Jarrold Cottage or White Cloud is known by many to be associated with the Skipper family, and has been since 1944 when Lena Skipper, wife of Mervyn Skipper purchased the cottage. She purchased it from the Estate of Thekla Jarrold who had died in March of the previous year. By the time Thekla died, she had lived in the Jarrold Cottage for 50 years. Thekla Alvenia Sissilia Ellian married John William Jarrold in 1888 at Clifton Hill. They started their family there but when John’s father William (who was married to Hannah Coleman) died in 1893 the family moved to Eltham. William had married Hannah Coleman in 1856 at his home in Eltham. William had arrived in the colony in 1848 so it is believed the Jarrold Cottage goes back at least to 1856 and possibly early 1850s. For a short period of time the cottage was rented to the Police as a temporary Police Station whilst a new and more permanent station was built further up the hill in 1859. The cottage was originally located closer to the Diamond Creek but was subject to flooding so was relocated to its present position on top a mound of rubble placed there from the nearby quarry next to the Dalton Street school (on Main Road). By 1916, John Henry Clark, a photographer who took many early photos of Eltham relocated from Fitzroy to Eltham and boarded with recently widowed Thekla Jarrold and her family. He changed professions from photographer to boot and harness maker around 1931 and Thekla had a small bootmakers shop built ifor him in the corner of her property next to the family home. J.H. Clark remained living at the property until his death in December 1956. At some stage after Clark's death, Lena Skipper is recorded living at the property having relocated from Montsalvat following the death of her husband Mervyn. The property continues to remain within the Skipper family as of 2023. Covered under Heritage Overlay, Nillumbik Planning Scheme. Published: Nillumbik Now and Then /​ Marguerite Marshall 2008; photographs Alan King with Marguerite Marshall.; p47This collection of almost 130 photos about places and people within the Shire of Nillumbik, an urban and rural municipality in Melbourne's north, contributes to an understanding of the history of the Shire. Published in 2008 immediately prior to the Black Saturday bushfires of February 7, 2009, it documents sites that were impacted, and in some cases destroyed by the fires. It includes photographs taken especially for the publication, creating a unique time capsule representing the Shire in the early 21st century. It remains the most recent comprehenesive publication devoted to the Shire's history connecting local residents to the past. nillumbik now and then (marshall-king) collection, bootmaker's shop, hannah coleman, jarrold cottage, john henry clark, john william jarrold, lena skipper, police station, thekla alvenia sissilia jarrold (nee ellian), white cloud cottage, william jarrold

The former bootmaker's shop is one of only three remaining original shops from the early 20th century in what was once Little Eltham, the others being the present day Cafe Zen-Den at 736 Main Road and the former Burgoyne General Store and Post Office, present-day San Antonio Barbershop at 820 Main Road. Jarrold Cottage or White Cloud is known by many to be associated with the Skipper family, and has been since 1944 when Lena Skipper, wife of Mervyn Skipper purchased the cottage. She purchased it from the Estate of Thekla Jarrold who had died in March of the previous year. By the time Thekla died, she had lived in the Jarrold Cottage for 50 years. Thekla Alvenia Sissilia Ellian married John William Jarrold in 1888 at Clifton Hill. They started their family there but when John’s father William (who was married to Hannah Coleman) died in 1893 the family moved to Eltham. William had married Hannah Coleman in 1856 at his home in Eltham. William had arrived in the colony in 1848 so it is believed the Jarrold Cottage goes back at least to 1856 and possibly early 1850s. For a short period of time the cottage was rented to the Police as a temporary Police Station whilst a new and more permanent station was built further up the hill in 1859. The cottage was originally located closer to the Diamond Creek but was subject to flooding so was relocated to its present position on top a mound of rubble placed there from the nearby quarry next to the Dalton Street school (on Main Road). By 1916, John Henry Clark, a photographer who took many early photos of Eltham relocated from Fitzroy to Eltham and boarded with recently widowed Thekla Jarrold and her family. He changed professions from photographer to boot and harness maker around 1931 and Thekla had a small bootmakers shop built ifor him in the corner of her property next to the family home. J.H. Clark remained living at the property until his death in December 1956. At some stage after Clark's death, Lena Skipper is recorded living at the property having relocated from Montsalvat following the death of her husband Mervyn. The property continues to remain within the Skipper family as of 2023. Covered under Heritage Overlay, Nillumbik Planning Scheme. Published: Nillumbik Now and Then /​ Marguerite Marshall 2008; photographs Alan King with Marguerite Marshall.; p47This collection of almost 130 photos about places and people within the Shire of Nillumbik, an urban and rural municipality in Melbourne's north, contributes to an understanding of the history of the Shire. Published in 2008 immediately prior to the Black Saturday bushfires of February 7, 2009, it documents sites that were impacted, and in some cases destroyed by the fires. It includes photographs taken especially for the publication, creating a unique time capsule representing the Shire in the early 21st century. It remains the most recent comprehenesive publication devoted to the Shire's history connecting local residents to the past. nillumbik now and then (marshall-king) collection, bootmaker's shop, jarrold cottage, john henry clark, lena skipper, thekla alvenia sissilia jarrold (nee ellian), white cloud cottage, shops

From the Victorian Heritage Register statement of significance H0791 The Marmalake/Murtoa Grain Store, originally the No.1 Murtoa Shed, is located within the Murtoa Grain Terminal, adjacent to the grain elevator tower and railway line. The shed is 280m long, 60m wide and 19m high at the ridge with a capacity of 3.4 million bushels. The hipped corrugated iron roof of the shed is supported on approximately 600 unmilled hardwood poles set in a concrete slab floor and braced with iron tie rods. These poles are the reason for use of the term "stick shed". With its vast gabled interior and the long rows of poles the space has been likened to the nave of a cathedral. An elevator at one end took wheat from railway trucks to ridge level where it was distributed by conveyor along the length of the shed, creating a huge single mound of grain. Braced internal timber bulkheads on either side took the lateral thrust of the wheat, and conveyors at ground level outside the bulkheads took wheat back to the elevator for transport elsewhere. Wheat had been handled in jute bags from the start of the Victorian wheat industry in the mid nineteenth century. Bulk storage had been developed in North America from the early 1900s. NSW began building substantial concrete silos from 1920-21. In Western Australia, farmers' co-operatives, who had to supply their own bulk storage from 1934-5, pioneered the use of low-cost horizontal sheds of timber and corrugated iron for bulk storage. Following its establishment in 1935 the Victorian Grain Elevators Board (GEB) planned a network of 160 concrete silos in country locations, connected by rail to the shipping terminal at Geelong. By the outbreak of the Second World War there was a worldwide glut of wheat, and Australia soon had a massive surplus which it was unable to export. Only 48 silos had been established under the Victorian Silo Scheme so far, and wartime material and labour restrictions prevented progress with this scheme. The storage deficit had become an emergency by 1941 as Britain obtained its imports from North America, rather than over the lengthy and difficult shipping route from Australia. In 1941 the GEB, under chairman and general manager Harold Glowrey, proposed large temporary versions of the horizontal bulk storage sheds already in use in Western Australia. The proposal was approved by the Victorian Wheat and Woolgrowers Association, who considered the use of shed storages as a longer term proposition. After initial resistance from the Australian Wheat Board, some of whose members represented wheat bagging interests, the Commonwealth and Victorian governments agreed to split the costs, and Murtoa was chosen as a suitable site for the first emergency storage. The main contractor, Green Bros, commenced work on the No.1 Murtoa Shed in September 1941, deliveries of bulk wheat began in January 1942, and the store was full by June of the same year. In the following years the Council for Scientific and Industrial Research (later CSIRO) conducted valuable research and experiment on the impacts and control of insect pests at the Murtoa No.1 shed. With these discoveries, and the development of more effective pesticides, use of the No.1 shed and the larger No.2 shed, erected in 1942/43, continued for many years. The No.2 shed was demolished in 1975. By the 1990s, pest resistance to pesticides and requirements for both pest free and insecticide free grain rendered open storage of this type unviable. The No. 1 store was also becoming increasingly expensive to maintain, and its use was phased out from 1989.Image of the Marmalake/Murtoa Grain Store which is of historical, architectural, scientific (technical) and social significance to the State of VictoriaDigital colour image of the interior of the Marmaduke . Murtoa grain storage facility better known as the Stick Shed. The shed was constructed in World War Two to store grain. The supporting columns are trees.marmalake, murtoa grain store, wheat store, stick shed, murtoa

The discovery of gold in Smyth's Creek in 1854 and subsequent gold rush to the Caledonia diggings led to the establishment of Queenstown (present day St Andrews). The first recorded burial was July 31st, 1861 and it was officially declared a Cemetery Reserve in 1866. Many graves are unmarked and unrecorded including many Chinese and other itinerant miners. The cemetery was closed for new burials in 1851. The last recorded burial was in 1981 in an existing family grave. In Loving memory of David Band Died 30th Decr. 1862, aged 51 years. John Cork Knell Died 11th April 1867, aged 42 years. Eliza Smith Died 20th Jany. 1874, aged 3 1/2 years. William Band Died 20th Feby. 1883, aged 51 years. Published: Nillumbik Now and Then /​ Marguerite Marshall 2008; photographs Alan King with Marguerite Marshall.; p73 The discovery of gold at Smyth’s Creek* in 1854 brought 3000 people to the area in search of their fortunes.1 However in the harsh conditions many miners and their families died young, and were buried in unmarked graves. Their stories died with them but by 1861, the first burial was recorded at the Queenstown Cemetery – that of William Dalrymple aged 65 – although the cemetery was only officially declared a reserve in 1866. Even before this in 1856, a double burial had been recorded for the twin baby daughters of George Harrison at Market Square, the miners’ settlement – presumably where the cemetery is today. In 1951 the Queenstown Cemetery at 70 Smiths Gully Road, Smiths Gully, closed for burials. However the last burial in a family plot, that of Grace Evelyn Smith, occurred in 1981. Today only 55 headstones remain, but more than 380 burials are recorded. Remnant bushland dominates the cemetery where many graves are merely mounds and others have been damaged by vandalism and the neglect of time. Bushfire in 1962 destroyed the picket fencing, grave markers and cypress boundary planted in the early 1900s. The box/stringybark woodland in the 1.7 hectare Cemetery Reserve is regrowth from then and the indigenous and heritage vegetation is protected. Thanks to the volunteer Cemetery Trust and Friends & Relations of Queenstown Cemetery, the cemetery is maintained, stories recorded and the burial index corrected and expanded.2 Close by the cemetery on the site of today’s Peter Franke Picnic and Nature Reserve stood Market Square, the Caledonia Diggings village of tents and stores, the forerunner of Queenstown, now St Andrews. Many of the Caledonia Diggings miners were Chinese, many of whom, with itinerant prospectors, were buried in unmarked graves. Histories are being recorded of other immigrants, mainly English and German, who settled after the gold rush, some of whose descendants fought and died in the two world wars. Names on many headstones are also recorded on the district’s roads, reserves and war memorials such as Motschall, Joyce, Howard and Coutie. The oldest surviving tombstone is that of Scot, David Band who died in 1862 at 51 years. His oldest daughter Elizabeth, with husband John Knell, owned the Queenstown Hotel and the post office. Child-rearing in a colonial gold town was often tragically difficult, as demonstrated in the first 20 years, when 41% of the 34 burials recorded were children. Settlers endured harsh conditions graphically illustrated with the deaths of Annie Joyce at 30 years and of her family. Annie was married to gold miner Walter Joyce. Their third child Walter, born in 1886, died in March 1887. Eight months later Annie died of breast cancer. Walter died in 1909, aged 53, of miner’s phthisic caused by stone dust destroying his lungs. It was so hard to make a living that burials were usually held from 2.30 pm to allow mourners to work a day before paying their last respects.3 Most burials before 1890 were recorded as Anglicans, as the only church on the Caledonia Diggings was the Church of St Andrew, until 1897, when the Primitive Methodist Church came to Panton Hill. Generally miners came to better themselves, but some, like Grace Hopkinson (nee Milward), born in England in 1828, came from a well-off and educated family. According to family legend Grace emigrated with husband William, to live in a tent, but had kept her personally embossed sterling silver cutlery service. Amid the tough environment were some successes like that reported in The Evelyn Observer April/May 1901 of miner William Hopkinson who was buried at the cemetery in 1912 aged 81. The Observer stated that Hopkinson ‘recently dropped across another find in his claim at One Tree Hill’. The lump of gold found this time weighed more than half a kilo. Mr Hopkinson referred to it as ‘another little speck’. *Today’s Smiths GullyThis collection of almost 130 photos about places and people within the Shire of Nillumbik, an urban and rural municipality in Melbourne's north, contributes to an understanding of the history of the Shire. Published in 2008 immediately prior to the Black Saturday bushfires of February 7, 2009, it documents sites that were impacted, and in some cases destroyed by the fires. It includes photographs taken especially for the publication, creating a unique time capsule representing the Shire in the early 21st century. It remains the most recent comprehenesive publication devoted to the Shire's history connecting local residents to the past. nillumbik now and then (marshall-king) collection, david band, eliza smith, gravestones, john cork knell, queenstown cemetery, smiths gully road, st andrews, william band

1. The moral lexicon of the Warlpiri people of central Australia LR Hiatt This paper discusses words that match ?Good? and ?Bad?; examples of ?Good? and ?Bad? behaviour; morality and law; and egalitarianism and dominance. It also presents a comparison with Gidjingarli (Burarra). 2. Mobs and bosses: Structures of Aboriginal sociality Patrick Mullins (Mount Druitt, NSW) A commonality of Aboriginal social organisation exists across the continent in communities as different as those from the Western Desert across to Cape York, from the towns of New South Wales and Western Australia to cities like Adelaide. This is found in the colloquial expressions ?mob? and ?boss?, which are used in widely differing contexts. Mobbing is the activity where relatedness, in the sense of social alliances, is established and affirmed by virtue of a common affiliation with place, common experience and common descent, as well as by the exchange of cash and commodities. Bossing is the activity of commanding respect by virtue of one?s capacity to bestow items of value such as ritual knowledge, nurturance, care, cash and commodities. Mobbing and bossing are best understood as structures in Giddens? sense of sets of rules and resources involved in the production of social systems, in this case social alliances. Mobbing and bossing imply a concept of a person as a being in a relationship. Attention needs to be given to the way these structures interact with institutions in the wider Australian society. 3. Recognising victims without blaming them: A moral contest? About Peter Sutton?s ?The Politics of Suffering: Indigenous Policy in Australia since the 1970s? and Gillian Cowlishaw?s replies Ma�a Ponsonnet (Universit� Paris- 8-Saint-Denis) Peter Sutton?s texts on Aboriginal violence, health and their politicisation are replied to using his methodology, and acknowledging his convincing points. Sutton rightly denounces a lack of lucidity and scientific objectivity in anthropological debates. These inadequacies impede identification of what Aboriginal groups can do to improve their situations for fear that this identification would lead to blame the victims. At the other end of the ethical spectrum, those who advocate a broader use of what I will call a ?resistance interpretation? of violence fail to recognise victims as such, on the implicit grounds that seeing victims as victims would deprive them of any agency, on the one hand, and entail blame, on the other hand. I aim to define a middle road between those views: the idea that victims should be acknowledged as such without being denied their agency and without being blamed for their own condition. This middle road allows identification of the colonisers? responsibilities in the contemporary situation of Indigenous communities in Australia, and to determine who can do what. Secondly, I show that Sutton?s texts convey, through subtle but recurrent remarks, an ideology of blame rather than a mere will to identify practical solutions. As a consequence, some of his proposals do not stand on a solid and objective causal analysis. 4. 'You would have loved her for her lore?: The letters of Daisy Bates Bob Reece (Murdoch University) Daisy Bates was once an iconic figure in Australia but her popular and academic reputation became tarnished by her retrograde views. Her credibility was also put in doubt through the exposure of her fictionalised Irish background. In more recent times, however, her ethnographic data on the Aborigines of Western Australia has been an invaluable source for Native Title claims, while her views on Aboriginal extinction, cannibalism and ?castes? are being seen as typical of her time. This article briefly reviews what has been the orthodox academic opinion of her scientific achievement before summarising what is reliably known of her early history and indicating what kind of person is revealed in the 3000 or more letters that she left behind. 5. What potential might Narrative Therapy have to assist Indigenous Australians reduce substance misuse? Violet Bacon (Curtin University of Technology) Substance misuse is associated with adverse consequences for many Australians including Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples. Extensive research has been conducted into various intervention, treatment and prevention programs to ascertain their potential in reducing substance misuse within Aboriginal and non-Aboriginal communities. I explore the potential of Narrative Therapy as a counselling intervention for assisting Indigenous Australians reduce the harm associated with substance misuse. 6. Bone points from the Adelaide River, Northern Territory Sally Brockwell (University of Canberra) and Kim Akerman (Moonah) Large earth mounds located next to the vast floodplains of the lower Adelaide River, one of the major tropical rivers draining the flat coastal plains of northern Australia, contain cultural material, including bone points. The floodplains of the north underwent dynamic environmental change from extensive mangrove swamps in the mid-Holocene, through a transition phase of variable estuarine and freshwater mosaic environments, to the freshwater environment that exists today. This geomorphological framework provides a background for the interpretation of the archaeology, which spans some 4000 years. 7. A different look: Comparative rock-art recording from the Torres Strait using computer enhancement techniques Liam M Brady (Monash University) In 1888 and 1898, Cambridge University?s Alfred C Haddon made the first recording of rock-art from the Torres Strait islands using photography and sketches. Systematic recording of these same paintings and sites was carried out from 2000 to 2004 by archaeologists and Indigenous Torres Strait Islander and Aboriginal communities as part of community-based rock-art recording projects. Computer enhancement techniques were used to identify differences between both sets of recordings, to reveal design elements that Haddon missed in his recordings, and to recover images recorded by Haddon that are today no longer visible to the naked eye. Using this data, preliminary observations into the antiquity of Torres Strait rock-art are noted along with recommendations for future Torres Strait region rock-art research and baseline monitoring projects. 8. Sources of bias in the Murray Black Collection: Implications for palaeopathological analysis Sarah Robertson (National Museum of Australia) The Murray Black collection of Aboriginal skeletal remains has been a mainstay of bio-anthropological research in Australia, but relatively little thought has been given to how and why this collection may differ from archaeologically obtained collections. The context in which remains were located and recovered has created bias within the sample, which was further skewed within the component of the collection sent to the Australian Institute of Anatomy, resulting in limitations for the research potential of the collection. This does not render all research on the collection unviable, but it demonstrates the importance of understanding the context of a skeletal collection when assessing its suitability for addressing specific research questions.maps, b&w photographs, colour photographs, illustrations, graphs, chartswarlpiri, sociology, daisy bates, substance abuse, narrative therapy, rock art, technology and art, murray black collection, pleistocene sites, watarrka plateau

This particular geological specimen was found in Mount Franklin or Lalgambook in Djadjawurrung, located between Daylesford and Newstead, approximately ninety minutes drive from Melbourne. The mountain is an example of a breached scoria cone (a steep conical hill of loose pyroclastic fragments) which was created by a volcanic eruption about 470,000 years ago, a date which may indicate the age of this geological specimen. The volcanic eruptions of Mount Franklin were most likely witnessed by members of the Dja Dja Wurrung Aboriginal tribe, who referred to this country as the 'smoking grounds'. Mount Franklin and the surrounding area appears to have been a place of considerable religious significance to Aboriginal people, there is evidence which indicates that frequent large ceremonial gatherings took place in the area. Basalt is the most common rock on Earth’s surface, more than 90% of all volcanic rock on Earth is basalt. Basalt is an aphanitic extrusive igneous rock formed from the rapid cooling of low-viscosity lava exposed at or very near the surface of a rocky planet or moon. Specimens are black in colour and weather to dark green or brown. Basalt is rich in iron and magnesium and is mainly composed of olivine, pyroxene, and plagioclase. Olivine is the name of a group of rock-forming silicate minerals with compositions ranging between Mg2SiO4 and Fe2SiO4. Unlike other minerals, Olivine has a very high crystallisation temperature which makes it the first of the minerals to crystallise from magma. As magma cools, the crystals begin to form and settle on the bottom of the lava and form basalts that are abnormally enriched in olivine in the lower part of lava flows. According to H. M. King (on geology.com) "Olivine is thought to be an important mineral in Earth's mantle. Its presence as a mantle mineral has been inferred by a change in the behaviour of seismic waves as they cross the boundary between Earth's crust and mantle". Lava from Mount Franklin and other volcanoes in the area filled valleys and buried the gold bearing streams that became the renowned ‘deep leads’ of the gold mining era. In 1852, as part of the Victorian gold rush, gold was discovered in the immediate area, this gold was created by lava flows during the Newer Volcanic period, which were mined intensively during the nineteenth century. Around 1865 the presence of a deep lead in Mount Franklin was established. Deep lead mining was initially unsuccessful, and it was not until the late 1870s that the Franklinford Gold Mining Company mined at Mount Franklin on a significant scale. A few years later the Mount Franklin Estate Gold Mining Company also struck gold, followed by the Shakespeare and Great Western companies in the mid-1880s. By the late 1880s, however, deep lead mining had ceased in the area. Soon after gold was discovered in 1851, Victoria’s Governor La Trobe wrote to the Colonial Office in London, urging ‘the propriety of selecting and appointing as Mineral Surveyor for this Colony a gentleman possessed of the requisite qualifications and acquaintance with geological science and phenomena’. Alfred Selwyn was appointed geological surveyor in Australia in 1852 which began the Geological Survey of Victoria. In 1853-69 the Geological Survey issued under Selwyn's direction sixty-one geological maps and numerous reports; they were of such high standard that a writer in the Quarterly Journal of the Geological Society of London bracketed the survey with that of the United States of America as the best in the world. During his years spent in Australia, Selwyn collected numerous significant geological specimens, examples of which are held in collections such as the Burke Museum.This geological specimen is an example of basalt and olivine which shows the volcanic lava activity and geographical specific nature of Mt Franklin as a significant volcanic site. According to Agriculture Victoria 'The crater is one of the deepest in the Central Highlands area. It is a major megacryst site with some of the largest known Victorian examples of megacrysts of augite and an orthoclase. The small parasitic mound of Lady Franklin on the western flanks adds to the geological interest of the site'. This specimen also highlights the locality as a significant place for both indigenous activity and Victorian gold rush era mining practices. This specimen is part of a larger collection of geological and mineral specimens collected from around Australia (and some parts of the world) and donated to the Burke Museum between 1868-1880. A large percentage of these specimens were collected in Victoria as part of the Geological Survey of Victoria that begun in 1852 (in response to the Gold Rush) to study and map the geology of Victoria. Collecting geological specimens was an important part of mapping and understanding the scientific makeup of the earth. Many of these specimens were sent to research and collecting organisations across Australia, including the Burke Museum, to educate and encourage further study.An angular, solid hand-sized piece of grey volcanic Basalt with green/brown Olivine phenocrysts along one flat edge.Olivine in basalt / - label is probably / correct. / C. Willman / 15/4/21burke museum, beechworth, indigo shire, beechworth museum, geological, geological specimen, mineralogy, basalt, igneous rock, igneous-volcanic, volcanic geology, volcanic, olivine, olivine specimen, basaltoid

Digital photograph

Digital photograph

William the Conqueror inherited Old Sarum from the last Saxon king of England. It was an ideal site for a royal castle. It was here in 1070 that William paid off his army after a long and bitter campaign in northern England. It was here in 1086 that he called together all the major landholders in England so they could swear allegiance to him. It was a crucial moment. The Domesday Book was being written, a threatened Viking invasion had only just been averted and William's eldest son was in armed rebellion. Old Sarum was an important place where this Norman king of England held power. In 1794 the Ordnance Survey set out to check the accuracy of the first mapping of Southern England, which had begun ten years earlier. From a point just below Old Sarum Lieutenant William Mudge laid out a base-line 36,574 feet (11,253 metres) long. From each end of the line the positions of distant places were plotted using a huge theodolite made in 1791 by Jesse Ramsden. The accuracy of the process, which was repeated all over England, depended on Jesse Ramsden's craftsmanship and on William Mudge's surveying skill in setting out this first base-line from Old Sarum. The nearer end of Mudge's line is marked by an inscribed stone beside the modern A345 at Old Sarum. ordnance survey, william mudge, jesse ramsden, william the conqueror, old sarum, saxon, 1086, england

William the Conqueror inherited Old Sarum from the last Saxon king of England. It was an ideal site for a royal castle. It was here in 1070 that William paid off his army after a long and bitter campaign in northern England. It was here in 1086 that he called together all the major landholders in England so they could swear allegiance to him. It was a crucial moment. The Domesday Book was being written, a threatened Viking invasion had only just been averted and William's eldest son was in armed rebellion. Old Sarum was an important place where this Norman king of England held power. In 1794 the Ordnance Survey set out to check the accuracy of the first mapping of Southern England, which had begun ten years earlier. From a point just below Old Sarum Lieutenant William Mudge laid out a base-line 36,574 feet (11,253 metres) long. From each end of the line the positions of distant places were plotted using a huge theodolite made in 1791 by Jesse Ramsden. The accuracy of the process, which was repeated all over England, depended on Jesse Ramsden's craftsmanship and on William Mudge's surveying skill in setting out this first base-line from Old Sarum. The nearer end of Mudge's line is marked by an inscribed stone beside the modern A345 at Old Sarum. ordnance survey, william mudge, jesse ramsden, william the conqueror, old sarum, saxon, 1086, england

Norfolk Pine (near bandstand) - Gardens 1926black and white Photograph with a family groupgardens, norfolk pine, botanical, family, people, children, mound