This soda syphon (or siphon) was distributed by John Fletcher of Warrnambool, and made by the British Syphon Mfg. Co. Ltd. of London between the 1900s-1930s. It comprises a multi-sided clear glass bottle, an internal glass tube and a metal release valve and spout on the top. It was used to dispense pressurised, effervescent soda water. It was often used as an alternative to water or added to fruit juices and cordials. The text on this bottle states that it remains the property of the retailer, John Fletcher, and must be returned to him. Customers were asked for a deposit on the bottle, which would be refunded when the bottle was exchanged or continued as the deposit on a fresh bottle. Returned bottles would be cleaned and recharged with the gas and sold again. Soda syphon are bottles, glass or metal, with a release valve and spout on the top. The valve lever on the top of the syphon, when depressed, causes the gas in the syphon to force the water up through the tube and out of the spout. The bottle’s mechanism gives the water an effervescent quality to make bubbly drinks such as sparkling mineral water, soda water and sparkling water. ABOUT JOHN FLETCHER John Fletcher bought the Union Cordial Factory in Koroit Street, Warrnambool that was previously owned by John Davis. Fletcher operated the factory as J Fletcher, John Fletcher and Fletcher’s. He eventually sold his business and stock in 1930 to Ralph Reeves, who may have continued using Fletcher’s supply of drink containers before renewing them with stock showing his own brand. The soda syphon is representative of drink containers used in the later 19th and early 20th century. It also represents the system of returnable, recyclable containers. Soda syphon (or siphon). Glass bottle, clear, multi sided, tapered from a heavy glass base to a narrower shoulder, with glass tube at centre connected to metal pump mechanism at the top. Has elaborate frosted label for J. Fletcher of Warrnambool. Made by the British Syphon Mfg. Co. Ltd. London. Bottle remains the property of John Fletcher, Warrnambool.Metal syphon has impressed "J FLETCHER" and logo "S S" in centre of two concentric circles with text between circles "BRITISH SYPHON MFG. CO. LTD. LONDON". Etched into glass "J. FLETCHER / WARRNAMBOOL", "TRADE "[stylised] F" / MARK", "SODA WATER", "THIS SYPHON IS THE PROPERTY / OF JOHN FLETCHER / WARRNAMBOOL AND CONNOT BE / AND CONNOT BE LEGALLY USED BY OTHERS / BRITISH SYPHON CO. TLD. LONDON / - - - - "flagstaff hill, warrnambool, shipwrecked coast, flagstaff hill maritime museum, maritime museum, shipwreck coast, flagstaff hill maritime village, great ocean road, john fletcher, fletcher, john fletcher of warrnambool, soda siphon, soda syphon, british syphon mfg co ltd of london, soft drinks, soda drinks

Angus & Co. was a large ink, gum, and paste manufacturing company established in Melbourne in 1896 by Joseph Armstrong Angus (1860-1936.) The company's premises included a bottle works to supply bottles for its many products. The company supplied various inks, gums, and paste too many business and domestic customers. Mucilage is a thick, gluey substance produced by nearly all plants and some microorganisms. These micro-organisms include protists who use it for their locomotion. The direction of their movement is always opposite to that of the secretion of mucilage. It is a polar glycoprotein and an exopolysaccharide. The mucilage in plants plays a role in the storage of water and food, seed germination, and thickening membranes. Cacti (and other succulents) and flax seeds are especially rich sources of mucilage. Mucilage is edible. It is used in medicine as it relieves irritation of mucous membranes by forming a protective film. It is known to act as a soluble, or viscous, dietary fiber that thickens the faecal mass, an example being the consumption of fiber supplements containing Psyllium seed husks. Traditionally, marshmallows were made from the extract of the mucilaginous root of the marshmallow plant (Althaea Officinalis). The inner bark of the slippery elm (Ulmus rubra), a North American tree species, has long been used as a demulcent and cough medicine and is still produced commercially for that purpose. Mucilage mixed with water has been used as a glue, especially for bonding paper items such as labels, postage stamps, and envelope flaps. Differing types and varying strengths of mucilage can also be used for other adhesive applications, including gluing labels to metal cans, wood to china, and leather to pasteboard. An early item from the late 1920s for office use as a glue by a well-known Melbourne manufacturer of office supplies of inks, glues, rubber stamps, and mucilage gums, etc.Bottle of Mucilage. Manufactured by Angus & Co Ltd Aust. Contents 20 Ozflagstaff hill, warrnambool, shipwrecked-coast, flagstaff-hill, flagstaff-hill-maritime-museum, maritime-museum, shipwreck-coast, flagstaff-hill-maritime-village

Francis Powell (1861-) and Francis Hanmer (1858-1925) founded Powell and Hanmer Ltd in the Summer of 1885 for the manufacturer of bike and carriage lamps. Their first advertisements began to appear in November of 1885. In 1890 they lodged a Patent for “velocipede” lamps to be used by lightweight wheeled vehicles propelled by a rider, such as a bike, tricycle and railroad handcar. In April of 1913, they were selling headlamps for cars and in 1914 built their second factory manufacturing dynamo lighting sets in Rocky Lane Birmingham, also for the production of dynamos for motor cars. Then in 1929 Powell and Hanmer Ltd, was acquired by the Lucas company which was at that time the main competitor for the manufacture of non-electrical equipment for cycles and motorcycles. When a director of Powell and Hanmer joined the board of Austin motor cars, Lucas feared that Austins might encourage Powell and Hanmer to start to produce electrical equipment for supply to the company and as a result this association might affect Lucas's business with other large vehicle manufacturers. As a result, Lucas made an offer to Powell & Hanmer and purchased the business for £500,000. Carbide lighting was used in rural and urban areas of Australia which were not served by electrification. Its use began shortly after 1900 in many countries and continued past the 1950s. Calcium carbide pellets were placed in a container outside the home, with water piped to the container and allowed to drip on the pellets releasing acetylene. This gas was piped to lighting fixtures inside the house, where it was burned, creating a very bright flame. Carbide lighting was inexpensive but was prone to gas leaks and explosions. Early models of the automobile, motorbike and bicycles used carbide lamps as headlamps. Acetylene gas, derived from carbide, enabled early automobiles to drive safely at night. Thick concave mirrors combined with magnifying lenses projected the acetylene flame light. These type of lights were used until reliable batteries and dynamos became available, and manufacturers switched to electric lights. Acetylene lamps were also used on riverboats for night navigation. The National Museum of Australia has a lamp made in about 1910 that was used onboard the PS Enterprise, an 1878 Australian paddle steamer, currently owned by the National Museum of Australia in Canberra. It is still operational, and one of the oldest working paddle steamers in the world, listed on the Australian Register of Historic Vehicles.Acetylene Carbide lamp, Model “Panther” distinct patterned side red and green lenses. These lamps were also known as acetylene gas lamps. They work off a chemical reaction between calcium carbide and water.Model 75flagstaff hill, warrnambool, flagstaff-hill-maritime-museum, maritime-museum, shipwreck-coast, flagstaff-hill-maritime-village, carbide lamp, motor vehicle, bike lamp, lighting, vehicle lighting, powell, hanmer, acetylene gas lamp, early lighting

The bluelight outfit was offered to members of the armed services in an attempt to prevent venereal disease. Around 60,000 Australian soldiers had contracted venereal disease by the end of the First World War. (http://www.canberratimes.com.au/act-news/secret-wwi-history-of-australian-soldiers-with-venereal-disease-20141022-119wan.html, accessed 21 August 2017) Australia colloquial language defines a Blue Light clinic as a venereal disease clinic.A cardboard box with two tubes of ointment - an anti-Venereal Disease outfit supplied to Australian Armed Services Tube number one is filled with brown contents known as 'No. 1 ointment BROWN' and has a long, tapered opening, with black pastic lid. Tube number two is filled with a thick white ointment 'No. 2 ointment WHITE', with a normal opening and metal lid. The tubes contained 3 percent Argyrol Jelly for gonorrhea and 33% Calomel Ointment (Mercury-Chloride) for syphilis prophylaxis.Inside box: Directions for Use Before Connection 1. Rub head and shaft of Penis with half the tube of No. 2 Ointment, White. 2. Always wear a sheath After Connection 1. Pass water IMMEDIATELY 2. Wash thoroughly Penis and Scrotum with soap and water. 3. Inject the whole of the contents of the Tube of No. 1. Oitnment, Brown, into pipe and massage back 2 inches. 4. Rub remainder of tube No. 2 Ointment, White, on head and shaft of Penis and Scrotum 5. Hold urine some hours after treatment 6. Report at V.D. Prevention Depot (Blue Light Depot) as soon as possible. 7. Having read directions and understood them, destroy by tearing up or by burning.blue light outfit, veneral disease, vd, armed services, gonorrhea, syphilis, disease, medical

Plan for installation of an electric hot water service into the new workshops at the Ballarat School of Mines.ballarat school of mines, new workshops, hot water, buildings, archibald fisken

This bottle once contained John Fletcher’s ginger cordial. It was found in August 2014 in the sand dunes at Levy's Point, near McKinnon's quarry, Warrnambool. ABOUT JOHN FLETCHER of WARRNAMBOOL John Fletcher Cordial (or Beverage) Co . Warrnambool, supplied cordial and aerated drinks to the Western district of Victoria. John Fletcher was named as a cordial manufacturer in the Warrnambool Standard of June 13th 1895, when he attended a Publican’s Association meeting. Mr John Fletcher, aerated water and cordial manufacturer of Koroit Street Warrnambool, had a summary of his factory printed in a short article in the Advocate, Melbourne, in February 1901. The article said “one of the most complete plants outside the metropolis … spacious … well appointed …old-established business … noted for the excellence of the quality … a trial [of the beverage] is solicited.” John Fletcher and Harold Caffin, trading as J.S. Rowley & co cordial manufacturers in 1903; were prosecuted in September 1903 when the Board of Health found an analysed sample of Raspberry Vinegar to contain coal tar colouring, which could be injurious to health, particularly to the kidneys. The factory was still in operation in December 1924, when sadly, Mr S. Fletcher, who was carrying bottles of aerated water at Mr John Fletcher’s cordial factory, sustained an eye injury when one of the bottles burst. Later the eye had to be removed at the Warrnambool Base Hospital. ABOUT CODD BOTTLES During the mid-to-late 1800s there were many inventions to keep the fizz in carbonated drinks such as ginger ale, soda water and fruit drinks. Hiram Codd, an English engineer invented a successful process that he patented as “Codd’s patented globe stopper bottle” in 1872. The Codd-neck bottle (commonly called Codd or marble bottle) is manufactured in two parts. The body of the bottle is cast in two sections. At the time of joining the sections a glass marble and rubber seal are inserted into the neck section. The lip is then applied to the top of the bottle. The Codd bottle is filled upside down as the pressure of the gas from the carbonated liquid holds the marble up and out of the way. When the bottle stands upright the gas pushes the marble up against the washer, creating a firm seal to keep the fizz inside. The bottle is opened by pushing the marble down firmly to allow some of the gas to escape. The marble drops down and is caught in a depression formed in the neck. When the bottle is tilted to pour or drink the liquid the marble rests in a dimple. Some have said that the bottle as a character, the shape having a face with its mouth keeping the marble out of the drink and eyes that catch the marble so that it doesn’t roll into the mouth of the drinker. The Codd bottle was expensive to produce and children loved to destroy the marbles to play with the marbles inside. Many shops and factories added a deposit to the cost of buying the drink to encourage children to return the bottles rather than break it for the marble. Codd bottles are still being produced in India and Japan for soft drinks. A Codd bottle with the same markings as this one is valued on today’s Australian auction sites from $35 - $75 AUD. Bottle, aqua/green glass, with glass marble inside. John Fletcher's Ginger Ale, Warrnambool. Container is often called a "Codd neck bottle", “marble bottle” or “Codd’s patent bottle”. Bottle made by Dobson. Inscription on bottle and base. c. 1905Marks moulded into glass; "JOHN FLETCHER / GINGER ALE / WARRNAMBOOL" and “DOBSON” and on base “G”. flagstaff hill, warrnambool, shipwrecked coast, flagstaff hill maritime museum, maritime museum, shipwreck coast, flagstaff hill maritime village, great ocean road, codd bottle, codd neck bottle, marble bottle, ginger beer bottle, john fletcher soft drinks, warrnambool soft drinks and cordials, john fletcher cordial (or beverage) co ., codd neck bottle, glass stopper bottle, hiram codd, antique bottle, harold caffin, john fletcher

Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerPhotograph of a street art poster taken on the streets of Hong Kong during the protests against legislation to allow Hong Kong suspects to be extradited to mainland Chinese carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, poster art, posters

Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerMore than a thousand protestors surround Hong Kong's main police headquarters on Arsenal Street in Wan Chai on June 26th following a peaceful rally at Edinburgh Place in Central. Doors to the complex were barricaded by protestors, who left after a six hour siege in protest at police violence at a prtest held earlier on 12 June 2019. Protesters ended a six-hour siege of Hong Kong’s police headquarters – their second in a week over the now-suspended extradition bill – early on Thursday morning. More than 1,000 were involved at the height of the protest, which began after 10pm on Wednesday. Around 100 were left at the end and dispersed without a fight when officers with riot shields emerged from the building in Wan Chai at 4am on Thursday. After a peaceful rally attended by thousands earlier at Edinburgh Place in the Central business district, hundreds descended on Arsenal Street, blocking the junction with Lockhart Road to all traffic and sealing the entrances to the police base. (https://www.scmp.com/news/hong-kong/politics/article/3016238/hong-kong-police-under-siege-again-protesters-surround )carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, protest, protestors

Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerSeven police officers stand guard in front of Hong Kong's main police headquarters on Arsenal Street in Wan Chai as an estimated one thousand protestors surround on 26 June 2019. Protestors take turns to step up and hurl abuse at the officers, in a protest lasting 6 hours before peacefully dispersing. The protesters chanted 'Release the martyrs' and 'Stop police violence' in reference to violent clashes with police in the days previous. ( https://www.scmp.com/news/hong-kong/politics/article/3016238/hong-kong-police-under-siege-again-protesters-surround)carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, protest, protestors, police, wan chai

Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerPhotograph crowds gathering on June 16 on the streets of Causeway Bay before an estimated 2 million people take part in march protesting the government's push for extradition laws to China and demanding an apology from the chief executrive Carrie Lam. Nearly 2 million’ people take to streets, forcing public apology from Hong Kong leader Carrie Lam as suspension of controversial extradition bill fails to appease protesters. (https://www.scmp.com/news/hong-kong/politics/article/3014737/nearly-2-million-people-take-streets-forcing-public-apology )carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, protest, protestors

Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerPhotograph of a crowd or protestors against proposed extradition laws gathering on the streets of Causeway Bay, Hong Kong, leading down to the gathering area. carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, protest, protestors

Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerPhotograph of a crowd on the streets of Hong Kong to protest against proposed extradition laws, heading towards Admiralty. carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, protest, protestors, admiralty

Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerCrowds mass on Queens Way in Hong Kong as an estimated 2 million people march in protest at the government's refusal to withdraw a controverisal law allowing people to be extradited to mainland China. Chants demanded the chief executive apologise and the legislation be withdrawn, while many held signs protesting police violence. Nearly 2 million protesters flooded the streets of Hong Kong on Sunday, organisers claimed, delivering a stunning repudiation of Chief Executive Carrie Lam Cheng Yuet-ngor’s governance and forcing a public apology out of the city’s leader over her campaign to bulldoze a controversial extradition bill through the legislature. A day after Lam suspended her push for the bill, expecting it to defuse a crisis that has seen violent clashes between mostly young protesters and police, the centre of Hong Kong was brought to a complete standstill as the masses marched to chastise her for refusing to withdraw the bill or apologise when first asked to, and declaring that nothing short of her resignation would satisfy them now. (https://www.scmp.com/news/hong-kong/politics/article/3014737/nearly-2-million-people-take-streets-forcing-public-apology ) carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, protest, protestors, admiralty

A blue, soft, illustrated covered book.state electricity commission of victoria, anniversary, monash house, w.h. connolly, alexander fitzgerald, t.p. scott, b.j. callinan, yallourn, hazelwood power station, morwell power station, briquettes, morwell briquette works, water power, hydro-electric supply, rocky valley reservoir, electricity network, transmission statins, yallourn "w" power station, eildon reservoir

Early settlers had to be self sufficient, growing their own vegetables, making tools and clothing and usually had a house cow to produce their milk supply. .All the buttermilk separated from the butterfat had to be rinsed out. This would improve texture and flavour, and also help the butter keep well, since milk turns rancid more quickly than fat alone. Salt was usually mixed in at this stage - for flavour and preservation. The rinsing could be done simply by washing in water, followed by draining, salting and working or "kneading" the butter with a pair of wooden butter pats, or with bare hands. c1880 A pair of wooden butter patspioneers, early settlers, market gardeners, moorabbin, brighton, bentleigh, cheltenham, milk, dairy farmers, butter pats, dairy cows

Early settlers had to be self sufficient, growing their own vegetables, making tools and clothing and usually had a house cow to produce their milk supply. .All the buttermilk separated from the butterfat had to be rinsed out. This would improve texture and flavour, and also help the butter keep well, since milk turns rancid more quickly than fat alone. Salt was usually mixed in at this stage - for flavour and preservation. The rinsing could be done simply by washing in water, followed by draining, salting and working or "kneading" the butter with a pair of wooden butter pats, or with bare hands. c1880 2 wooden butter patsearly settlers, pioneers, market gardeners, moorabbin, bentleigh, brighton, cheltenham, dairy farmers, dairy cows, milk, butter

Gasometers resulted from complex engineering design evolving from primitive gasholders first used in 1824 in England to power street lights. The 20th century gasometer, (as used at the Highett Gasworks), was comprised of a series of large interconnected, telescopic, cylindrical vessels or lifts, which rose and fell depending on the volume of gas stored. The gasholder operated on a basic principle of a gas-filled floating vessel, rising and falling in a seal of water. The Highett Gasworks had its beginning in 1939 but its beginnings commenced sixty-two years earlier when the privately owned Brighton Gas Company was floated in 1877. By 1880 the company was performing well and making excellent profits. The company was welcomed by residents wanting to replace the shadowy light of a kerosene lamp with the bright luminescence of "modern" gas lamps. The land developers of the day were also keen supporters. But by 1884 people became disgrunted because either the gas had not reached them yet or because the quality of the supply had diminished due to the increasing use. In 1885 a second private gas company, the Central Brighton and Moorabbin Gas Co, Chaired by "Tommy" Bent was floated and for many years the two gas companies enjoyed a shared monopoly in supplying gas from their New Street Works. In the 1930s the company expanded its gas production facilities to Highett where it had purchased 45 acres of land adjacent to the Melbourne-Frankston railway line. A gasholder with a capacity of 750,000 cubic feet was erected on the Highett land in 1927 and connected with high pressure mains to the Brighton works. Three years later the company directors decided to proceed with the construction of a vertical retort house and coal store. Following a "lull" during the Great Depression work recommenced in 1936 and by 1939 the first complete gas-making plant was completed, and gas making commenced. Over the next twenty one years other significant extensions occurred, including an amenities block to accomodate 100 workers. In 1969 Esso commenced the introduction of natural gas to residents homes and the gradual decommissioning of the Highett Gasworks commenced. Part of the old Highett Gasworks site is now a council owned parkThe photos of the Higett Gasworks, now demolished, recall their long history, that originated in the 1800s with the production of gas to supply homes with a new, much improved light source, and later it's other applications such as for stoves etc. The arrival of gas in the Shire of Moorabbin was a huge step forward that encouraged further building and development in the area.Three Photographs of the Highett Gasworks. Two are coloured photos taken in 1974, and one is black and white taken in the 1960s. All are in good conditionOn the back of the two coloured photographs "Highett Gasworks 1974" No inscription on the black and white aerial photograph.brighton, moorabbin, highett, bent thomas, gasometer, highett gasworks, engineering design, brighton gas company, central brighton and moorabbin gas company, great depression, lamp kerosene

Gold was discovered in Victoria c1850 and people came from all over the world to seek their fortune at Ballarat and Bendigo and surrounding gold fields. This large wooden rocking- box or cradle was used by gold prospectors. A handle on the rocker is pushed back and forth, as the miner put gravel into the top part and finer and heavier particles dropped through a screen, helped along by buckets of water. The bottom part of the device had slats, that caught the heavier metals. After many shovel loads of gravel were pushed through the rocker, the miner would then use his gold pan to sort out the heavy minerals to find gold. Most of the pioneer settlers in Moorabbin Shire left the area to try their luck at gold mining and there was a desperate shortage of workers to maintain the market gardens and supply food to the ever increasing population of Melbourne.This gold prospector's 'cradle' is hand made and typical of those used by many hopeful Moorabbin Shire pioneers as they abandoned their market gardens to try their luck at finding gold in the Ballarat and Bendigo minefields c1850This gold miner's rocker is very old, and very well-used. It is a large wooden rocking- box or cradle used by gold prospectors. A handle on the rocker is pushed back and forth, as gravel is put in the top part of the box so that finer and heavier particles drop through a screen.. The bottom part of the device had slats, that caught the heavier metals. i.e gold particles. The water passed through the shute at the base back into the creek or river.moorabbin, brighton, market gardens, pioneers, early settlers, fruit, vegetable, ballarat, bendigo, gold mining, gold prospedtors, gold rush, were j. b., irish immigrants, chinese immigrants, gold panning, gold digger

The artefact is a glass sewing machine oil bottle recovered from the 1878 shipwreck of the Loch Ard near Port Campbell. It was raised by Flagstaff Hill divers in 1973. The sewing machine oil bottle was used to lubricate a sewing machine mechanism and supplied with new Singer sewing machines as part of the items tool kit. The Loch Ard was constructed on the Clyde in 1873 for the prestigious Loch Line of colonial clipper ships, designed for the Australian run. She sailed from England on 1 March 1878 carrying 37 crew, 17 passengers and a diverse general cargo ranging from luxury items to bulk railway iron. On 1 June 1878, emerging from fog and hearing too late the sound of breakers against the tall limestone cliffs, the vessel struck the southern foot of Mutton Bird Island and sank in 23 meters of water. Of the fifty-four people on board, only two survived, one young male crewman, Tom Pearce, and one young female passenger, Eva Carmichael. (See References or Notes below for further details.)The bottle is believed to be part of the cargo or passenger goods recovered from the Loch Ard that is of historical significance for Victoria. Registered on the Victorian Heritage Register ( S 417). Flagstaff Hill has a varied collection of artefacts from the Loch Ard. Its collection is significant for being one of the largest accumulation of artefacts from this notable Victorian shipwreck. The object gives us a snapshot into maritime history so we can interpret the story of this tragic event. The collection of marine objects is archaeologically significant as it represents aspects of Victoria's shipping history that allows us to interpret Victoria's social and historical themes of the time with this wreck being one of the worst and best-known shipwrecks in Victoria's history. Clear glass oil bottle, rectangular body with concave sides. The bottle has raised inscriptions on the glass.The bottle contained Singer Sewing Machine Oil bottle. Recovered from the wreck of the Loch Ard. "The Singer Manufacturing Company" "Extra Quality Machine Oil."flagstaff hill, warrnambool, shipwreck coast, flagstaff hill maritime museum, flagstaff hill maritime village, maritime museum, great ocean road, shipwreck artefact, loch ard, mutton bird island, glenample, eva carmichael, tom pearce, flagstaff hill divers, singer sewing machines, lock ard artifact, oil bottle, the singer manufacturing company, extra quality machine oil

Francis Powell (1861-) and Francis Hanmer (1858-1925) founded Powell and Hanmer Ltd in the Summer of 1885 for the manufacturer of bike and carriage lamps. Their first advertisements began to appear in November of 1885. In 1890 they lodged a Patent for “velocipede” lamps to be used by lightweight wheeled vehicles propelled by a rider, such as a bike, tricycle and railroad handcar. In April of 1913, they were selling headlamps for cars and in 1914 built their second factory manufacturing dynamo lighting sets in Rocky Lane Birmingham, also for the production of dynamos for motor cars. Then in 1929 Powell and Hanmer Ltd, was acquired by the Lucas company which was at that time the main competitor for the manufacture of non-electrical equipment for cycles and motorcycles. When a director of Powell and Hanmer joined the board of Austin motor cars, Lucas feared that Austins might encourage Powell and Hanmer to start to produce electrical equipment for supply to the company and as a result this association might affect Lucas's business with other large vehicle manufacturers. As a result, Lucas made an offer to Powell & Hanmer and purchased the business for £500,000. Carbide lighting was used in rural and urban areas of Australia which were not served by electrification. Its use began shortly after 1900 in many countries and continued past the 1950s. Calcium carbide pellets were placed in a container outside the home, with water piped to the container and allowed to drip on the pellets releasing acetylene. This gas was piped to lighting fixtures inside the house, where it was burned, creating a very bright flame. Carbide lighting was inexpensive but was prone to gas leaks and explosions. Early models of the automobile, motorbike and bicycles used carbide lamps as headlamps. Acetylene gas, derived from carbide, enabled early automobiles to drive safely at night. Thick concave mirrors combined with magnifying lenses projected the acetylene flame light. These type of lights were used until reliable batteries and dynamos became available, and manufacturers switched to electric lights. Acetylene lamps were also used on riverboats for night navigation. The National Museum of Australia has a lamp made in about 1910 that was used onboard the PS Enterprise, an 1878 Australian paddle steamer, currently owned by the National Museum of Australia in Canberra. It is still operational, and one of the oldest working paddle steamers in the world, listed on the Australian Register of Historic Vehicles.Acetylene Carbide lamp, marine pattern burner housing and reflector missing Carbide Lamp, metal. Has plate for attaching to wall, & gimbal to allow lamp to remain vertical. Noneflagstaff hill, warrnambool, flagstaff-hill-maritime-museum, maritime-museum, shipwreck-coast, flagstaff-hill-maritime-village, carbide lamp, motor vehicle, bike lamp, lighting, vehicle lighting, powell, hanmer, acetylene gas lamp, early lighting, marine lighting

The family-owned timber manufacturing business Pelco was started by Cecil Victor Woodfield in 1937. The joinery company Pelco began by making wooden ladders and was registered as the Palmerston Extension Ladder Company. C V Woodfield, who lived from 1884 -1959, arrived in Palmerston North from Canterbury NZ in the aftermath of the Great Depression to work in construction. The company got its first step up when Woodfield was asked by a commercial painter to make a ladder, and the founder set up shop in a garage on Ruahine St. According to the company website, Pelco made its name in New Zealand with its Oregon Extension Ladders, and up until its closure, manufactured non-conductive Lamilite Ladders for the electrical supply and service industry worldwide. The company was incorporated as a joinery business in 1946, and continued making high-end cabinetry for seven decades. Under director Geoff Woodfield, in the 1950s, the company embarked on the production of Fleetcraft plywood boats. Another water-related enterprise followed, with the manufacture of oars and paddles Its branded Gull Superior Oars and Paddles business began exporting in 1972 to Australia and subsequently to the United States, UK and Japan. The company ceased trading in April 2018 and was placed into receivership.This pair of lightweight oars represents the maritime tradition of handmade oar making, which has evolved over the centuries. Their shape is still similar to early oars and continues to serve the same purpose, to steer and propel a boat. The oars are associated with a significant family business situated in Palmerston New Zealand that along with making ladders also graduated into making wooden boats and oars.Pair of blonde varnished Tasman Fir oars with a flattened paddle at one end. Made by Gull of New Zealand, sold by James Edwards & Sons of Melbourne. Inscriptions on printed labels on the oars.(1) "GULL Superior Oars and Paddles, Pelco, Palmerston North NZ" (2) "JAS. EDWARDS & SONS, Boat Builders, Oar and Skull Makers, & Importers, PRINCES BRIDGE MELBOURNE"warrnambool, flagstaff-hill, flagstaff-hill-maritime-museum, maritime-museum, shipwreck-coast, flagstaff-hill-maritime-village, oar, oars, gull oars and paddles, new zealand oars and paddles, jas edwards and sons melbourne, rowing equipment, new zealand oak, paddle, james edwards and sons melbourne, james edwards, tasman fir, gull superior oars, marine equipment, marine technology, ship fitting, boat fitting, rowing oar, boat oar

The Norman Oliver collection. Norman Oliver was three times Mayor of Bendigo - 1950-51, 1964-65, 1970-71. 1. Two covering pages, with handwriting in blue pen. Mayor's Notes 1964, and Contents of File - Mayor's Notes 1964, Bendigo, Local Government, Town Planning, Water - Coliban Area, Business - marketing, etc., Speech for Graduation of Nurses. 2. Four typed pages of undated Mayor's Notes which make reference to the first week as Mayor, and learning of his appointment on 29 August. Topics include : a council business meeting dealing with the use of the Garden Gully sports facilities, the Housing Commission garden competition, Royal Commission on supply and consumption of liquor, neighbourhood disputes regarding drainage issues and owner responsibility, Rotary Club slide presentation on Bendigo past and present, tenders to Council for supply of a range of materials, Art Gallery Committee meeting (noting the need for careful selection policy re. donations and borrowings).bendigo, council, speech notes, norman joseph oliver , councillor norman oliver. mayor of bendigo. bendigo art gallery. rotary clubs - bendigo. royal commission on supply and consumption of liquor.

Wall calendar from 1938. Coloured drawing of a lady in red evening dress on a balcony overlooking a body of water titled ''the witching hour''. With compliments from Bendigo Timber coy. Corner Williamson and Mollison Streets, Bendigo. Phone 218. Buildings erected anywhere, building materials supplied.business, retail, bendigo timber company

Henry Francis was previously in business at the goldfields at Ballarat, before coming to Melbourne in 1856. TROVE : Advocate (Melbourne, Vic. : 1868 - 1954), Saturday 19 July 1879, page 11. H. F R A N C I S & CO (Late FRANCIS & SWIFT) DISPENSING AND FAMILY CHEMISTS, M , 31 BOURKE ST. EAST, Melbourne. IMPORTERS OF Drugs, Chemicals, Patent Medicines, Surgical Instruments, And Surgical and Medical Appliances generally, H, FRANCIS & Co. solicit attention to their large and complete stock of WATER AND AIR-PROOF GOODS, Beds, Cushions, Mattresses. Pillows, Hot Water Bottles, Bed Sheeting, Portable Baths, Elastic Stockings, Ladies' Abdominal Belts, Shoulder Braces, Trusses, &c., Which, owing to their buying Direct from the Manufacturer, through their London agents, they are now able to supply at much' more reasonable rates than have hitherto obtained. THE GERMAN & FRENCH MINERAL WATERS Hunyadi Janos, Friedrichshall, Carlebad, Vichy, Pullna, Vale, &c., &c., Continually in stock, and supplied in quantities to suit purchasers. DISPENSARY AND RETAIL ESTABLISHMENT: 31 Bourke Street East; Melbourne. Wholesale Laboratory—Dawson Place, Swanston St, MEDICINE CHESTS SUPPLIED & REFITTED. TROVE : Argus (Melbourne, Vic. : 1848 - 1957), Thursday 17 January 1957, page 9 'ANTINOIS EAR PLUGS Ensure mental rest; soothe the nerves in factories, plane, or train travel 3 pairs, 2/6, post free H. Francis & Co., Box 5Ó2H, Melb.' Aqua tinted clear glass rectangular with angled corners in section bottle for stopper seal, with graduations on two sides for dosage quantities. Embossed text on front , angled sides and base.Embossed on base 'K' over '4616'. On one angled side graduation marks for one tablespoon doses, on other side graduation marks for two tablespoon doses, on front 'H. FRANCIS & Co'.

4 page document plus map, Water Right Licence No. 1172, between King George VI ( the Crown ) and North Deborah Mining Company No Liability, Parish of Sandhurst., dated 19th August 1941. "to take and divert water at the points marked 'source of supply' on the said plan the quantity thereof not to exceed in the aggregate one hundred thousand gallons per diem' Plan: 'Mining District of Bendigo No. 1172 W.R., County of Bendigo, Parish of Sandhurst. Plan has dam area coloured in red, with pipe line drawn in red, leading from Battery marked on lease 11145 across lease 9988 to dam. Streets marked: Adams Road, Honeybone Street, Griston Street. (Golden Square area)bendigo, mining, north deborah mining company, north deborah mining company, adams, honeybone, and griston streets. (golden square)

The O'Shannassy Weir was a small Weir created in 1911 and completed in 1913, and was the originating point of outflow into the Aqueduct. In 1928, it was replaced by the much larger O'Shannassy Reservoir. The Weir had water moving along the Aqueduct to the Surrey Hills Reservoir. Many structures at the Weir precinct have survived and remain in-situ.The O'shannassy Weir and Aqueduct contains a wide range of intact and diverse features. This demonstrates the way in which the Board constructed and managed the water supply that flowed through farmland and forest areas subject to timber milling. The caretakers residences that are located along the aqueduct were utilised by caretakers who were responsible for maintaining one of their four sections of the channel. This transparency is significant for its historic association to the establishment of the weir and to those who worked on the project, and at the quarters. weir, o'shannassy, aqueduct, reservoir, melbourne water, mmbw, staff

The Upper Yarra Reservoir supplies the Silvan Reservoir, which distributes water throughout the Melbourne metropolitan area. The dam was completed in 1957 and is a rolled earthfill and rockfill embankment. This photograph shows a 68" diameter steel pipeline that was to convey the water from the Upper Yarra Reservoir to the Silvan Reservoir.This photograph is significant as it provides a detailed insight into the Boards activity and construction of one of Melbourne's most important water supply systems. Furthermore, it is of historical importance to the history of Melbourne while it is representative of shaping Melbourne's environments, transforming and managing land and natural resources, and providing urban infrastructure and services. The photograph itself is aesthetically pleasing, through its depth of field and use of shape with an interesting composition. Black and white photographmmbw, melbourne metropolitan board of works, melbourne water, upper yarra reservoir, silvan reservoir, water, waterway, dam