On 12 January, the World Health Organization (WHO) confirmed that a novel coronavirus was the cause of a respiratory illness in a cluster of people in Wuhan City, Hubei Province, China, who had initially come to the attention of the WHO on 31 December 2019. On 3 March, the Reserve Bank of Australia became the first central bank to cut interest rates in response to the outbreak. Official interest rates were cut by 0.25% (25 base points) to a record low of 0.5%. On 12 March, the Federal Government announced a A$17.6 billion stimulus package, the first since the 2008 GFC. he package consists of multiple parts, a one-off A$750 payment to around 6.5 million welfare recipients as early as 31 March 2020, small business assistance with 700,000 grants up to $25,000 and a 50% wage subsidy for 120,000 apprenticies or trainees for up to 9 months, 1 billion to support economically impacted sectors, regions and communities, and $700 million to increase tax write off and $3.2 billion to support short-term small and medium-sized business investment. On 16 March, Premier Dan Andrews and Minister for Health Jenny Mikakos declared a state of emergency for Victoria for at least four weeks. On 19 March, the Reserve Bank again cut interest rates by a further 0.25% to 0.25%, the lowest in Australian history. On 22 March, the government announced a second stimulus package of A$66bn, increasing the amount of total financial package offered to A$89bn. This included several new measures like doubling income support for individuals on Jobseeker's allowance, granting A$100,000 to small and medium-sized businesses and A$715 million to Australian airports and airlines. It also allowed individuals affected by the outbreak to access up to A$10,000 of their superannuation during 2019–2020 and also being able to take an additional same amount for the next year. on the same day Victorian Premier Daniel Andrews announced on 22 March that the state will bring the school holiday forwards to 24 March from 27 March. On 30 March, the Australian Federal Government announced a $130 billion "JobKeeper" wage subsidy program offering to pay employers up to $1500 a fortnight per full-time, part-time or casual employee that has worked for that business for over a year. For a business to be eligible, they must have lost 30% of turnover after 1 March of annual revenue up to and including $1 billion. For businesses with a revenue of over $1 billion, turnover must have decreased by 50%. Businesses are then required by law to pay the subsidy to their staff, in lieu of their usual wages. This response came after the enormous job losses seen just a week prior when an estimated 1 million Australians lost their jobs. This massive loss in jobs caused the myGov website to crash and lines out of Centrelink offices to run hundreds of metres long.The program was backdated to 1 March, to aim at reemploying the many people who had just lost their jobs in the weeks before. Businesses would receive the JobKeeper subsidy for six months. On 2 April, the number of cases in Victoria exceeded 1,000, including over 100 healthcare workers. On 5 April, New South Wales Police launched a criminal investigation into whether the operator of Ruby Princess, Carnival Australia, broke the Biosecurity Act 2015 (Cwth) and New South Wales state laws, by deliberately concealing COVID-19 cases. On 6 April, the Department of Health revealed that 2,432 people recovered from the infection as the federal government started reporting recovery statistics. This is more than a third from the official number reported so far, Deputy Chief Medical Officer Professor Paul Kelly stating, "I think it is important. Firstly it really reinforces that message, which is a true one, that most people who get this disease do recover”. The day before, at 3pm, it was announced that 2,315 of the 5,687 confirmed coronavirus cases had recovered. May 2020 - An outbreak in Victoria at a meatworks that was later revealed to be Cedar Meats was announced on 02 May with eight cases. By 8 May, the cluster of cases linked to Cedar Meats in Victoria was 71, consisting of at least 57 workers and 13 close contacts, including a nurse, aged care worker and high school student. The number had increased to 75 by 9 May, 88 by 13 May, and 90 by 14 May. On 9 May, two Victorian cases were announced to be related to McDonald's Fawkner. By 18 May, this had increased to 12 cases, and on that day it was revealed that a delivery driver had tested positive, prompting the closing for cleaning of 12 more McDonald's locations: Melton East, Laverton North, Yallambie, Taylors Lakes, Campbellfield, Sunbury, Hoppers Crossing, Riverdale Village, Sandown, Calder Highway Northbound/Outbound, Calder Highway Southbound/Inbound, and BP Rockbank Service Centre Outbound. On 15 May, South Australia became the second jurisdiction, after the ACT, to be free of any active cases, however on 26 May, a woman returning from overseas who was granted exemption into South Australia from her hotel quarantine in Victoria tested positive for COVID-19. This was the first new case in 19 days for the state.[101] On 4 June, it was announced that the woman had recovered and the state was free of any active cases once again.[102] On 17 May, Victoria announced two further business sites had been shut down due to a suspected case at each. Domino's Pizza in Fairfield has been shut for two weeks, and mattress manufacturer The Comfort Group in Deer Park was closed from Friday 15 May to at least Wednesday 20 May. On 6 June, both New South Wales and Victoria reported no new cases for the previous 24 hours, with only Queensland and Western Australia reporting one new case each, the lowest national total since February. Western Australia also announced two old cases. However, the new case in Queensland was linked to the Rydges on Swanston cluster in Melbourne when a man who travelled from Melbourne to Brisbane on Virgin flight VA313 on 1 June tested positive.Colour photographs of closure signs on the E.J Tippett Library due to the Covid-19 Pandemic and associated lock down and social distancing requirements.covid-19, corona virus, pandemic, social distancing, ballarat school of mines, e.j. tippett library, lock down

Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerPhotograph of a street art poster taken on the streets of Hong Kong during the protests against legislation to allow Hong Kong suspects to be extradited to mainland Chinese carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, poster art, posters

Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerMore than a thousand protestors surround Hong Kong's main police headquarters on Arsenal Street in Wan Chai on June 26th following a peaceful rally at Edinburgh Place in Central. Doors to the complex were barricaded by protestors, who left after a six hour siege in protest at police violence at a prtest held earlier on 12 June 2019. Protesters ended a six-hour siege of Hong Kong’s police headquarters – their second in a week over the now-suspended extradition bill – early on Thursday morning. More than 1,000 were involved at the height of the protest, which began after 10pm on Wednesday. Around 100 were left at the end and dispersed without a fight when officers with riot shields emerged from the building in Wan Chai at 4am on Thursday. After a peaceful rally attended by thousands earlier at Edinburgh Place in the Central business district, hundreds descended on Arsenal Street, blocking the junction with Lockhart Road to all traffic and sealing the entrances to the police base. (https://www.scmp.com/news/hong-kong/politics/article/3016238/hong-kong-police-under-siege-again-protesters-surround )carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, protest, protestors

Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerSeven police officers stand guard in front of Hong Kong's main police headquarters on Arsenal Street in Wan Chai as an estimated one thousand protestors surround on 26 June 2019. Protestors take turns to step up and hurl abuse at the officers, in a protest lasting 6 hours before peacefully dispersing. The protesters chanted 'Release the martyrs' and 'Stop police violence' in reference to violent clashes with police in the days previous. ( https://www.scmp.com/news/hong-kong/politics/article/3016238/hong-kong-police-under-siege-again-protesters-surround)carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, protest, protestors, police, wan chai

Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerPhotograph crowds gathering on June 16 on the streets of Causeway Bay before an estimated 2 million people take part in march protesting the government's push for extradition laws to China and demanding an apology from the chief executrive Carrie Lam. Nearly 2 million’ people take to streets, forcing public apology from Hong Kong leader Carrie Lam as suspension of controversial extradition bill fails to appease protesters. (https://www.scmp.com/news/hong-kong/politics/article/3014737/nearly-2-million-people-take-streets-forcing-public-apology )carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, protest, protestors

Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerPhotograph of a crowd or protestors against proposed extradition laws gathering on the streets of Causeway Bay, Hong Kong, leading down to the gathering area. carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, protest, protestors

Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerPhotograph of a crowd on the streets of Hong Kong to protest against proposed extradition laws, heading towards Admiralty. carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, protest, protestors, admiralty

Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerCrowds mass on Queens Way in Hong Kong as an estimated 2 million people march in protest at the government's refusal to withdraw a controverisal law allowing people to be extradited to mainland China. Chants demanded the chief executive apologise and the legislation be withdrawn, while many held signs protesting police violence. Nearly 2 million protesters flooded the streets of Hong Kong on Sunday, organisers claimed, delivering a stunning repudiation of Chief Executive Carrie Lam Cheng Yuet-ngor’s governance and forcing a public apology out of the city’s leader over her campaign to bulldoze a controversial extradition bill through the legislature. A day after Lam suspended her push for the bill, expecting it to defuse a crisis that has seen violent clashes between mostly young protesters and police, the centre of Hong Kong was brought to a complete standstill as the masses marched to chastise her for refusing to withdraw the bill or apologise when first asked to, and declaring that nothing short of her resignation would satisfy them now. (https://www.scmp.com/news/hong-kong/politics/article/3014737/nearly-2-million-people-take-streets-forcing-public-apology ) carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, protest, protestors, admiralty

Parnell was an Irish nationalist and statesman who led the fight for Irish Home Rule in the 1880s. Charles Stewart Parnell was born on 27 June 1846 in County Wicklow into a family of Anglo-Irish Protestant landowners. He studied at Cambridge University and was elected to parliament in 1875 as a member of the Home Rule League (later re-named by Parnell the Irish Parliamentary Party). His abilities soon became evident. In 1878, Parnell became an active opponent of the Irish land laws, believing their reform should be the first step on the road to Home Rule. In 1879, Parnell was elected president of the newly founded National Land League and the following year he visited the United States to gain both funds and support for land reform. In the 1880 election, he supported the Liberal leader William Gladstone, but when Gladstone's Land Act of 1881 fell short of expectations, he joined the opposition. By now he had become the accepted leader of the Irish nationalist movement. Parnell now encouraged boycott as a means of influencing landlords and land agents, and as a result he was sent to jail and the Land League was suppressed. From Kilmainham prison he called on Irish peasants to stop paying rent. In March 1882, he negotiated an agreement with Gladstone - the Kilmainham Treaty - in which he urged his followers to avoid violence. But this peaceful policy was severely challenged by the murder in May 1882 of two senior British officials in Phoenix Park in Dublin by members of an Irish terrorist group. Parnell condemned the murders. In 1886, Parnell joined with the Liberals to defeat Lord Salisbury's Conservative government. Gladstone became prime minister and introduced the first Irish Home Rule Bill. Parnell believed it was flawed but said he was prepared to vote for it. The Bill split the Liberal Party and was defeated in the House of Commons. Gladstone's government fell soon afterwards.(http://www.bbc.co.uk/history/historic_figures/parnell_charles.shtml, accessed 21 January 2014) The Irish National Land League (Irish: Conradh na Talún) was an Irish political organisation of the late 19th century which sought to help poor tenant farmers. Its primary aim was to abolish landlordism in Ireland and enable tenant farmers to own the land they worked on. The period of the Land League's agitation is known as the Land War. Within decades of the league's foundation, through the efforts of William O'Brien and George Wyndham (a descendant of Lord Edward FitzGerald), the 1902 Land Conference produced the Land (Purchase) Act 1903 which allowed Irish tenant farmers buy out their freeholds with UK government loans over 68 years through the Land Commission (an arrangement that has never been possible in Britain itself). For agricultural labourers, D.D. Sheehan and the Irish Land and Labour Association secured their demands from the Liberal government elected in 1905 to pass the Labourers (Ireland) Act 1906, and the Labourers (Ireland) Act 1911, which paid County Councils to build over 40,000 new rural cottages, each on an acre of land. By 1914, 75% of occupiers were buying out their landlords, mostly under the two Acts. In all, under the pre-UK Land Acts over 316,000 tenants purchased their holdings amounting to 15 million acres (61,000 km2) out of a total of 20 million acres (81,000 km2) in the country. Sometimes the holdings were described as "uneconomic", but the overall sense of social justice was undeniable. (http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Irish_National_Land_League, accessed 21 January 2014) The Irish National Land League was founded at the Imperial Hotel in Castlebar, the County town of Mayo, on 21 October 1879. At that meeting Charles Stewart Parnell was elected president of the league. Andrew Kettle, Michael Davitt, and Thomas Brennan were appointed as honorary secretaries. This united practically all the different strands of land agitation and tenant rights movements under a single organisation. The two aims of the Land League, as stated in the resolutions adopted in the meeting, were: ...first, to bring out a reduction of rack-rents; second, to facilitate the obtaining of the ownership of the soil by the occupiers. That the object of the League can be best attained by promoting organisation among the tenant-farmers; by defending those who may be threatened with eviction for refusing to pay unjust rents; by facilitating the working of the Bright clauses of the Irish Land Act during the winter; and by obtaining such reforms in the laws relating to land as will enable every tenant to become owner of his holding by paying a fair rent for a limited number of years. Charles Stewart Parnell, John Dillon, Michael Davitt, and others including Cal Lynn then went to America to raise funds for the League with spectacular results. Branches were also set up in Scotland, where the Crofters Party imitated the League and secured a reforming Act in 1886. The government had introduced the first ineffective Land Act in 1870, then the equally inadequate Acts of 1880 and 1881 followed. These established a Land Commission that started to reduce some rents. Parnell together with all of his party lieutenants, including Father Eugene Sheehy known as "the Land League priest", went into a bitter verbal offensive and were imprisoned in October 1881 under the Irish Coercion Act in Kilmainham Jail for "sabotaging the Land Act", from where the No-Rent Manifesto was issued, calling for a national tenant farmer rent strike which was partially followed. Although the League discouraged violence, agrarian crimes increased widely. Typically a rent strike would be followed by evictions by the police, or those tenants paying rent would be subject to a local boycott by League members. Where cases went to court, witnesses would change their stories, resulting in an unworkable legal system. This in turn led on to stronger criminal laws being passed that were described by the League as "Coercion Acts". The bitterness that developed helped Parnell later in his Home Rule campaign. Davitt's views were much more extreme, seeking to nationalise all land, as seen in his famous slogan: "The land of Ireland for the people of Ireland". Parnell aimed to harness the emotive element, but he and his party preferred for tenant farmers to become freeholders on the land they rented, instead of land being vested in "the people".(http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Irish_National_Land_League, accessed 21 January 2014)Image of bearded man known as Charles Stewart Parnellballarat irish, parnell, charles parnell, home rule

Thursday, December 15, 1949, the quiet little bank was embroiled in an infamous wild shoot-out between a daring thief and two bank officers. Today, the building still carries the scars ; a bullet hole remains visible in a cedar bench testifying to the events that played out that day. 3.30 a.m., Friday, December 9. The manager of the Commercial Bank branch at Greensborough, Mr Harry Wallace and his wife are asleep in their bedroom of the little house behind the branch. Harry is awakened by a noise and sees an intruder in a corner of the bedroom. He calls out but the intruder who has switched off the power in anticipation flees through a side door and scarpers down Main Street. Harry summons the police but a search by First Constable Thomas of the Greensborough Police assisted by a wireless patrol car is unsuccessful. A report is filed noting the theft of a .25 calibre pistol from the wardrobe. Thursday, December 15th. It is 1pm and the Commercial Bank has just opened. The branch is only open Mondays and Thursdays from 1-3pm. The morning started off a little cool with some scattered showers but it has fined up and the temperature is now around 61 degrees (16 C). A new grey Singer sports car with soft-top pulls up on the opposite side of the road and a young man, neatly dressed in a dark blue suit, wearing a grey hat and carrying a brief case exits the vehicle. He looks around then crosses the road and walks up the steps and through the door into the bank. There are three people inside; Mr. Jack Burgoyne whose grocery store is situated just 50 yards up the road, Mr. Lindsay A. Spears, the Eltham Agency Receiving Officer and by chance, Mr Harry Wallace, manager of the Greensborough branch. Jack Burgoyne takes note of the young stranger; thinking to himself he appears nervous. The man approaches the counter and introduces himself as John Henderson of Greensborough and explains that he wishes to open a new account. He places his hat and £3 on the counter. Mr Spears attends to the paperwork. He asks the young man to sign two forms, which he does but then he withdraws from the counter and starts walking towards the door. Suddenly he spins around pulling an automatic pistol from his right-hand pocket. He exclaims forcefully; “The game’s on! I’ll take the lot!” Spears appears to comply by pretending to open a drawer. The man shouts loudly, “Keep your hand away from that drawer.” Spears instead reaches for a pistol in his pocket and challenges the man, “Here it is. Come and get it!” At the same time, Harry Wallace pulls a pistol from his pocket as well. The bandit fires a shot but misses, the bullet striking the counter. Both Spears and Wallace open fire and Jack Burgoyne ducks for cover. As the bandit turns and runs for the door leaving his £3 behind, he fires another shot, which strikes the ceiling. Spears fires back, and thinks he may have hit him in the foot. The bandit flees the bank and heads for the grey Singer car, registration NO-106, parked opposite. Wallace and Spears pursue him to the door and open fire again, striking the car three times around the driver’s door. Spears lets off eight shots and Wallace, seven before his gun jams. The getaway car initially heads slowly down Main Road towards Bridge Street. About 100 yards down the road, Dave Adams, a PMG employee, who has heard the shots, throws a steel manhole step at the driver. It hits the roof of the car nine inches above the driver’s head and tears the hood. Another witness claims to have seen the door blow open and the driver raise his hand. The car gathers speed and swings left into Bridge Street racing along at about 60 miles an hour careering recklessly past council employee, Mr. Percy Williams, who is driving a dray along Smarts Road [believed to be Bridge Street]. At the end of the road the Singer fails to get round the sharp turn and crashes into an embankment skidding to a stop outside the home of Mr John Clifford. One side of the car is wrecked. Mr Clifford, an aircraft engineer hears the fast travelling car bump heavily into the road bank at about 1.25 p.m. Hearing the whine of an engine he goes outside to find the grey Singer parked at the side of the road. Jack George also lives at the corner and hears the car crash. “The bandit opened the car door, ran 50 yards, and suddenly turned back,” exclaims Jack. “He took something from the car. It might have been a gun.” In his haste, the bandit drops his grey felt hat, size 6 7/8, on the road and dashes up Sherbourne Road for about 200 yards then disappears into the scrub carrying a brief case and a bundle in which a sailor’s cap can be seen. About 3 p.m., Mr H.D. Pettie of Mountain View Road, Montmorency is looking through his field glasses and notices a young man walking through thick scrub on private property some distance from his house. The man is wearing a sailor’s cap and disappears along the railway track toward Montmorency. As the day progresses, ten police cars, one motor cycle, and about 40 police led by Det. Sgt. McMennemin of Malvern CIB are searching for him. They believe he is hiding in thick scrub along the bank of the creek about half-a-mile outside Eltham township. Wireless patrol cars, four mobile traffic cars and the CIB area cars from Malvern and Kew are taking part. Police check the thief’s car and discover it was stolen from Helen Baxter, of Doncaster Road, North Balwyn from outside Victoria Barracks. Harry Wallace informs the police that he believes he recognised the bandit as the man who took his pistol from his bedroom the previous Friday morning. As night falls, armed police are posted at strategic points in the Eltham-Greensborough district. Police in cars are watching the roads. Others are searching the bush and checking passengers on trains. Little do they realise the young man has already slipped out of the net. SEQUEL YOUTH OF 19 CHARGED WITH ATTEMPTED ARMED ROBBERY OF BANK AT ELTHAM Weekly Times, Wednesday 15 February 1950, page 6 Detectives who raided a house in Bell St., Coburg, Melbourne, charged a 19-year-old youth, of South Yarra, with attempted armed robbery at the Commercial Bank’s Eltham (Vic.) receiving depot on Dec. 15. Police say they recovered a loaded automatic pistol, diamond and signet rings worth more than £200, a complete set of house-breaking instruments, a sailor’s uniform, and chloroform gauze in the raid. The youth was charged that while armed with an offensive weapon, he attempted to rob Lindsay George Spears of a sum of money. He was further charged on six counts of breaking, entering and stealing. Police allege that the person who tried to hold up Mr Spears in the Commercial Bank receiving depot at Eltham on December 15. escaped in a stolen car, after Mr Spears and Mr Henry Wallace, manager of the bank’s Greensborough branch, had fired at him. After the car crashed, he escaped into thick scrub and is alleged to have changed into a sailor’s uniform. On December 9 an automatic pistol was stolen from Mr Wallace’s bedroom at the Greensborough bank. The chloroform pad recovered is alleged to have been stolen from the Dental Supply Company, Plenty Road, Preston. The rings are alleged to have been taken in a £513 burglary from the shop of James Paton. Sydney Road, Coburg. Det. Sgt. H. McMennemin conducted the investigations with Senior Dets. R. Newton and M Downie, Detectives l. Dent, R. Rayner, P. Pedersen and M. Handley and First Constable A. Thomas. The youth will appear at Eltham Court on February 22. Manager’s Gun Used in Holdup at Bank The Age, Thursday 23 February 1950, page 4 It was stated in Eltham court yesterday that a youth who robbed a bank manager of his pistol, later used it in an attempt to hold-up the bank. Kay Arthur Morgan, 19, draftsman, of Castle-street, South Yarra, was committed for trial on charges of breaking and entering, and stealing a pistol and attempted robbery while armed with an offensive weapon. He pleaded guilty. The manager of Eltham branch of the Commercial Bank of Australia Ltd., Henry Clifton Cabot Wallace, said he disturbed someone in the bedroom, in which he and his wife were sleeping, at 3 a.m. on December. 9, 1949. Later he found that his automatic- pistol was missing. On December 15 a youth, who said his name was John Henderson, entered the bank and opened a new account. As the youth was leaving the bank he turned round with a pistol in his hand and said: — “I want the lot.” Spear indicated a drawer under the counter; and said.— “Here it is. Come and get it.” The youth said:— “Keep your hand away from that drawer.” Witness said Spear then drew his pistol from his hip pocket. The youth fired at them, and Spear returned the fire. “I pulled my pistol and fired, too” said witness. The youth fired again, ran out to a car and drove off. Witness and Spear fired several shots at the car. The youth was the accused Morgan, sitting in court, witness said. Evidence was given that one bullet was found in the celling and the other in the bank. Morgan was allowed £100 bail on each charge. Morgan ended up serving three years for the failed armed robbery and became a notorious criminal. He had twin sons, Peter and Doug and even though only ten years old, Morgan would get his sons to act as lookouts whilst he committed burglaries. The lads became building contractors but when the industry suffered a downturn in 1977 and they were short on cash, they returned to the family business. Over the following 23 months they undertook 24 raids on country and outer-suburban TABs and banks. Whilst robbing one country bank for the third time, just like their father, it all went wrong ending up with a police officer shot. They were nick-named the “After-dark” bandits and are considered to be Australia’s last bushrangers. They were convicted and served 17 years in prison.5 x A4 photocopied pagesbank hold-up, cba bank, det sgt mcmennemin, eltham, h.d. pettie, harry wallace, jack burgoyne, kay arthur morgan, lindsay a. spears, main road

Contents: 1. Andrew Lemon's Working File of Return to Research Andrew Lemon's Working File for his 1989 book, “Return to Research: A Centenary History of Research Primary School" (EDHS_00867). Includes a disassembled copy of the book. (All other documentation and photos passed to Research Primary School 3 September 2013) 1.1. EDHS_05004 - Cassette Tape of "Afternoon Tea with Senior Residents Nov 1st 1984" Reminiscences, chit chat and banter between group of senior citizens at an afternoon tea held for them at Research Primary School. 1.2. School Register 1935-1994 (Box 1) Photocopy of Research Primary School register from 1935 to 1994 (originals held at school) From 1994 onwards registrations were made online via the Education Department CASES system. 1.3. School Register A-Z 1935-1987 (Box 2) Computer print-out of alphabetized register 1935-87 (Research Primary School) (Done by David and Sue Grigg in 1987 from the register) Contains some extra details/corrections/current addresses Plus disks containing this data (not housed in box – there is a separate floppy disc box containing several 5 ¾” and 3 ½” floppy disks which are not readable as no hardware/software to support) 1.4. Research Locality History (Yellow Folder 1) Research Locality History Newspaper cuttings, Photocopies etc Collection for Research Primary School History 1989 Contents • 3 x photocopies (A3) regarding sale of Raglan Estate, Research [2 x A3 and 1 x composite A3 colour photocopy] • Souvenir Map of area with pictures of historical items and wild life - A Visitor's Guide Map; ELTHAM, WARRANDYTE and Environs (see also EDHS_01633-1) • EO article 26 Mar 1897 "Research State School picnic expedition to Mordialloc" • TA article 25 Jul 30" Research Affairs" plus an add for J Ingram's Research Bakery • DVN articles 14 Jan 69 (2 pages) "Research Fire Victim (Bill Pelling) still in hospital" • DVN 14 Jan 69 Page of Deaths, In Memories, Obituaries, Church Notices, Public Notices and Notices • Age article 24 Jan 84 "Eltham before the Mud Bricks" • DVN article 21 Oct 86 "Facing Good and Bad Times with enthusiasm - Keith Maxwell" • DVN article 29 Aug 87 "Eltham - the historic haven" • DVN article 25 Aug 87 "Eltham - a piece of living history, (the historic haven cont…)" • DVN article 20 Oct 87 "When push bikes were made for touring - Sam Howard" • 6 x pages of what appear to be various student's workbooks/ projects from 1944/45 era • ''They lost their homes- Historical places go at Research" plus other articles on fires 8 Jan 69 [Located in Folder 2] • DVN articles 23 Oct 84 "Centenary Plans" & Folklore surrounds Research township" [Located in Folder 2] • DVN article 23 Sep 86 "The teacher who had cut cane but never used one" Frank Sheehan (3 copies) [Located in Folder 2] • 2 x copies of booklet "Memories of Eltham" [Located in Folder 3] • Photocopy of subdivision Parish of Nillumbik [Located in Folder 4] DVN = Diamond Valley News, EO = Evelyn Observer TA= The Advertiser 1.5. Copies of items held by Public Records Office Victoria (Yellow Folder 2) Copies of items held by Public Records Office Photos and display items from Research Primary School Centenary August 19, 1989 • Laminated photocopy: “State School No. 2959, Copy of the above school property,” signed Henry L. Cole 18.6.91 • Photocopy: Petition for a school at Research, 13/11/1888; Public Record Office Victoria School Building File – School 2959 CUPRS 795/1717 • Photocopy: Negotiation to buy school site – part of Allotment 2, owned by the West family (copy attached to letter) 15/1/1890; Public Record Office Victoria School Building File – School 2959 CUPRS 795/1717 • Photocopy: Frank Scott, Head Teacher Research 1904-1907, letter of explanation (first page) to Department re poor results by pupils at the school, 24/8/1907; Public Record Office Victoria School Building File – 640 / School 2959 • Photocopy: Anton Brinkkotter’s Certificate for Regular Attendance 1908 (This was ‘traded in’ in 1911 for a certificate to mark six years without missing a day of school; Public Record Office Victoria School Building File – 640 / School 2959 for 1911 • Photocopy: Education Department Memorandum 1949 re need for extensions and improvements; Public Record Office Victoria School Building File – 795 / School 2959 • Photocopy: Looking to the future about expanding site for additional land for play space, 1950, Education Department Inspector to Department; Public Record Office Victoria School Building File – 795 / School 2959 • Photocopy (laminated, 2 sheets) First School Fire -1953 copy of Police Report. The old school building was badly damaged but repaired. It burnt down in 1976; Public Record Office Victoria School Building File – 795 / School 2959 • Photocopy: The Argus (28 July 1953) & the (Sun 28 July 1953) Two newspaper cuttings and notes re school fire 1953; Public Record Office Victoria School Building File – / School 2959 • Photocopy: Head Teacher Reg Jackman expresses concern to Education Department about conditions as he takes charge of Research State School, 1957; Public Record Office Victoria School Building File – 640 / School 2959 • Photo print (x2) of Education Department Qualifications and Certificates, Lyla Dickson, State School. (1) Print missing (2) Education department Victoria, Merit Certificate, This is to certify that Lyla Dickson has completed satisfactorily the Course of Study presented for the Eight Grade in Elementary Schools, dated at research Elementary School, this 20th day of November A.D. 1923 • Copy of original photo owned by Nell Howard “Fancy dress night in the school house – 1920s”, black and white print, 10.5 x 18 cm, attached to A4 photocopy of photo with names inscribed10.5 x 18 cm • Copy of original photo (stamped Reynolds Collection), black and white print, 24.5 x 16 cm, attached to paper sheet 37.6 x 25.5 cm, inscribed “Miss Doney” and “Elizabeth Doney and her family owned and ran Research’s Store and Post Office for many years after buying the property from the wests. This land surrounded the school site and includes today’s [1989] Kanandah Ct, Raglan St and shops” • Black and white photo print, 20 x 25 cm, Reconstruction of Main Road in front of Research Primary School, August 1989 • Black and white photo print, 20 x 25 cm, Eastern end of old oval, Research Primary School, 1989 • Black and white photo print, 20 x 25 cm, Portable Buildings, Research Primary School, 1989 • Black and white photo print, 20 x 25 cm, Gymnasium, Research Primary School, 1989 • Black and white photo print, 20 x 25 cm, Administrative Art Building, Research Primary School, c.1989 • Black and white photo print, 20 x 25 cm, Betty Kicker, Cleaner at Research Primary School, c.1989. Betty worked at the school from early 1970s to 1990s 1.6. ‘Memories of Research 1951-1968’ (Yellow Folder 3) Interview by Sue Grigg of Florence Egglestone for publication in Return to Research. Original handwritten notes, ‘Memories of Research 1951-1968’ 1.7. Centenary Committee Minutes & Newsletters (Yellow Folder 4) Centenary Committee Minutes and Newsletters Information regarding attendance of 100th anniversary including lists of staff contact details 1983-1986 Request (1985) to Shire of Eltham Historical Society for information and memorabilia • Letter: Ann Bouchier, Convenor – Centenary Committee, Research Primary School to R. Yeoman, Shire of Eltham Historical Society, 15 October 1985; enquiring about memorabilia etc that could be used in a proposed compilation on the “History of the School.” • Minutes of Meeting, Centenary Sub-Committee, Research Primary School Council o 17 June 1985. Also includes a list of general aim, specific aims and methods for the research Primary School Centenary - 1989 o 15 October 1985. o 17 September 1986. o 20 August 1987. o 2 May 1988. o 9 June 1988. o 22 August 1988. o 12 October 1988. o 24 November 1988. o 17 April 1989. o 24 July 1989. • Outline of Historical Events 1884-1954 (3 pages) • Centenary Newsletters o Number 1 (1989) o Number 2 (1989) o Number 3 (1989) o Newsletter (c. Aug. 1989) • Information re attendance of 100th Anniversary, Research Primary School, 19 August 1989 o Research Primary School – Staff 1984 (includes Name, Address, Telephone) o Research Primary School – Staff 1985 (includes Name, Address, Telephone) o Research Primary School – Staff 1986 (includes Name, Address, Telephone) o Emergency Teacher List 1983 o Emergency Teacher List 1986 o Previous teachers 1984 on • Quotation No. 733, Major Graphics for Engraved Brass Commemorative Plaque for opening of School Gymnasium • Centenary Invitation; Program and Souvenir and Chicken & Champagne Supper order forms • Various Centenary Invitation lists with notations, and various returned RSVPs • Centenary Program and map • Photocopy: 11 pages typed with hand corrections, draft manuscript for Andrew Lemon’s book, Return to Research (pages 13-24) • Bulletin: “I’m an Aussie” Week – 15th-19th April 10/4/85 • Bulletin: Research Centenary 26/4/88 • Bulletin: Official Centenary Logo For Research Primary School 15/12/88 • Bulletin: Centenary School Activity – “Colonial School” 23/5/89 • Bulletin: Centenary Activity Days – Monday, 14th August, Tuesday, 15th August 7/8/89 • Advertisement: A3 photocopy, Centenary Bush Dance, Sat. 4th March featuring “Paradiddle” Bush Band • Photocopy Master: Invitation (blank) to attend “Return to Research” celebration and Official Opening of the School Gymnasium on Saturday, August 19th from 1.00p.m. to 5.00p.m. and attached RSVP (also includes yellow paper sample -blank) • Photocopy Master: Tickets for Centenary Chicken & Champagne Supper, Friday, 18th August 1989, 7.30p.m., $5.00 per head (2 yellow paper samples marked on reverse ‘13’ and ‘55’) • Photocopy Master: Centenary Gift Donated by slips including multiple blank samples • Promotional Notices o Letter, Robert Wenn, Principal, 29 November 1988 for placement of “HELP WANTED” in Public Notices of The Age o Information provided to Ian Reid Real Estate Agent for Board to promote Centenary Bush Dance Paradiddle Band, Saturday 4 March 1989 o Notice Board promoting ‘Old Time’ Gala Fete Saturday 17 June 1989 o Letter, Robert Wenn, Principal, 24 August 1989 to Ian Reid Real Estate thanking for support of Centenary celebration and successful book launch and seeking further support for next event being school musical production “Spirit of Research” written by Andrew Lemon to be performed December 7th. 1.8. 1989 Research Primary School Centenary Visitors Register and Sue Grigg Correspondence (Red Folder) Sue Grigg’s Folder of Visitors to 1989 Centenary Celebrations and correspondence to Sue Grigg as organiser of Centenary Celebrations • 22 A3 Sheets of 1989 Research Primary School Centenary Visitors Register (approx. 238 entries) • Correspondence to Sue Grigg as Organizer of Centenary Celebrations o Trace B? – Ingram, Dunolly, 30 January 1990 re photo of Ingrams Road. Includes hand drawn map of various buildings on Ingrams Road. Also black and white print copy (12.5 x 17.5 cm) of photo of Ingrams and Main Road (possibly one sent to her) – see SEPP_0511 o Barbara Booth (nee Coles); thanks for wonderful celebration o Len and Marlene Parsons, 21 August 1989 o Mrs R. Towers, n.d. thanks for school photo ordered o Winifred L. Lade, 7 August 1989, gg grandparents William and Mary Crozier, daughter Sarah married Thomas Baillie (her g grandparents). Thomas Baillie was one of the petitioners for the school o Winifred L. Lade, n.d., thanks for photo and map o Carol Mathews, thanks for celebrations and payments for photos. Written on reverse of Sue Grigg’s letter to her of 19 September 1989 o Kenneth Ingram, Monday 14th, thanks for invitation but unable to attend • Photo of Ingrams and Main Road 1.9. Student Photos c.1970s (Buff Folder 1) [Not in Archive Box] Quantity of photos of students taken by Mrs Avril Baker (Staff Member) In 1970s 1.10. 1989 Centenary Questionnaires (Buff Folder 2) Research Primary School, 1989 Centenary Questionnaires from school families (approx. 190 responses) 1.11. Archive and Class Photos 1890s-1961 (Buff Folder 3) • Archive photographs of Research and District; 10 x 15 cm prints and digital files on thumb drive (copied to Collection catalogue) o RPS 1- Henry Cole Head Teacher 1891 to 1903. Photo from Mrs E. Williams o RPS 2 - Mary Jane Cole with eldest daughter Doris c 1905 o RPS 3 - Wedding Photo Mary Jane Rodda and Henry Cole o RPS 4 - Joseph Rodda of Chun Grove, Research o RPS 5 - Walter Rodda 1917 son of Joseph Rodda o RPS 6- Henry Cole and Pupils 1897 (Reynolds Collection) o RPS 7 - Elizabeth Doney (Reynolds Collections) o RPS 8 - Doney's Store early 1960's o RPS 9 - Main Road Research to Left, lngrams Road to Right o RPS 10- Main Road Eltham from Griggs family o RPS 11- Eltham near Station from Griggs family o RPS 12 - The Main Street Eltham from Griggs family (Rose Series 4344) o RPS 13 - The Rev and Mrs Thomas Cole. Parents of Henry Cole o RPS 14- Henry Cole as a boy with older brother Tom. From Mrs E. Williams. o RPS 15- Mary Jane Rodda as Mrs Henry Cole, Sewing Mistress Research State School 1891 to 1897 o RPS 16 - Etta Rodda Sewing Mistress Research State School 1897 -1904 o RPS 17 - Frederick Rodda son of Joseph Rodda o RPS 18- Bush Fires 1963 o RPS 19 - The view to the northeast from the top of the School Grounds 1989 o RPS 20- Edwin Rodda son of Joseph Rodda • Class and Staff photos, some with lists and names for identification [see separate folder of digital files – no hard copies in folder] Decade Years Represented 1890-1899 1897 1900-1909 1900, 1904 1910-1919 1910 1920-1929 1922, 1925 1930-1939 1930, 1932, 1937 1940-1949 1940, 1942 1950-1959 1950, 1951, 1952, 1953, 1954, 1955, 1956, 1957, 1958 1960-1969 1960, 1961, 1969 1970-1979 1970, 1971, 1972, 1973, 1975, 1976, 1977, 1978, 1979 Staff: 1971, 1976, 1978, 1979 1980-1989 1980, 1981, 1982, 1983, 1984, 1985, 1986, 1987, 1988, 1989 Staff: 1981, 1982, 1985, 1986, 1987, 1988, 1989 1990-1999 1990, 1991, 1994, 1995, 1996, 1997, 1998, 1999 Staff: 1990, 1994, 1995, 1996, 1998, 1999 2000-2009 2000, 2001, 2002, 2003, 2004, 2005, 2006, 2007, 2008, 2009 Staff: 2000, 2002, 2003, 2004, 2005, 2006, 2007, 2008, 2009 2010-2019 2010, 2011, 2012, 2013, 2014 Staff: 2010, 2011, 2012, 2013, 2014 • Class names; 4 pages handwritten and 2 numbered diagrams of Class names: o 1942 whole school o 1975 Grade 1 o 1976 Grade 2-3 o 1977 Grade 3 o 1978 Grade 4 o 1979 Grade 5 o 1980 Grade 6 • Negatives of photographs, 1 x roll of 36 and contact prints, copied at or for the Centenary 1989 o Neg. S – same as Neg. 27 o Neg. 1 – 1961 2/3 o Neg. 2 – 1960 5/6 o Neg. 3 – 1960 2/3 o Neg. 4 – 1960 Prep o Neg. 5 – 1957 Gr 2 o Neg. 6 – 1956 1A & II o Neg. 7 – Prep & I o Neg. 8 - 1955 o Neg. 9 – 1955 I & II o Neg. 10 – 1958 Gr II o Neg. 11 - 1960 3A & 4 o Neg. 12 – 1961 4 & 5 o Neg. 13 – same as Neg. 17 o Neg. 14 - 1925 o Neg. 15 - 1930 o Neg. 16 - 1942 o Neg. 17 – 1927 whole school o Neg. 18 - 1937 o Neg. 19 - 1932 o Neg. 20 - 1953 o Neg. 21 – 1951 Prep - 3 o Neg. 22 - 1954 o Neg. 23 - 1952 o Neg. 24 – Gr 4-7 o Neg. 25 – 1956 V & VI o Neg. 26 - 1940 o Neg. 27 – 1961 Gr 1 & 2 o Neg. 28 – SEPP_0610 (and 12.5 x 17.5 cm black and white print) o Neg. 29 – SEPP_0611 (and 12.5 x 17.5 cm black and white print) o Neg. 30 – SEPP_0612 o Neg. 31 – SEPP_0516 o Neg. 32 – SEPP_0509 (and 12.5 x 17.5 cm black and white print) o Neg. 33 – SEPP_0510 o Neg. 34 – SEPP_0511 o Neg. 35 – SEPP_0513 • Requests for copies of photos including explanation from Andrew Lemon that copies were made by camera of original photos provided by their owners • Colour photo print (copy of original), 12.5 x 17.5 cm, Doney’s Store, Main Road, Research, early 1960s including black and white photocopy of original print showing slightly wider field of view • Colour photo print, 10 x 15 cm, marked on reverse “19A” and “1 copy”, Aerial view of Research Primary School, c.1989 • Black and white print, 9 x 9 cm, Burnt out houses Ingrams Road Research near Cassell's Road after 1963 bushfire • Black and white print, 9 x 9 cm, Sight see-ers Ingrams Road Research near Cassell's Road after 1963 bushfire • Black and white photo print (copy of original), 20 x 25 cm, A memento of the Eltham Higher Elementary School Past Pupils Association Ball, Research Hall, 9 October 1966; inscribed and stamped on reverse “Reynolds Collection” • Colour photo print (copy of original), Kodak A4 photo paper, Pittaways cnr Main Road and Parsons Road c.1968 • Colour photo print (copy of original), Kodak A4 photo paper, Pittaways cnr Main Road and Parsons Road, my dad’s boat, c.1970, • Black and white photocopies of photos from Reynolds Collection o EDHS_00799-20 - The Research Hotel o EDHS_00799-22 - General Store, Research o EDHS_00799-27 – Plumtree Creek, Blashik family home, Ingrams Road o EDHS_00799-30 - Research o EDHS_00799-34 - Research Gully Bridge, Research Gully Road, c.1895 o EDHS_00799-35 - Research o EDHS_00799-37 - Waiting for the taxi-bus, Main Road, Research o SEPP_0524 - A Bush Home - Research, Vic.. 1.12. Research Primary School Centenary 1989 Display Photos (Buff Folder 4) 7 display pages, 37.8 x 25.5 cm, with 10 x 15 cm sepia coloured reproduction photographs attached and handwritten notations [some have come loose or missing] • Henry Cole, Head Teacher, Research, 1891-1903 o RPS-14 Henry Cole as a boy with his older brother Tom o 2 photos as a young man (missing) • Rodda Family, Jospeh B Rodda and two of his daughters o RPS-4 Joseph Rodda of Chun Grove Research o RPS-15 Mary Jane Rodda as Mrs Henry Cole, Sewing Mistress, Research State School, 1891-1897 o RPS-16 Ettie Rodda, Sewing Mistress, Research State School, 1897-1904 • Cole Family o Henry Cole, Head Teacher, 1891-1903 o RPS-3 Wedding photo 1894, Mary Jane Rodda and Henry Cole (missing) o RPS-2 Mary Jane Cole with eldest daughter, Doris, c.1905 (missing) • Cole Family; The Rev. and Mrs Thomas Cole, parents of Henry Cole o Rev. Thomas Cole o Mrs Thomas Cole o RPS-13 The Rev & Mrs Thomas Cole parents of Henry Cole • Cole Family o Reg Cole, O.B.E., as Town Clerk of Hobart meeting Queen Elizabeth and Prince Phillip, 1954. HJR (Reg) Cole was the eldest child of Henry and Mary Jane Cole, and was a pupil at Research State School c.1900-1903 • Sons of Joseph B. Rodda of ‘Chune Grove’, Research o RPS-17 Frederick Rodda o RPS-20 Edwin Rodda o RPS-5 Walter Rodda, 1917 • The Aqueduct (20 x 25 cm black and white reproduction print); built for opening in 1891 to take water from Maroondah to Reservoir (Reynolds Collection) 1.13. Class Photos (photocopies) - with names identified at Centenary 1989 (Buff Folder 5) [Not in Archive Box] Research Primary School- Class Photos (photocopies) -with names identified at Centenary 1989 1964 - 1984 1.14. News Paper Cuttings (Folder 2) News Paper Cuttings • Diamond Valley News - 23 Oct 1984-Centenary Plans - Folklore surrounding Research Township • Diamond Valley News 23 September 1986 - The Teacher who had cut can but never used one (4 copies) • Diamond Valley News- 20 October 1987 - When push bikes were made for touring (2 copies) • Diamond Valley News-14 January 1969 - They lost their homes (Historical places go at Research) • Diamond Valley News- 14 January 1969 - Bush Havoc ( 10 houses burnt at Warrandyte) • The Age - 24 January 1984- Eltham before the Mud Brick • Diamond Valley News - 14 January 1969- First Fire Call came at 10:25 am • Diamond Valley News - 14 January 1969 - Black Wednesday • The Advertiser- 25 July 1930- Research Affairs and add Research Bakery • Evelyn Observer - 26 March 1897 - Research State School part of a district schools expedition to Mordialloc (2 copies) • Diamond Valley News- 21 October 1986- Facing good and bad times with enthusiasm • Diamond Valley News- 14 January 1969 -Obituary David Leslie Mitchener • Diamond Valley News- 25 August 1987 - Eltham - the historic haven (2 copies) • Diamond Valley News-14 January 1969 - Research fire victim still in hospital 1.15. Reminiscences (Folder 3) • Memories of Eltham (Multiple authors) (2 copies) • List of names of children who attended Research Primary School as recalled by Kenneth Ingram (b.1907) provided in 1987 by his niece Grace Burrows (nee Ingram) including names of students and teachers she recalled from her time at school 1936-1941 • Photocopy of Interview by Sue Grigg of Florence Egglestone for publication in Return to Research, ‘Memories of Research 1951-1968’. [Original handwritten version in Yellow Folder 3.] 1.16. School Site and Buildings (Folder 4) • 3 x photocopies of photos of early school building • Raglan Estate Research • Plan of subdivisions Research 1920s • 1981 Education Department Building Operation process to be followed in the event of criminal damage 1.17. School Historical Documents (Folder 5) School Historical Documents • Certificate of Merit Ernest Reynolds • Inventory of Books and Equipment 1891 • Letter from Teacher Frank Scott explain poor results • Letter from Henry Cole recommending appointment of Mary Jane Rodda as Sewing Mistress • Special Certificate for Regular Attendance Anton Brinkkotter (2 copies • Certificate of Merit Anton Brinkkotter 1911 • Merit Certificate Lyla Dickson 1922 • Special Certificate for Regular Attendance Margery Palmer 1927 • Letter from Head teacher Reg Jackman 1957 • Petition to Education Dept 1884 from Research Gully to open a school • Joseph Mankey's complaints about temporary classroom 1890 • Research 1890 - Plan of one acre site to be purchased by education Dept for permanent school • List of buildings and dates • Need for extensions and improvements 1949 • Looking to the Future 1950 • Negotiations to buy school site 1890 2. Magenta Folio 1. USB drive containing • Class photos 1897-2014 • Class photo names • List of head teachers/Principals 1989-2014 • List of Infant Productions 2001-2010 • School photo names typed up identified at centenary reunion 1925-1984 • List of school camps 1964-2014 • List of Senior Productions 1986-2014 • Staff list 1989-2014 • List of grades by year taught by Mrs Avril Baker 1976-2010 2. CD of School and Class Photos 2013-2014 including laminated print of school photo 2014 3. 2 x CD of photos of Research Remembered. CD 1 containing 20 images of various activities from Centenary Celebrations and CD 2 containing 12 images of various student activities (1990s) 3. Clear Folio 1. Additional RPS Material • History of Research State School No. 2959; F.P. Sheehan (Principal) and Mrs M. Allwood (Historian) – duplicate copy of EDHS_03095-1570 held in Main Road property file. • Invitation; The Official Opening of 4 New Classrooms & Library Extension • Program; The Official Opening of 4 New Classrooms & Library Extension, 27 April 1996 • News clipping; Remember Sleepy Swipers Gully? Diamond Valley News, July 22, 1980, pp28-29 • Site plan of building layouts • Colour photo paper print of Rob Wenn’s retirement, June 1999 • Email from former teacher Brett Barnett sent March 2008 (teacher 1967-1980) with references to pet python that students would look after, and which perished when original school building used as a library burnt down • 2 letters (2009) from Peta McGinley offering some papers and photos for school archives. Her father, Rix McGinley was Principal for 1984 till his retirement in 1987. She was also a casual Relief Teacher in her first year of teaching in 1984. • List of 60 names associated with engraved bricks 2. 100th Anniversary 1989 • News clipping; Celebrations and nostalgia at school, Diamond Valley News, Tuesday, August 29, 1989, p28 3. 120th Anniversary 2009 • Notes of contact details of some former students who expressed interest in a reunion 4. 125th Anniversary 24 August 2014 • 3 pages handwritten of reminiscences of a group of mums whose children attended RPS during the 1980s. • 2 pages dated 29 March 2014 typed by Janet Page (nee Zambra) of reminiscences of her years at school (1948-1954) in support of 125th Anniversary Reunion (24 August 2014) sent to Joy Pagan with some queries noted by Maggie Sakko • Reminisces (single sheet double sided handwritten) of teacher Mrs Jacqui Edwards 1989-2001 retired and Casual Relief Teacher 2001-2014 sent to Maggie Sakko in support for 125th Anniversary book and follow up queries from Maggie Sakko (18 July 2014) • List of regular Casual Relief Teachers established by Brooke and Maria for Maggie Sakko • Two pages of working notes • News clipping: Ring in the years, Diamond Valley Leader, Wednesday, August 27, 2014, p1 – Illustrated – “Koray, Aidan and Lasenya helped ring in the 125th anniversary of Research Primary School. A huge reunion brought together past and present students and staff who reminisced about their school days. Report Page 14” • News clipping: School back to the past, Diamond Valley Leader, Wednesday, August 27, 2014, p14 – Illustrated (2 copies) • Poster: Arbor Week June 23-29 (2008) – Arbor Week is the same age as Research Primary School – note written on poster to possibly include tree planting as part of 125th celebrations 5. Centenary of Federation Medal presented to students of Research Primary School (2001) by former student, Miss Ivy Reynolds • Letter: Ivy Reynolds to staff and children, May 22, 2001, letter of thanks for privilege of sharing the celebrations with her • 9 x laminated paper colour prints of students with medals and Ivy Reynolds main road, property, research (vic.), research state school no. 2959, caledonian gold field, swiper's gully, wallaby town, research gully, discovery gold plenty ranges, fountain of friendship hotel, ray morris, alice russell, norma family, bettison family, reynolds family, william west, joseph m makey, henry james cole, mary jane rodda, florissa milton, f p sheehan, m allwood, research hotel

The clippings in this book relate to the Ballarat School of Mines. Hard covered scrapbook with newspaper clippings relating to the Ballarat School of Mines.ballarat school of mines, scrapbook, ballarat technical art school, clay, ceramics, pottery, native clay, maurice copland, h.h. smith, c.h. beanland, technical schools, albert e. dowling, john dulfer, jenkin swimming shield, r.s. dale, j.y. mcdonald, a.f. heseltine, stained glass windows, amalie feild, richard dale, ballarat school of mines museum, ballarat junior secondary school, war criminal trials, j.f. crichton, repatriation department, w.o.f. close, soldiers vocational classes, world war one, alexander peacock, ballarat junior technical school opening, effie holmes, cornell chemist, w.k. moss, ken moss, obituary, j. vickery, w.d. hill, r.w. richards, shackelton, antarctic exploration, t.h. trengrove, samuel mayo, vera lindsay, bessie robertson, victor greenhalgh, repatriation classes closure, repatriation classes termination, university college, vocational training, arbor day, j.b. corbet, ballarat school of mines procession, ballarat junior technical school honour board, harold herbert, albert steane, a.w. steane, francis davis, tree planting, clyde lukeis, trade classes, old boys association, alfred james higgin, blackill color and oxide company, electric supply company, state school exhibition, state education jubilee, scholarships, clay deposits, james coad, t.a. williams, copland memorial, e.j. mcconnon, alfred mica smith, ponsonby carew smyth, d. maxwell, lena rutherford, dorothy whitehead, examination results, geoffrey nicholls, robert dowling, j.b. robinson, percy trompf, j.c. bush, white flat reserve, rubbish tip, sports ground, broken hill excursion, old boy's association, school of mines procession, white flat improvements, empire exhibition, ballarat school of mines literary society, school reunion, john rowell, d.e. mullins, g. renkin, t.m. shattock, new law courts, supreme court building transferred to ballarat school of mines, buildings, ballarat state offices, ballarat school of mines museum closed, ballarat school of mines and industries, k.b. brown, sir r. garran, alf hannah, macrobertson scholarship, simone fraser, violet hambley, alfred bayley, j. heriot, c.r. pittock, i.r. bradshaw, ballarat exhbition, e. parkin, c.m. harris, mica smith bust, william henry nicholls, daniel walker, paul montford, w.h. corbould, j.w. sutherland, technical training for girls, girls education, amalie colquhoun, ken moss obituary, opening of the ballarat junior technical school, j.s. vickery, j.s. vickery obituary, ida v. johnson, john rowell exhibition, max meldrum, w.g. coates, g.f. fitches, walter white, sewerage plumbing, villers brettonneux school

Summary of court record of trial of bushrangers captured at Plenty River1842, comprising address of presiding judge His Honour Judge Willis, and witness and counsel statements.6 p. typescriptbushrangers, plenty river

Record of trial of Josiah Grimshaw for the murder of John Mitchell on 24 September 18625 p. 1862 article copied from Trove databasejosiah grimshaw, john mitchell, murder, greensborough

This book tells the true stories of "crimes that rocked Australia", mainly murders.287 p., illus. Paperback.crime and criminals, murder, malcolm brown

Alarming new figures have revealed youth crimes are spiralling out of control across 46 municipalities, but it’s quite the contrary in Banyule and Nillumbik.News article 1 page, black text.crime and criminals, banyule city council, nillumbik council

Crime cards were used by police to record an offenders personal details, their offense, arrest and release or transfer. These crime cards are from the Durham Lead station, 1873. Blue card with stamped form, filled out in ink. crime, goldfields, ballarat, criminal record, crime card

Crime cards were used by police to record an offenders personal details, their offense, arrest and release or transfer. These crime cards are from Ballarat region, 1872. White paper card, stamped form, filled out in ink. crime, criminal record, police, victoria police, goldfields, ballarat, crime card

In 1902 Albert E McNamara was convicted for arson and found guilty of manslaughter, after he allegedly set fire to his home, killing his young son. Police alleged McNamara set the house alight as part of an insurance fraud scheme. His wife and other children escaped unharmed, however his young son was killed in the fire. He was executed in 1902 at Melbourne Gaol. Black and white photograph mounted on cardmelbourne gaol, criminal photograph, arson, manslaughter, mcnamara, execution, capital crimes

James Duncan was tried for his involvement in the Nelson Robbery in 1852. The robbery of the barque 'Nelson' is one of the most notorious crimes of the 1850s. Duncan, along with James Morgan, John James, Stephen Fox and John Roberts , robbed the ship of over cash and gold nuggets at gun point while she was anchored at Hobsons Bay, off Melbourne. One of the victims of the robbery identified Duncan to police by his voice. Duncan was sentenced by the notorious Justice Redmond Barry to 15 years hard labour on the roads. Black and white photograph mounted on card.duncan, morgan, james, fox, roberts, nelson, nelson robbery, gold rush, redmond barry

Police docket (with photograph), record of convictions, fingerprints for Squizzy Taylorsquizzy taylor, leslie taylor, david donoghue, leslie grout, michael mcgee, murder

Bibliography, index, notes, p.424.non-fictionA total re-assessment of the life of Adolf Eichmann that reveals his activities and notoriety amongst a global network of national socialists following the collapse of the third Reich, and that permanently undermines Hannah Arendt's often-cited notion of the 'banality of evil'. war criminals - germany - biography, world war ii, 1939-1945 - atrocities

Index, ill (plates col, b/w), maps, p.364.non-fiction"What happens to the elite, close-knit soldiers of the SAS after they leave the tight world of the military? For some, there are highly paid jobs as trigger men with security companies in the worlds war zones and trouble spots. But for many, unexpected adventures unfold. Some go on to establish and lead major corporations or to advise multinational companies about risk where the commercial stakes are high. Some join foreign defence forces, training new elite special forces in unusual places. For others, life takes a different twist. They become top government advisers and even hardened criminals. Most sinister of all is the shadowy world of black ops - risky, rewarding and adrenaline-driven jobs that governments always deny. But wherever they are, the former elite soldiers are never far from each other, bound in an exclusive global network of brothers-in-arms."-soldiers - retirement, australian army - special air regiment