w.j. paterson, john peyton, william sadler, mrs connors, corbould, a. causland, w.w. leggatt, b.d. ngip, l.k. o'down, r. rowlands, j.a. strange, l. wilson, harry brew, h.l. coburn, i.r. gordon, b.m. hearn, john miles, h.a. patterson, ballarat school of mines gymnasium, corbould recreation hall, polio, poliomyelitis, a.j. andrewartha, pandemic, a.w. lynch, 123 grant street ballarat

James S Steele tool boxPlane Panel Plough type stamped S Wattflagstaff hill, warrnambool, shipwrecked-coast, flagstaff-hill, flagstaff-hill-maritime-museum, maritime-museum, shipwreck-coast, flagstaff-hill-maritime-village

Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerPhotograph of a street art poster taken on the streets of Hong Kong during the protests against legislation to allow Hong Kong suspects to be extradited to mainland Chinese carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, poster art, posters

Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerMore than a thousand protestors surround Hong Kong's main police headquarters on Arsenal Street in Wan Chai on June 26th following a peaceful rally at Edinburgh Place in Central. Doors to the complex were barricaded by protestors, who left after a six hour siege in protest at police violence at a prtest held earlier on 12 June 2019. Protesters ended a six-hour siege of Hong Kong’s police headquarters – their second in a week over the now-suspended extradition bill – early on Thursday morning. More than 1,000 were involved at the height of the protest, which began after 10pm on Wednesday. Around 100 were left at the end and dispersed without a fight when officers with riot shields emerged from the building in Wan Chai at 4am on Thursday. After a peaceful rally attended by thousands earlier at Edinburgh Place in the Central business district, hundreds descended on Arsenal Street, blocking the junction with Lockhart Road to all traffic and sealing the entrances to the police base. (https://www.scmp.com/news/hong-kong/politics/article/3016238/hong-kong-police-under-siege-again-protesters-surround )carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, protest, protestors

Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerSeven police officers stand guard in front of Hong Kong's main police headquarters on Arsenal Street in Wan Chai as an estimated one thousand protestors surround on 26 June 2019. Protestors take turns to step up and hurl abuse at the officers, in a protest lasting 6 hours before peacefully dispersing. The protesters chanted 'Release the martyrs' and 'Stop police violence' in reference to violent clashes with police in the days previous. ( https://www.scmp.com/news/hong-kong/politics/article/3016238/hong-kong-police-under-siege-again-protesters-surround)carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, protest, protestors, police, wan chai

Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerPhotograph crowds gathering on June 16 on the streets of Causeway Bay before an estimated 2 million people take part in march protesting the government's push for extradition laws to China and demanding an apology from the chief executrive Carrie Lam. Nearly 2 million’ people take to streets, forcing public apology from Hong Kong leader Carrie Lam as suspension of controversial extradition bill fails to appease protesters. (https://www.scmp.com/news/hong-kong/politics/article/3014737/nearly-2-million-people-take-streets-forcing-public-apology )carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, protest, protestors

Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerPhotograph of a crowd or protestors against proposed extradition laws gathering on the streets of Causeway Bay, Hong Kong, leading down to the gathering area. carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, protest, protestors

Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerPhotograph of a crowd on the streets of Hong Kong to protest against proposed extradition laws, heading towards Admiralty. carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, protest, protestors, admiralty

Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerCrowds mass on Queens Way in Hong Kong as an estimated 2 million people march in protest at the government's refusal to withdraw a controverisal law allowing people to be extradited to mainland China. Chants demanded the chief executive apologise and the legislation be withdrawn, while many held signs protesting police violence. Nearly 2 million protesters flooded the streets of Hong Kong on Sunday, organisers claimed, delivering a stunning repudiation of Chief Executive Carrie Lam Cheng Yuet-ngor’s governance and forcing a public apology out of the city’s leader over her campaign to bulldoze a controversial extradition bill through the legislature. A day after Lam suspended her push for the bill, expecting it to defuse a crisis that has seen violent clashes between mostly young protesters and police, the centre of Hong Kong was brought to a complete standstill as the masses marched to chastise her for refusing to withdraw the bill or apologise when first asked to, and declaring that nothing short of her resignation would satisfy them now. (https://www.scmp.com/news/hong-kong/politics/article/3014737/nearly-2-million-people-take-streets-forcing-public-apology ) carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, protest, protestors, admiralty

The diorama of mounted specimens of seaweed was framed by Richard Foster Norton for Thomas Watson and is dated 1860. Watson was the Warrnambool District Surveyor at the time (1860). The inscription on the back of the frame links the artwork to the Pigeon Hill property, which was located on Allansford Road (corner of Staffords Road – north side of the Princes Highway-A1). In the 1860s, the property known as Pigeon Hill was owned by William Wall who was a publican who ran several hotels in Warrnambool and district. In 1860 Wall, was running a hotel in Wangoom, near Pigeon Hill. Further research is required to determine the exact location, but Pigeon Hill could also have been the name for that area and may have had other people living there. Thomas Watson was a member of the local horticultural society. Another possible creator of the artwork is Samuel Hannaford, a biologist with a particular interest in collecting marine flora. Hannaford left Warrnambool in 1857 and went to Geelong, so it is possible he collected the specimens had them framed in Geelong, and then arranged for their return to Watson. The other known seaweed collector was Henry Watts, who lived in Warrnambool in the mid-19th century. The seaweed collection in this box was possibly one of Watts' and could have been prepared for the Victorian Exhibition of 1861, Richard Foster Norton, also known as R.F Norton, was one of only a handful of picture framers in 1850s Melbourne. Norton was born on the 24th of July 1822 in Yelvertoft, Northamptonshire and prior to his arrival in Australia, Norton is listed in England as having the occupation of a painter. It appears that he established his business in Melbourne in 1854 or 1855. Between 1855 and 1865 he operated from 87, then 83, and later 80 Collins Street. In the Argus newspaper, Norton advertised his business as a Print seller, Carver, Gilder and Picture Frame manufacturer, supplying the growing demand for artworks and decorative furnishings in the colony during the Gold Rush. Norton also had a Geelong branch in Market Square, where this work was produced. This framed work is highly significant. Previous research has found that only six frames are in existence that can be attributed to be made Norton, dating from the late 1850’s to the mid 1860’s. Moreover, Thomas Watson the owner of the artwork, is one of the government surveyors of the region during the mid-19th century.Diorama in deep wooden frame, behind glass. Seaweed specimens have been mounted within the frame. The back of the frame has handwritten inscriptions including the framer's label (portions missing). The diorama was framed by Richard Fraser Norton. Printed label; "RICHARD FOS --- Picture Framer and -- MANUF -- CARVER, GILDER, ---- PAINTINGS CLEANED, LINED AND --- GLASSES RESILVERED, FRAMES --- Architectual Decorations created to any design in Paper Mache, Carlton Pierre, or Composition, Country Orders promptly attended to, The Order Suppl ---, BRANCH ESTABLISHMENT, MARKET SQUARE, GEELONG" flagstaff hill, warrnambool, maritime museum, richard foster norton, r.f norton, picture framers, melbourne, geelong, artwork and decorative furnishings, gold rush, seaweed, botanical specimens, 1860, pigeon hill, district surveyor, thomas watson, william wall, wangoom, samuel hannaford, henry watts, victorian exhibition, 1861, yelvertoft, northamptonshire, market square

Black and white photo of part of a crushing plant and tables. Photo is mounted on pale blue paper which is mounted on light brown card.bendigo, history, long gully history group, the long gully history group - crushers and tables, watts bros

Conditions of sale of freehold land & dwelling by private contract dated 2nd April, 1930, issued by T.C. Watts 7 Son licensed Real Estate Agents between R. Fletcher and T.G. Fletcher executors of the will of R.H Fletcher deceased (sellers) and J. Prior (buyer) for land being Crown allotment 5 section 24 at Eaglehawk having frontage to Campbell Street of 85 links by a depth along Church Street of 223.5 links, land described in certificate of title volume 1541 folio 308073, together with all buildings and erection thereon. Price 415 pounds.organization, business, h.a. & s.r wilkinson real estate

Bendigo Advertiser '' The way we were'' from 2002: Leaders: Lodge No. 52 Centenary officers - Back: R. G. Barby, V. J. Simpkins, I. L. Arbuckle, C. G. Watson. Middle: A. J. Ermel, J. C. Campbell, J. C. Chamney, A. E. Mallalieu, G. McCormick, R. C. Watt, A. H. Johnson, F. R. Boys. Front: N. J. Oliver, J. V. Horton, I. M. Campbell, E. H. Bush, R. L. Campbell, G. K. Allen, R. J. Longstaff. The clip is in a folder.newspaper, bendigo advertiser, the way we were

A photocopy of newspaper publication of obituary for Annie Mavis Webster, MBE 21/5/1914 - 8/4/2000 An exceptional singer who contributed greatly to local Bendigo and Australia as well as abroad Bendigo born and raised by Edwin and Annie Webster, Education was at Camp Hill. A life long participation in and commitment to local music and Competition Society provided opportunities for performance. The ultimate prize for amateur singers at the time was the Sun News Pictorial Aria Competition, which Mavis attained as runner up in 1938 and as winner in 1939. Outbreak of WWII curtailed early opportunities for overseas travel but there was much call for her as recitalist, artist and teacher such as at The Sisters of Mercy at St Mary's Convent, Bendigo where she taught singing. Mavis gained impressive reputation and experience in numerous roles including as chorister (and founder of the all female choir and the Benola singers which she also named, after her home), and later (1960) included male voices; she was also conductor; musical director; and adjudicator at Eisteddfords. She laso taught at Girton, St Killian's. During the 1950s Mavis went on a very successful 9 month overseas trip on which she was inspired in many respects including the formation of the choirs. In 1978 Mavis was made a Member of the British Empire for her services to music.City of Greater Bendigo acknowledged Mavis contribution and skills by establishing the Mavis Webster Vocal Collection at the City library.bendigo, history, obituary and biography of annie mavis webster mbe, forest st methodist (now uniting) bendigo, girton, st killian's, herald sun aria, the eisteddford, sisters of mercy at st mary's convent, mavis webster vocal collection, city of greater bendigo, margaret watters.

Bendigo Weekly Friday 16 June 2000. Article ''Snippets of Bendigo History'' from Edith Lunn. The article details the history of real estate agent T. C. Watts and Sons. The clip is in a folder.newspaper, bendigo advertiser, the way we were

A laminated copy of the "Graduate Diploma in Education 2004". It displays a photo and the names of the recipients - Naomi Boyd, Sophie Gaballa, David Young, Bing Ge, Maggie Francis, Mohammad Khalaf, Vaughan Prain, Elaine Toogood, Kristina Zeravica, Linda Savva, Jodie Long, Bradley Rankin, Bradley Palmer, Ngaire Breen, June Zhu (Julia), Marita Haigh, Penny Lynch, Rhian Birnie, Elise Perry, Ian Riley, Kristen Watson, Janine Watson, Robert Dart, Stephen Oakes, Chris Townsend, Peter Hill, Kerrie Stewart, Ceorgina Hasell, Claire Bolwell, Annie O'Shannessy, Lara Poupard, Jen Duffield, Joerg Parschau, Jason Bysouth, Tim Danes, Amanda Parker, Tracey Miles, Kate Berry, Jaynelle Parks, Richard Allwell, Jenny Watts, Tristan Davis, Alex Harding, Cameron Scott, Dave Marshall, Andrew McCormick, Tom Hartley, Charles Street, Darren Moyle, Genevieve Stanaway, Christine Edgar, Sandy McNeilly, Terri Giri, Christine Evans, Marcus Mann, Alex Fekete, Elaine Doling, Luke Barker and Cathleen Farrelly.bendigo, education, la trobe university bendigo, la trobe university bendigo collection, collection, bendigo, education, teaching, teachers, students, diploma, graduate diploma, tertiary education

Black and white photo ( copy ? ) with two additional copies ( faded ). Brick building, with central door and window either side. On top of building, printed ' J.T. Ditchburn, Farrier and Blacksmith, horses carefully shod' Appended with photo is photocopy of newspaper article ( Advertiser ? ) with photo of Mr. R.C. Watts and Mr. J.T. Ditchburn and accompanying article detailing their history and friendship. Photo is by P. Pinder.P. Pindercottage, miners, ditchburn, j.t., wattts, r.c., california gully, farrier, blacksmith, bootmaker

Document - Receipt of Owner's Statement and Valuation Certificate - sale by Florence Emily Melrose (National Security - Economic Organization - Regulations, Commonwealth of Australia. Sale of land by Florence Emily Melrose to Henry Thomas Broughton. 2nd September 1942. Agent's name: Messrs. T C Watts & Son, 253 Mitchell St, Bendigo.T.C. Watts & Songovernment, federal, statement and valuation certificate, commonwealth of australia, national security regulations, florence emily melrose, henry thomas broughton

Black and white photograph mounted on card, Golden Square State School Choir Grade VI Winners of Kalma Trophy Bendigo Competitions 1941, with list of names attached to back. Fourth row from left: Fred Allen, Arthur Sullivan, Leigh Anquetil, Len Thirlwell, Bill Stevenson, Walter Randall, George Watt, Keith Taylor, Murray Woodman. Third Row: Fred Foon, Arthur Dixon, Stan Sullivan, Jean Guy, Unknown, Margareta Tuff, Barbara McIvor, Norm Priddle, Graeme Warne, John Meager. Second row: Csaryl Hammill, Ruby Crofts, Nora Willcocks, Lois Goodwin, Betty oldham, Margaret Withworth, Nancy Tarr, Joyce Pozza, Joan Dresder. Front row: Barbara Mamouney, Ruth Bull, Mary Watt, Arlene Matthews, Valerie Potter, Jean Cooper, Joy Porter, Lorna Browell, Margaret or Joan Sullivan.Kalma Studiosbendigo, education, golden square primary school

Private family history information in connection to Martha Fabling, Charles Worme, Mr Harrison, Edward Ladner, Loveday Eddy, Edward Ladner, Sally Brambles, and martyin Bramble. Part c is a family tree of the Joseph Garland Roberts and Maryann Woodcock. part d indicates descendents of the Roberts family whom married into the Bull Family.bendigo, history, long gully history group, the long gully history group - family tree of roberts family, joseph garland roberts, maryann woodcock, john kerr, catherine bell, john stoneman, agnes moyne, james rowe, martha bassett, henry roberts, joseph garland roberts, william thomas roberts, william thomas roberts, isabella kerr, robert roberts, thomas stoneman, julia rowe, william john roberts, elizabeth watt, joseph samuel roberts, susan grace job, annie roberts, john fordyce, henry roberts, elizabeth jane roberts, william hooper, isabella roberts, robert roberts, bessie stoneman, albert roberts, george henry roberts, dora jenkins, gladyse victoria roberts, harold kirby, isabella roberts, robert strugnell, annie vera roberts, doris may roberts long, reginald percival bull, marjorie june bull, reginald percival bull, robert roberts, bessie stoneman, william thomas roberts, isabella kerr, joseph garland roberts, mary ann woodcock, d smith, martha fablina, charles worme, mr harrison, edward ladner, loveday eddy, edward ladner, sally brambles, martin bramble

Conditions of sale by private contract dated 12th March, 1948 between C. J. Watt (vendor) and W. & M. L. Seckold (purchaser). Property: all that piece of land situate No. 28 Vine Street, Bendigo, at present occupied by D. Ellis as tenant, being part of Crown allotment 9 section 129C, Parish of Sandhurst City of Bendigo, being the land described in certificate of title volume 4685 folio 936900, together with 6 room weatherboard dwelling and all sundry outbuildings except any such outbuildings belonging to the tenant. Subject to existing tenancy. Price: 810 pounds. Attached 2 hand written notes plus a certificate of valuation giving a breakdown of the valuation.organization, business, h.a. & s.r wilkinson real estate

Thomas Crouch Watts was born on March 7th. 1865, to Joseph and Susan Watts. Before the real estate business commenced, Thomas and his brother were in partnership as booksellers and stationers in a shop at View Point. Thomas lived in a fine house in Rowan Street, which was called 'Ottawa' Thomas started his real estate business in the early 1900s in a shop in View Street. His daughter Edna was the book keeper and typist, Stewart Watson was the salesman and Stanley Phipps (Edith Lunn's father) was the property manager and valuer. When Thomas Watts died in 1914, his daughter took over the running of the business. She married Stewart Watson in 1918. Eventually the name of the business was changed to Bishop and Earl. From a letter from Edith Lunn re T.C. Watts & Son. 'The firm of T.C. Watts & Son later became Bishop and Earl. When the firm of Bishop and Earl ceased to operate after the death of Edith Lunn's father, S.P. Bishop, Miss. June Parry, Secretary of the BHS was a member of staff. June rescued all the photos of properties listed for sale from the office and placed them into the custody of the BHS.' Black and white original photograph mounted on grey cardboard. Weatherboard house, corrugated iron roof. Return verandah with wooden decoration. 1 chimney. 2 decorative gables above windows. Garden with lawn, shrubs and garden seat. Written on back of image 'H. Liddall, Webster Street. Terms £500 bal 61/2 %. £775 on 30.1.41 £250 deposit, low interest to be arranged. 25 Webster Street. White sticker attached to bottom of photo board ' December 1927 Pyke Street - Bendigo £1150' 2012 photo of house attached to record.Frank A. Jeffree Photo Bendigoplace, building, residential

Originally built as two adjoining, mine managers cottages in 1858, these residences have now been joined into one houseBlack and white photograph mounted on rectangular grey board. House, rendered, decorative parapet, joined pair- mirror image of each other, verandah with corrugated iron roof, decorative wood arches over verandah, house names ''WANDELA'' on right, ''LEIWAH'' on left, picket fence, wire and wrought iron gate. 55 Barkly Street.Frank A. Jeffree, Bendigobuilding, residential, 55 barkly street, bendigo

BHS CollectionBlack and white photograph mounted on rectangular grey board. House, weatherboard, 3 gable rooves and small gabled portico. All gables decorated with rough cast and wooden slats. Decorative chimneys with pots, verandah posts with capitals. Tall palm tree in established garden picket fence, with ornate fence posts. Creeper over gateway. Queen Street.Frank A. Jeffree Bendigoplace, building, residential, stamped on back in rectangle ''t.c. watts and son/auctioneer/estate agents/253 mitchell street/bendigo'' stamped on back in circle ''royal historical society of victoria, bendigo branch''