16mm colour film with no sound - the second B&W workprint not digitised. 13 min 24 sec. Begins with the flag raising ceremony at Somers Camp and then moves to Westernport Airfield where the boys are seen going for flights in Cessnas whilst others learn archery and play volleyball. Moves on to beach activities and dinghy sailing supervised by Legatees. Back at Somers there is a comic performance of Goldilocks in front of a large audience of younger Junior Legatees and the supervising Legatees, which ends with a bearded Goldilocks being taken away in a police car. A service in the bush chapel is then shown before we see the older boys throwing one of their number off a jetty. A volleyball game completes the film. There is no indication of date, but the clothes seem to be 1960s/70s. This film has been digitised to preserve its content. Melbourne Legacy gratefully acknowledges the support of the Victorian Government and Public Record Office Victoria for making this possible.Depicts the work done by Legacy volunteers in helping Legacy families of the time. Volunteer groups such as Legacy supported those in need at a time when government assistance was much less than it is today.Two 16mm black and white films. One film is wrapped in brown paper. Under the wrapping the film is enclosed in a plasic wrap.Canister - patterned Agfa _ Gefaert Fine Grain. / Key No. 170627_02 'Not to be screened under any circumstances! Only to be handled by an expert with the approprate facilities for handling this type of film' on the brown wrapping paper, probably to keep a good copy.somers camp, camp

Willow started business in 1887 as a metal working company based in Melbourne Australia, making tinned biscuit and tea canisters. The outbreak of the First World War saw their manufacturing change to making armaments and essential packaging for the war effort. In the early 1920’s, the Willow brand was established. Making tin plated canisters and baking pans with the well-known Willow pattern, imprinted on them. Some other items in production at this time include billies, boilers, basins and Coolgardie safes. In the late 1950’s, the company ventured into plastics production. Stepping away from its very successful tin plating industry of more than 50 years. In 1965, the company name changed to Willow Ware Pty Ltd, to be more closely linked to its Willow brand. Willow Ware is still  in business today. A food safe known as a “Coolgardie” meat storage made by an emerging Australian company no longer in bushiness. This item gives a snapshot into early Australian manufacturing specifically aimed at the Australian market. Safe metal kitchen safe with two shelves, a hinged door and latch and a small swivel wire handle at the top. cream colour . "Made in Australia" "Willow" warrnambool, shipwrecked-coast, flagstaff-hill, flagstaff-hill-maritime-museum, shipwreck-coast, flagstaff-hill-maritime-village, willow ware, domestic item, coolgardie meat safe, meat safe, food safe, food preservation

Willow started business in 1887 as a metal working company based in Melbourne Australia, making tinned biscuit and tea canisters. The outbreak of the First World War saw their manufacturing change to making armaments and essential packaging for the war effort. In the early 1920’s, the Willow brand was established. Making tin plated canisters and baking pans with the well-known Willow pattern, imprinted on them. Some other items in production at this time include billies, boilers, basins and Coolgardie safes. In the late 1950’s, the company ventured into plastics production. Stepping away from its very successful tin plating industry of more than 50 years. In 1965, the company name changed to Willow Ware Pty Ltd, to be more closely linked to its Willow brand. Willow Ware is still  in business today. A food safe known as a “Coolgardie” meat storage made by an emerging Australian company no longer in bushiness. This item gives a snapshot into early Australian manufacturing specifically aimed at the Australian market.Safe metal kitchen food safe with 2 shelves, a hinged door and latch and a small swivel wire handle at the top. Painted light green, rusting.Willowwarrnambool, shipwrecked-coast, flagstaff-hill, flagstaff-hill-maritime-museum, maritime-museum, shipwreck-coast, flagstaff-hill-maritime-village, safe, food safe, meat safe, coolgardie safe, domestic object, kitchen object, willow ware, food preservation, kitchen safe

Centrepiece, including flags with the perspex Long Tan Cross plaque, form the DViets focus point at meetings; the Centrepiece also forms DViets focus point at ceremonies,If there is a single most revered DViet asset...this is it. It is towards this Centrepiece that we direct our attentions as we remember those who died in Service and those who have since passed on.Six pieces consisting of: VVAA (Vic) flag, national flag, 2 flag poles at 8ft c/w pike and join sleeve, flag stand (made from 105mm brass canister), and stainless steel frame, an illuminated perspex Long Tan Cross affixed and hard wired to Nui Dat Room wall.Diamond Valley Vietnam Veteransdiamond valley vietnam veterans sub branch, vietnam war

Silver coloured metal petrol iron with removable top plate and cylindrical tank. Metal handle with blue painted wooden top attached and metal plaque with maker's details and insignia between screws on bottom section of handle. Plastic knob to remove top section. Pumpless Iron, with Wooden Handle and Attached Canister for Shellite (lighter Fuel).Metal Plaque on the left side says "All British Pumpless Iron. Manufactured by Handiworks Brisbane" Other writing in the metal is not legible. the letter "H" has been engraved into the top of the iron under the handle. "CLOSE HANDI" with an arrow pointing right on the black plastic knob on top of the iron and the back of the iron.clothes iron

Tea was one of the first goods to be packaged in metal containers. Early import/export companies shipped it in metal-lined wooden crates. Pewter (widely used in England) was used one of the earliest metals used to fashion oriental style tea containers. Tin plated iron was made into tea canisters as early as 1790, often hand painted with places of the tea's origin. This tin has been adapted for use as a money box.In the mid-nineteenth century custom branded tins developed as a tasteful form of advertising. They were often cheap and decorative and found their way into households as gifts, often being kept as ornaments and storage boxes.They have survived well in many homes. A cylindrical metal Lipton's tin. The lid has a slot cut into it. The front panel has "LIPTON'S" above a red drawing of a tea factory and plantation with" TEA" below it. The print is white. There are panels framed in bamboo around the tin."Lipton tea, coffee and cocoa planter: Tea merchant by special appointment to his majesty King George V"tea-caddy lipton's container

This canister which contained a blend of Rasawatte tea was produced in the early 1900's and for the most of those who acquired it for its contents it was useful (because it was made from solid pressed steel) as a tea caddy or container for other kitchen utensils or loose grains etc. It was also a good advertising item for a general agent W.M. Peterson & Co. in Melbourne. This company along with neighbouring tea importers offices were burnt down in a horrific building fire in Melbourne.This item was used in a period of time when the tea beveridge was the main hot beveridge to accompany meals, and "high tea" was a special treat to enjoy quality teas and "finger" food. In the rural sector of the Kiewa Valley, the favourite hot drink at "smoko" or other rest times was a freshly "brewed" pot or "billy" of tea. The hot drink tea was later in time challenged by the hot cup of coffee. This change occured at a later time in the rural sector than in cities or larger towns. The rural sector in this time frame was a lot more "traditional" in a lot of their day to day learned mores. Life style changes took longer to evolve mainly due to lack of media bombardment (mainly from city based advertisers) within the family home . "The latest jadgets" took longer to permeate into "isolated or semi isolated rural regions" such as the Kiewa valleyThis cylindrical tin container, which originally contained fine Ceylon tea is totally constructed from pressed light steel. It is embossed with content details and the name of the general tea agent. The main body has been fastened by pressed, not soldered connections.Embossed with the following "Ceylon Flavoured" and in bold large letters "RASAWATTE TEA" and below this in smaller print "ONE POUND NETT" This is encapsulated by Tea plant petals and vines. On the opposite side and in script writing "3M" below this in an unfolded banner presentation "BLENDED & PACKED BY" below this "Peterson & co Melbourne" This is also encapsulated by Tea plant petals and vines.kitchen storage, tin container, cannister/caddy, kichen advertising

Robin Boyd developed a close friendship with the founder of the Bauhaus in Weimar Germany, Walter Gropius, who had moved to the USA in the 1930s. Through this connection, Boyd was invited to be the Massachusetts Institute of Technology (MIT) Bemis Professor at the School in the North American academic year 1956-7. During this time, the Boyds purchased this set of melamine kitchen canisters. They were used for flour, sugar, rice and biscuits etc. Both Robin and Patricia liked melamine, and also had melamine serving dishes. Seven melamine containers with coloured exteriors (ranging from white through yellowy-green, orange and black) with black interiors and teak lids. Height ranges from 100-200mm, width ranges from 110-170mm, Base measures 100-155mmcookware, walsh st kitchenware, robin boyd

This small, portable 1930’s Sanax First Aid in Accidents Kit has been strongly constructed, the case reinforced with metal to take knocks and bumps as it was transported to the site of an emergency. Having these supplies organised into a kit made them easily accessible and reduces time to take them to the accident site. The text of the printed brand “Sanax - First Aid” embossed on the lid. In Aradale Mental Hospital and J Ward, people are well aware of the institutions remoteness and of the importance of quick treatment when accidents occur. However, prior to the first commercial First Aid Kit being produced in 1888 by Johnson & Johnson, there was limited knowledge about treating injuries and about medical supplies to have ready for emergencies. A quote from Johnson’s & Johnson’s 1888 price list states, “It is a fact ... that many lives are lost and much suffering entailed in such accidents on account of the lack of the simple but necessary articles required to afford prompt assistance to the wounded.” [cited Flagstaff Hill Maritime Village]The kit is significance because it illustrates the first aid paraphernalia used in the care of staff and patients at Aradale Mental Hospital and J Ward. Black tin container. Inside lid shows printed instructions regarding treating various ailments. Contains: Absorbent gauze Canister of castor oil Petroleum jelly First Aid dressing Absorbent dressing Salvolatile ointment Gauze bandage x 3 Ache tablets x 25 3 loose metal safety pins The contents are not dissimilar to items used in first aid kits today. Due to its portable nature, the kit contains many dents and scratches. first aid, medical supplies, sanax

Appears to be a gas mask made in 1939 for protection against possible gas attack in World War II. Unknown provenance. Willow, the manufacturer of the metal canister, is an Australian family owned and run business, since 1887 and based in Melbourne. From their website: "During the second World War the factories almost exclusively produced munitions, working two shifts. They mainly made mess tins, rocket cylinder covers, small arms ammunition boxes, gas mask respirator cylinders and soldier’s cake tins."An example of war time equipment for personal protection.Rubber face mask with hose to a metal cannister.On the base of the metal cannister: "No. 4A / Willow / 1939 / WAD 8". equipment, world war two, mask

The 41 alphabetic and numeric visual signalling flags (including substitute and answering pennants) have either square or pointed ends. They are made of bunting, a coarse fabric of worsted (open yarn wool) in various colour combinations. Some of the flags are marked with inscriptions, for example “B”. Attachments to the flags include hemp rope and metal clips. Each flag has its own galvanised canister and lid, each of which is painted grey and marked with a letter, number or word. The flags were used for communicating messages to passing ships. Knowledge of visual signalling was mandatory for all lightkeepers and all lightstations maintained a set of flags. Although used for centuries, visual flag signalling formally developed in the nineteenth century and was published internationally as a system in 1857. By the early twentieth century it had developed into an effective means of conveying all kinds of short range visual messages. The signal flags and canisters at Gabo Island form a complete set and are not historically linked to the lightstation and their provenance is unknown. It is known however that they originate from a lightstation in Victoria and for some years were on loan from AMSA to the Queenscliff Maritime Museum, where they were held in storage and not displayed. Three of the six lightstations that Parks Victoria manages have sets of signal flags in their collections. Forty navigational signal alphabet flags & numeral pennants. Flags are made of wool.

A sectioned water depression flowmeter apparatus on a tall metal stand with castors. There are three knobs on the camera-facing side of the apparatus: one black, one yellow, and one blue, which correspond to oxygen, propylene, and nitrous oxide respectively. Two gas canister lids attached to the apparatus with long metal ball chains read "AUSTOX/OPEN SLOWLY". Above the knobs is a set of glass tubes, that have had a metal panel between them cut out. Part of the valve on the left below the knobs has been sectioned away to show the spring mechanism inside.nitrous oxide, oxygen, propylene, hospital, anaesthesia

This mask would have presumably been manufactred and used as a gas mask during World War One conflicts. It is presumably British made. It could also possibly date to the World War Two era.This item is a piece of protective equipment which presumably dates to the World War One era. As a surviving artefact from the Great War, this item holds historic value.Gas mask with rubberised light brown fabric face cover, plastic goggles for seeing, straps for fastening and a nozzle to attach to a canister. The canister is now missing. The goggles have corroded steel rings around themwhich protrude sloghtly from the mask. The light brown fabric covered rubber nozzle is attached to a black metallic component, which is attached to the mask with a circle of black rubber in between the metal and the mask. There is also another short piece of rubber attached to this black metallic component which is folded and positined between the nozzle and the mask. There is an inscription On the exterior of the mask, where the nose would ordinarilly be positioned. There is also an inscription in the interior on an almost full circular piece of fabric which is stitched into the same posion. This has a circle of metal stitched beneath it, which protrudes in two sections towards the wearers face. On the ends of the protruded sections are square pads of fabric, which are presumably there to position on either side of the wearers nose. The mask has a reinforces rubberised fabric rim where it would be incontact with the face. The main rubber nozzle protrudes through the inside of the mask, forming a mouth piece. There are four black straps and one light brown colour strap stitched to the exterior rim of the mask. Two of the black straps are severed.On the exterior at the nose: 3 On the interior at the nose: 22 109gas mask, mask, world war one, first world war, world war 1, ww1, wwi, the great war

1. 2 x Cylinder shaped tins with lids on both ends - used for cooking nutloaf. The top lid is removable and has 9 perforated holes. One tin has a label on the side which has been added for display purposes (see below) 2. Centenary Certificate from Willoware to Thomas O'Sullivan 3. Willow Centenary book 1887-1987 and photocopy pages of Willowware history1. Nutloaf tin: Willow, Nutloaf, top, 6 3/4 x 3 1/8, made in Australia (on top lid) / Willow Australia, Nut Loaf, 170mm x 80mm (on bottom lid) / Willow Ware "Nut Loaf" Tin First made early 1900's (on the side of the cylinder) / Canister Manufacturers Wilson Bros North Melbourne (stamped on paper on the side of the cylinder) 2. as per photo Also.....handwritten "Left the company in1998 (43 years service) 3. Willow 1887-1987 on front of bookletwillow ware, willow, kitchen, cooking, nutloaf tin, certificate, centenary

This photograph is taken in the home of the lady and shows MDNS Sister J. Faust giving an injection, using a glass syringe, into the right upper arm of the lady. This type of syringe was re sterilized. These syringes remained in use until the mid 1960s when disposable plastic syringes took their place. This photograph was used in a video on the history of RDNS which is held by the organization. It is a record of the type of care given by Melbourne District Nursing Society (MDNS) Trained nurses in a patient's home.The Trained nurses of the Melbourne District Nursing Society (MDNS), later known as Royal District Nursing Service (RDNS), visited patients in their home and gave best practice care in many fields of nursing, and to people of many cultures, throughout its 130 years of expansion. Initial visits not only assessed the specific nursing situation but the situation as a whole. Their patients ranged in age from babes, children, adults to the elderly and referrals were taken from Hospitals, General Practitioners and allied Health facilities. Some of the care the Sisters provided is as follows: – Post-Natal care given to mother and babe, Wound Care following various types of surgery, accidents, burns, cancer, leg ulcers etc. Supervising and teaching Diabetic Care, including teaching and supervising people with Diabetes to administer their own Insulin, and administering Insulin to those unable to give their own injections. Administering other injections and setting up weekly medication boxes. The Sisters performed Catheterizations on adults suffering from conditions such as Quadriplegia, Paraplegia, Multiple Sclerosis (MS), Motor Neurone Disease (MND) and Guillan-Barre Syndrome, and when required at school on children for e.g. those with Spina Bifida. The Sisters visited those requiring Cystic Fibrosis support and care; those requiring Haemo-Oncology care, including visiting children at school; those requiring Home Enteral Feeding care, and those requiring IV therapy at home and home Dialysis. Palliative Care was given including pain relief with the use of syringe drivers, personal care as needed, and advice and support to both patient and family. The Sisters provided Stoma management to those needing Urostomy, Ileostomy and Colostomy care and those requiring Continence care. HIV/AIDS nursing care was provided; visits to Homeless Persons were made. Personal care was given to patients ranging in age and with varying mobility problems, such as those with MS, MND, Guillan-Barre Syndrome, Quadriplegia, Paraplegia, Acquired Brain Injury, to those following a Cerebrovascular Accident (Stroke), those with severe Arthritis and those with a form of Dementia. When necessary the elderly were assisted with personal care and advice given on safety factors with the use of hand rails, bath or shower seats, and hand showers. Rehabilitation with an aim towards independence remained at the forefront of the Sister’s minds and when possible using aids and instruction on safe techniques enabled the person to become fully independent. All care included giving advice and support to the patient and their Carers. The Sisters liaised with the persons Doctor, Hospital and allied Health personal when necessary.Black and white photograph of Melbourne District Nursing Society (MDNS), Sister J. Faust who is wearing her grey brimmed uniform hat over her dark curled hair and is wearing a white gown over her grey uniform which is seen below her gown. In her right hand, she is holding a syringe, with needle against the lady's skin, and her left hand is on the upper right arm of the lady above the needle site. The lady, who has light coloured curled hair and is wearing a dark coloured long frock, is standing to the right of the Sister and is holding the right sleeve of her dress up with her left hand. A metal sink with cupboards below is behind the lady. To the left is fireplace which is now tiled at the rear and has a gas stove with kettle on a jet in the space. A row of three pale coloured kitchen canisters in decreasing size sit on the mantle piece. On a shelf above these sit a dark coloured box and a tall thin vase. Staff members name is written on the back of the photograph.melbourne district nursing society, nursing care, royal district nursing service, rdns, mdns, nursing care - medications, mdns uniforms, j. faust

Sad-irons or "solid" irons were made by blacksmiths and used to smooth out material by pressing the hot iron over it. A piece of sheet -iron was placed over the kitchen fire and the irons placed on it could be heated whilst remaining clean of ash.. The women used 2 irons - one heating while the other was used. Thick cloth or gloves protected their hands from the hot irons. The handle was removed from the cool iron and re- attached to remove the hot iron from the fire. The cool iron was replaced on the fire or stove to heat again. These irons were cleaned with steel wool to prevent them marking the material. If the iron was too hot the material would scorch. Most homes set aside one day for ironing and some large households had an ironing room with a special stove designed to heat irons. However, most women had to work with a heavy, hot iron close to the fireplace even in summer. Thomas Fletcher (1840-1903). By 1880s he had a gas appliance manufactory in Thynne Street, Warrington. By 1895 the company had become Fletcher Russell and Co Gas Engineers, his firm having merged with Alexander and William Russell of Pendleton Iron Works. Circa 1950, the firm merged into Radiation Ltd which was later acquired by 'TI New World'; 1902: Fletcher, Russell & Co. Ltd., Palatine Works, Warrington In 1880 gas -fuelled irons were connected by rubber tubing to the gas light-fittings of the house or to gas canisters. However , not many houses had access to a gas supply until much later and this iron was popular in 1920’sThese sad irons remind us of the difficult circumstances experienced in their daily routines by the pioneers and early settlers of Moorabbin Shire The family of Miss M Curtis were early settlers in Moorabbin Shire.A gas-fuelled flat iron, made in USA , It would have been attached to a gas hose fitting that was also used at night for light in the house. There is a small chimney to allow for air and to try to control the amount of heat in the iron. A 'shield' is under the leather covered handle to protect the user's hand from the heat, however it is made of copper metal - a heat conductor.FLETCHER RUSSELL CO. / LIM/ PATENT/ WARRINGTON on right side of handle 'Registered' on left side of handle ' Fletcher Russell Co L / Warrington, Manchester / & London.sad iron, kitchen equipment, fletcher russell co. ltd., england, warrington, manchester, pioneers, early settlers, market gardeners, sewing, craftwork, clothing, moorabbin, brighton, bentleigh, fireplaces, stoves, domestic gas supply, gas-light, gas cannisters

The Aerial Drip Torch (ADT) was an idea conceived in Canada in the 1970s by John Muraro It was developed in 1982 by the New Zealand Forest Service to become the Ashley Aphid Helitorch. Forestry Tasmania acquired one of the machines and modified it in February 1987. Also known as a dragon helitorch it consisted of a large 135-litre tank containing jellied petrol, a displacement pump, propane ignition system, burner nozzle and fire extinguisher system. It was first trialled in Victoria at Swifts Creek in 1991 and the Aerial Drip Torch (ADT) has now become standard practice.Two Aerial Drip Torches (ADTs) were built in the 1990s by the Fire Equipment Development Centre at North Altona, They were developed in conjunction with the Department of Conservation and Land Management in Western Australia. The first was trialled during the 1991/92 autumn burning season. The machine proved to be successful and a second machine was introduced in 1998 to assist with burning operations across the State. The ADTs were commonly used for regeneration burning (controlled burning of logging slash). The first ADT introduced in 1992 had a dry weight of 160kg and a capacity of 130 litres, providing about an hour of operation. Following initial use, systematic modifications were adapted including improved ignition of gel at the drop tube, installation of an air bleed valve at the pump to assist pump priming and improved mounting brackets for the CO2 bottles and propane canister attached to the machine. The second, and lightweight ADT, introduced in 1998 had a dry weight of 68kg and a capacity of 200 litres due to a smaller lightweight frame and plastic (Polyfin) tank. In operation the ADT is suspended below a helicopter via four strops attached to the vessel and a cable to the helicopter cargo hook. Gelled fuel is dispensed via a drop tube which is attached to the pump outlet of the machine, and ignited via a gas torch. Safety features built into the first ADT were: a brass melting plug designed to be activated at 200 C bursting disc designed to burst at170 Kpa should the vessel over pressurise. a pressure relief valve set to 35 Kpa ( vessel operated between 16 &34 Kpa) a low pressure sensor designed to shut down the machine should the vessel pressure drop below 15Kpa. the vessel is filled with CO2 above the gelled fuel to eliminate ignition with in the vessel. CO2 is used to expel any residue of ignited gel from the drop tube to prevent ignition when flying outside the boundaries of the burning area. See FIRE EQUIPMENT NOTE - 46 [ https://drive.google.com/file/d/1CKtcH-3rUlrtbE9dkNP27PYT2-raVVhF/view ]forests commission victoria (fcv), bushfire, bushfire aviation, planned burning

Catholic Chaplains Communion kit carried by Rev JJ Tresidder. Rev Tresidder served during the second world war as an Army Chaplian.Catholic Chaplians Communition kit, carried by WW2 chaplain VX117292 John Joseph Tressider. This is an example of the style of equipment, soldiers would have been offered communion from.Communion kit, consisting of 10 items. 1. A white linen Corporal with small red cross embroidered in its centre. This item was used during Mass/ communion/ Lords Supper to collect any host if it were to be dropped, especially after concecration. 2. Pyx. This is a flat circular dish with a hinged lid. On the side of the container is a small silver ball with a hole drilled through it to allow a string to be placed through and the Pyx to be worn around the priests neck. The Pyx is made of silver, and has a cross engraved on the lid. on the reverse " Rev. J.J.Tressider Catholic Chaplain" is enscribed. This item holds individual hosts ( bread) Following Concecration hosts are to be consumed or worn by the Priest and later to be distrubted as reserved sacrement. 3.Paten, a small silver dish, slightly bowing in the centre. There are no engraving on this item except for the makers stamps on the reverse. "T.G. Aunt & Co." " STG. Silver" Use for holding the Priests Host (Bread) representing the body of Christ, broken for all. 4. Chalice. Silver cup with flaired base.The inseide of the cup has a gold coloured appearence. On the base is a small raised silver cruisifix affixed by a screw. The Chalice was used asa a cup for holding water and wine, drunk from by all as a common cup, beginning and ending with the Priest. 5&6. Two silver Cruets. Each crust is a small silver jug with sloping sides with a small pinched lip for pouring. There are no handles and each cruet has the words " Catholic Chaplain" enscribed on its side. One of the cruets is used for adding a small amount of water to the chalice, representing Christs humanity, the outher is used to add a small amount of wine, representing the blood of Christ and divinity. 7. Lavabo Bowl. a small silver bowl with raised sides. The bowl has " Catholic Chaplain" inscribed in the base of the disg. The Lavabo bowl is used to wash the Priests hands prior to celebrating the Mass. 8. Ewer. A small silver water jug with a curled handle. The Ewer has 3 bands engraved arounf its middle and inside has a goldish tint. On its base is stamped "Albion Pla" "EPNS A" The Ewer is used to wash the priests hands prior to Mass. 9. Oil for the infirm- A small sliver canister that can be screwed to two similat canasters. The base has an internal screw thread to allow this to happen. The lid can be screwed on/ off and has an ornate cross enscribed on its top. The side of the canaster has a letter "I" incribed on it filling most of the canasters side. The canaster is believed to still contain the oil. The oil of the infirm is used outside of the mass in a service to administer the sacrement of the anointing of the sick. 10, Leather Oil Carry case, small, chocolate brown tubular carrying case with two snaps for closure on the side. the case has cardboard stiffening and a small amount of cottonwool to soak up any spilt oil. Case is used to carry upto three oil canasters. listed in descriptioncatholic church, 5/6rvr, chaplains kit

Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerPhotograph of a street art poster taken on the streets of Hong Kong during the protests against legislation to allow Hong Kong suspects to be extradited to mainland Chinese carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, poster art, posters

Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerMore than a thousand protestors surround Hong Kong's main police headquarters on Arsenal Street in Wan Chai on June 26th following a peaceful rally at Edinburgh Place in Central. Doors to the complex were barricaded by protestors, who left after a six hour siege in protest at police violence at a prtest held earlier on 12 June 2019. Protesters ended a six-hour siege of Hong Kong’s police headquarters – their second in a week over the now-suspended extradition bill – early on Thursday morning. More than 1,000 were involved at the height of the protest, which began after 10pm on Wednesday. Around 100 were left at the end and dispersed without a fight when officers with riot shields emerged from the building in Wan Chai at 4am on Thursday. After a peaceful rally attended by thousands earlier at Edinburgh Place in the Central business district, hundreds descended on Arsenal Street, blocking the junction with Lockhart Road to all traffic and sealing the entrances to the police base. (https://www.scmp.com/news/hong-kong/politics/article/3016238/hong-kong-police-under-siege-again-protesters-surround )carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, protest, protestors

Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerSeven police officers stand guard in front of Hong Kong's main police headquarters on Arsenal Street in Wan Chai as an estimated one thousand protestors surround on 26 June 2019. Protestors take turns to step up and hurl abuse at the officers, in a protest lasting 6 hours before peacefully dispersing. The protesters chanted 'Release the martyrs' and 'Stop police violence' in reference to violent clashes with police in the days previous. ( https://www.scmp.com/news/hong-kong/politics/article/3016238/hong-kong-police-under-siege-again-protesters-surround)carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, protest, protestors, police, wan chai

Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerPhotograph crowds gathering on June 16 on the streets of Causeway Bay before an estimated 2 million people take part in march protesting the government's push for extradition laws to China and demanding an apology from the chief executrive Carrie Lam. Nearly 2 million’ people take to streets, forcing public apology from Hong Kong leader Carrie Lam as suspension of controversial extradition bill fails to appease protesters. (https://www.scmp.com/news/hong-kong/politics/article/3014737/nearly-2-million-people-take-streets-forcing-public-apology )carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, protest, protestors

Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerPhotograph of a crowd or protestors against proposed extradition laws gathering on the streets of Causeway Bay, Hong Kong, leading down to the gathering area. carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, protest, protestors

Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerPhotograph of a crowd on the streets of Hong Kong to protest against proposed extradition laws, heading towards Admiralty. carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, protest, protestors, admiralty

Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerCrowds mass on Queens Way in Hong Kong as an estimated 2 million people march in protest at the government's refusal to withdraw a controverisal law allowing people to be extradited to mainland China. Chants demanded the chief executive apologise and the legislation be withdrawn, while many held signs protesting police violence. Nearly 2 million protesters flooded the streets of Hong Kong on Sunday, organisers claimed, delivering a stunning repudiation of Chief Executive Carrie Lam Cheng Yuet-ngor’s governance and forcing a public apology out of the city’s leader over her campaign to bulldoze a controversial extradition bill through the legislature. A day after Lam suspended her push for the bill, expecting it to defuse a crisis that has seen violent clashes between mostly young protesters and police, the centre of Hong Kong was brought to a complete standstill as the masses marched to chastise her for refusing to withdraw the bill or apologise when first asked to, and declaring that nothing short of her resignation would satisfy them now. (https://www.scmp.com/news/hong-kong/politics/article/3014737/nearly-2-million-people-take-streets-forcing-public-apology ) carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, protest, protestors, admiralty

This promotional photograph by the Tobacco Growers Association was in response to a 1935 meeting of tobacco growers from Victoria, South Australia and Queensland which produced four major resolutions for the industry covering the remainder of the 1900s. These four resolutions were: (1) Adequate tariff protection (2) Control of pests and diseases (3) Orderly marketing (4) The formation of an advisory council of growers. History has produced the following results. (1) adequate tariff protection was never achieved,(2) control of disease through benzol vapour (CSIRO) breakthrough, was later identified as carcinogenic, (3) orderly marketing was achieved through (4) the establishment of the Tobacco Growers Association(1984). In October 2006, by way of Government buy back of tobacco leases from growers, resulted in the end of Tobacco farming in Australia (after 136 years of planting the first crop). It was also significant that the major tobacco companies such as Philip Morris and The British American Tobacco Australasia advised the industry that it would source its tobacco requirements overseas by 2009.The remnants of the Tobacco Industry can still be viewed throughout the Kiewa Valley and adjacent regions on the former tobacco farms which still have the tobacco drying sheds and now converted into hay sheds. The problems from the large quantities of carcinogenic infused soil of farmlands in the region, still remains a problem now and for future generations. This particular photograph shows the lack of understanding by farmers and the contracted labour, at that time, and is demonstrated by the bare footed farmer walking next to the seed canister. Some workers did use protective "gum" boots but the majority of farm owners were skeptical of city scientists and their carcinogenic concerns, and it was only after the younger generation of farmers , who had attended Agricultural colleges, encompassed the scientific approach to farm management and began working closely with agricultural scientists. The "she'll be right mate" attitude of the earlier farming/rural community has since mid 1970s, been slowly dissipating. Stricter controls of herbicides and pesticides used in agriculture are now in force. The death of the tobacco industry(2006) resulted in the expansion of the dairy , sheep, beef cattle, venison and lama wool producers in the Kiewa Valley and surrounding regions.Coloured photograph pasted onto a thick wood chip backing. Two galvanised eyelets at the top of the frame, 50mm from each end, with a twine cord stretch from each, for hanging purposes. See also KVHS 0054(B) to KVHS 0054(F)A sign, which has been removed from the picture at some previous point in time is "The Tobacco seed, being so fine, is suspended in water and sown onto the seed base using a watering can [as in the photo] or similar device - August - Sept."tobacco, farming, rural industry, licences, ollie mould, blue mould, benzol vapour

Tin, "Choicest Nectar Tea" is an example of retail packaging, for domestic goods, the tin was made by J Marsh and Sons, Melbourne, for John Connell & Co Ltd, Melbourne, Victoria, Australia, 1900-1940Item at this time cannot be associated with an historical event, person or place, provenance is unknown, item assessed as a collection asset.Container; tea caddy for "Nectar Tea" brand, 1 lb. Packed by John Connell and Co Ltd, Melbourne. Blue and white vertical stripe decoration. On label "The Nectar Tea Caddy" and "Nectar, the finest tea the world produces, is a blend of the Choicest Pure Leafed Teas from the Gardens of Ceylon, India, Java"flagstaff hill, warrnambool, flagstaff hill maritime museum, maritime museum, shipwreck coast, flagstaff hill maritime village, great ocean road, tea canister, tea caddy, tea tin, container, kitchen storage, food storage, food, nectar tea, john connell, melbourne, j march & sons, john connell & co ltd

Germanequipment, ww2, army

1 Glass bottle marked to 300 CC. 1 Regulator fitting with accessory adaptors."ETHER", "300 C.C". Hand written, "ETHRANE" "THE BRITISH OXYGEN Co LTD" "LONDON ENGLAND" "PATENT NO 536536" ether, surgical equipment, surgery, anaesthetic, british oxygen company