Photograph provided by Catherine Hutchings, long-time Professional Officer at the Australian Nursing and Midwifery Federation (Victorian Branch). The photographer is unknown. This is one of three photographs depicting Australian Nursing Federation (Victorian Branch) members engaged in industrial action at the Sunshine Hospital in St Albans, Victoria, Australia in 1993. The dispute related to attempts by hospital management to reduce the nurses' access to ADOs (Allocated Days Off). The nurses engaged in rolling walk-outs to express their resistance, setting up out the front of the hospital with picnic rugs and chairs, food and drinks, umbrellas, and placards, to gain the awareness and support of the Victorian community. This industrial action occurred at a time when the Victorian Liberal government, led by Jeff Kennett (1992-1999), engaged in the widespread privatisation and rationalisation of many public services, including the health service. The Australian Nursing Federation, the union representing nurses in Victoria, was a strong opponent of the resulting job cuts and site closures, and engaged in various political and industrial campaigns during this time to protect and advance staffing levels, wages and working conditions.Colour photograph depicting Australian Nursing Federation (Victorian Branch) members engaged in industrial action outside the Sunshine Hospital, St Albans in the early 1990s (estimated 1993).nursing, nurses, victoria, st albans, sunshine hospital, western health, melbourne, industrial action, labour history, australian nursing federation, jeff kennett, 1990s history

Photograph provided by Catherine Hutchings, long-time Professional Officer at the Australian Nursing and Midwifery Federation (Victorian Branch). The photographer is unknown. This is one of three photographs depicting Australian Nursing Federation (Victorian Branch) members engaged in industrial action at the Sunshine Hospital in St Albans, Victoria, Australia in 1993. The dispute related to attempts by hospital management to reduce the nurses' access to ADOs (Allocated Days Off). The nurses engaged in rolling walk-outs to express their resistance, setting up out the front of the hospital with picnic rugs and chairs, food and drinks, umbrellas, and placards, to gain the awareness and support of the Victorian community. This industrial action occurred at a time when the Victorian Liberal government, led by Jeff Kennett (1992-1999), engaged in the widespread privatisation and rationalisation of many public services, including the health service. The Australian Nursing Federation, the union representing nurses in Victoria, was a strong opponent of the resulting job cuts and site closures, and engaged in various political and industrial campaigns during this time to protect and advance staffing levels, wages and working conditions.Colour photograph depicting Australian Nursing Federation (Victorian Branch) members engaged in industrial action outside the Sunshine Hospital, St Albans in the early 1990s (estimated 1993).nursing, nurses, victoria, st albans, sunshine hospital, western health, melbourne, industrial action, labour history, australian nursing federation, jeff kennett, 1990s history

Photograph provided by Catherine Hutchings, long-time Professional Officer at the Australian Nursing and Midwifery Federation (Victorian Branch). The photographer is unknown. This is one of three photographs depicting Australian Nursing Federation (Victorian Branch) members engaged in industrial action at the Sunshine Hospital in St Albans, Victoria, Australia in 1993. The dispute related to attempts by hospital management to reduce the nurses' access to ADOs (Allocated Days Off). The nurses engaged in rolling walk-outs to express their resistance, setting up out the front of the hospital with picnic rugs and chairs, food and drinks, umbrellas, and placards, to gain the awareness and support of the Victorian community. This industrial action occurred at a time when the Victorian Liberal government, led by Jeff Kennett (1992-1999), engaged in the widespread privatisation and rationalisation of many public services, including the health service. The Australian Nursing Federation, the union representing nurses in Victoria, was a strong opponent of the resulting job cuts and site closures, and engaged in various political and industrial campaigns during this time to protect and advance staffing levels, wages and working conditions.Colour photograph depicting Australian Nursing Federation (Victorian Branch) members engaged in industrial action outside the Sunshine Hospital, St Albans in the early 1990s (estimated 1993).nursing, nurses, victoria, st albans, sunshine hospital, western health, melbourne, industrial action, labour history, australian nursing federation, jeff kennett, 1990s history

This photograph depicts the visit of Sir Rohan Delacombe and Lady Delacombe (on right) to Beechworth in 1965. Also present are Shire Secretary Graham Gray and Mrs Gray (left), and Shire President J McCauley and Mrs McCauley, centre. His Excellency Sir Rohan Delacombe (1906–1991) was appointed Governor of Victoria on 8 May 1963 and served until 1974, when he was replaced by the first Australian-born governor, Sir Henry Winneke. Born on 25 October 1906 at St Julians, Malta, Sir Rohan was the second child and only son of Addis Delacombe, a British army pay officer, and his wife Emma Louise Mary, née Leland. The Delacombe family seat was Shrewton Manor, near Salisbury, Wiltshire, and several generations of Delacombes had served in the armed forces. Sir Rohan took up his role in Australia following long and distinguished military and diplomatic career. He is reported to have taken great interest in local events and politics, and at the time this image was taken, he and Lady Delacombe made several appearances as guests of local government representatives at centres around Victoria. This photograph is historically significant for its record of the visit of Sir Rohan and Lady Delacombe at Beechworth in 1965. It may be compared and studied alongside other photographs and objects in the Burke Museum.A black and white rectangular reproduction photograph printed on paper.Reverse: A02556-2 /local government, united shire of beechworth, sir rohan delacombe, victoria governor

Cogan is a textile artist and her work is political in nature. 'War and Peace' is about the Vietnam War and a statement about patriotism in war, of lessons not learnt, of remembrance and never forgetting. This work is an expression of her feelings towards this time and of her husband's experience who fought in this war. The Republic of Vietnam 'Vietnam Campaign Medal' is from the former country of South Vietnam (Republic of Vietnam). Established in 1966, it was awarded to members of United States, Australian, and New Zealand military forces serving six months or more in support of Republic of Vietnam military operations. The medal is issued with a device known as the 1960 Bar. The bar displays the date of 1960 followed by a dash and a blank space. The unusual appearance was caused by the government of the Republic of Vietnam stating that the 1960 bar would show the dates of the Vietnam War from start to finish, with the ending date placed on the 1960 bar after the South Vietnamese had triumphed over North Vietnam (the Democratic Republic of Vietnam). Since South Vietnam fell, and the government ceased to exist, an ending date for the 1960 Bar was never established. The Vietnam Campaign Medal is considered a foreign award by the U.S., Australian, and New Zealand governments. The joint Australian and New Zealand campaign medal awarded for service in the Vietnam War is the 'Vietnam Medal'. The obverse of this medal shows the crowned head of Queen Elizabeth II, with titles, while the reverse has the inscription VIETNAM above a symbolic representation of the ideological war in Vietnam. The RSL poppy (the Flanders poppy) has long been a part of Remembrance Day, the ritual that marks the Armistice of 11 November 1918, and is also increasingly being used as part of Anzac Day observances. During the First World War, red poppies were among the first plants to spring up in the devastated battlefields of northern France and Belgium. In soldiers' folklore, the vivid red of the poppy came from the blood of their comrades soaking the ground. The poppy soon became widely accepted throughout the allied nations as the flower of remembrance to be worn on Armistice Day. Today the RSL continues to sell poppies for Remembrance Day to raise funds for its welfare work. "War and Peace' is significant as it explores and highlights a period in history (the Vietnam War), which was contentious both socially and politically. Cogan and her family lived locally, in the Shire of Eltham during this time, and her work is a reflection of the experiences and sentiments of a section of the Nillumbik community. Textile piece. 'War": Cast muslin, machine embroidery onto white calico. Tanin dye, poly thread, side bust view (hand, shoulder and arm). Black machine stiching on shirt and shirt pocket with two vietnam medals. A replica of the 'Vietnam Medal' in muslin is shown reverse and has the inscription VIETNAM above a symbolic representation of the ideological war in Vietnam, which is of a male figure standing between two spherical shapes. The ribbon has a vertical central section of bright yellow which has centrally superimposed on it three thin stripes of red, (representing the South Vietnamese flag) flanked by two stripes of red (representing the Army). On the left is a dark blue stripe representing the Navy and on the right, a light blue stripe representing the Air Force. A replica in muslin of the second medal is the Republic of Vietnam 'Vietnam Campaign Medal' of the former country of South Vietnam. The ribbon has green and white strips with a device bearing the inscription ‘1960 – ‘. The medal is traditionally a gold and white enamelled star with a green, red and gold centre motif. Right hand is touching the medals/heart, while left arm is left resting to the left side over a crutch which ends in a rolled up bandage. 'Peace': Cast muslin, machine embroidery onto calico. Black dye, poly thread and RSL poppy. Side bust view (hand, shoulder and arm). Yellow machine stiching on black shirt and shirt pocket with RSL red poppy on shirt pocket. Right hand is reaching to touch the poppy, while left arm is slightly bent resting on its' left side. Nonetextile, muslin, embroidery, vietnam war, medals, vietnam medal, vietnam campaign medal, rsl poppy, war, peace, armistice, remembrance day, anzac

Hugh George Ferguson was born in June 1900 in Williamstown. After his family moved to Kew, they lived in Fernhurst Grove while his future wife’s family lived in Fellows Street. He married in 1940 and subsequently joined the Second AIF. In 1945, he was reported to be the ACF (Australian Comforts Fund) Commissioner in Borneo [Kalimantan]. After the Second World War, he worked as a Billeting Affairs Organiser for the Dutch Government, resettling migrants in Australia. He also worked in advertising as an account manager, and as campaign director for Arthur Rylah in Victorian politics. He directed the first major trade fairs at the Royal Exhibition Buildings after the Second World War, including ‘Australia Makes It Exhibition’ in 1947, the ‘Australian Industrial Fair’ in 1949 and 1950, the ‘Modern Home Exhibition’ in 1949, and ‘Made in Australia’ in 1952. The funds raised during the latter were earmarked for a ‘bankrupt’ Queen Victoria Hospital. He built a home in Brougham Street and represented North Ward on Kew Council from 1952 to 1968. He was elected Mayor in 1959. Hugh Ferguson died in 1975, aged 75. He was buried on 2 September in Grave 201, Special (Non- Denominational) Compartment A, Boroondara General Cemetery.A gold plated bar brooch with suspended medallion having a blue enamelled ring surrounding the City of Kew crest in reliefFront: City of Kew, above the city of Kew crest with Council below Rear: Mrs H. G. Ferguson, Mayoress, 1959-60city of kew, mayoresses - kew (vic), mrs hg ferguson

Hugh George Ferguson was born in June 1900 in Williamstown. After his family moved to Kew, they lived in Fernhurst Grove while his future wife’s family lived in Fellows Street. He married in 1940 and subsequently joined the Second AIF. In 1945, he was reported to be the ACF (Australian Comforts Fund) Commissioner in Borneo [Kalimantan]. After the Second World War, he worked as a Billeting Affairs Organiser for the Dutch Government, resettling migrants in Australia. He also worked in advertising as an account manager, and as campaign director for Arthur Rylah in Victorian politics. He directed the first major trade fairs at the Royal Exhibition Buildings after the Second World War, including ‘Australia Makes It Exhibition’ in 1947, the ‘Australian Industrial Fair’ in 1949 and 1950, the ‘Modern Home Exhibition’ in 1949, and ‘Made in Australia’ in 1952. The funds raised during the latter were earmarked for a ‘bankrupt’ Queen Victoria Hospital. He built a home in Brougham Street and represented North Ward on Kew Council from 1952 to 1968. He was elected Mayor in 1959. Hugh Ferguson died in 1975, aged 75. He was buried on 2 September in Grave 201, Special (Non- Denominational) Compartment A, Boroondara General Cemetery.City of Kew identification badge issued to sitting councillors. The City of Kew cost is surrounded by a blue enamel band with City of Kew Council picked out in gold cloisonné.Front: City of Kew to top, Crest in middle with Council below Rear: Cr H. G. Ferguson 27-8-1955mayors of kew - cr hg ferguson, kew council, city of kew

William Schreiner was a barrister, politician, statesman, and Prime Minister of the Cape Colony during the Second Boer War. His proximity to parliamentarians gave him an entry to political life. In 1893 he was elected a member of the Cape Parliament for Kimberly. He became Attorney-General in Cecil Rhodes's cabinet. In1896, Schreiner and the rest of the parliamentary ministers resigned when it became obvious what Cecil Rhodes ambitions were. That ended Rhodes's term as Prime Minister. Schreiner advocated integration and equal rights for all "civilised" men. His dedication to this ideal was proved when he resigned from the National Convention in order to represent Dinuzulu, who was to stand trial for his alleged treasonous participation in the rebellion of 1906. With the forming of the Union Government in 1910 he became one of the first senators nominated to look after Black interests. In 1906 the so-called Bambatha rebellion broke out. Dinuzulu was accused of giving orders to Bambatha to start the rebellion and put on trial for treason. He was sentenced to four years imprisonment. When General Louis Botha became Prime Minister of the Union of South Africa he ordered Dinuzulu be released and transported to the farm Uitk yk in Transvaal. The Bambartha rebellion was a Zulu revolt against British rule and taxation in Natal. Individual image from photographed poster of tobacco and cigarette cards.william schreiner, barrister, politician, prime minister, cape colony, second boer war, attorney-general, cecil rhodes's cabinet, intergration and equal rights, national convention, dinuzulu, union government, bambartha rebellion, louis botha, uniion of south africa

The original Kew Town Hall offices were located in Walpole Street, Kew. Before 1960, even though it had been much discussed over a number of decades, Kew did not have a 'civic hall'. When required, events such as balls, exhibitions or theatrical events were held in the Kew Recreation Hall in Walpole Street. A new City Hall was to be opened by Sir Robert Menzies in 1960. It was located beside the Alexandra Gardens in Cotham Road. It is now used as the Kew Library. Cr Hugh George Ferguson (at right) was born in June 1900 in Williamstown. After his family moved to Kew, they lived in Fernhurst Grove while his future wife’s family lived in Fellows Street. He married in 1940 and subsequently joined the Australian Imperial Forces. After the war he worked as a Billeting Affairs Organiser for the Dutch Government, resettling migrants in Australia. He also worked in advertising as an account manager, and was campaign director for Arthur Rylah is Victorian politics. He organised the first major trade fairs at the Royal Exhibition Buildings after the Second World War, including a World Trade Fair. He built a home in Brougham Street and represented North Ward on Kew Council from 1952 to 1968. He was elected Mayor for the 1959-60 term. He died in 1975, aged 75, and is buried in Boroondara Cemetery.An item of historical interest donated by members of the Dods family in 2006. The Dods-Ferguson Collection includes a number of items once in the possession of the families related to or descended from two mayors of Kew: Cr. Hugh Ferguson and Cr. Frederick Dods.Publicity photograph of two men and a woman inspecting architectural models for a new Kew City Hall. The man at the right of the photograph is Cr Hugh George Ferguson, Mayor of Kew 1959-60. The Hall, now occupied by the Kew Library, was opened by The Hon H.E. Bolte MLA, Premier of Victoria in 1960.Herald Sun Feature Service / Hugh G. Ferguson & Associates / New Kew City Hall. kew city hall, hugh g. ferguson & asociates, architectural models - kew, cr hugh george ferguson

An Irish barrister, politician, Member of Parliament (M.P.), and the founder and first leader of a number of Irish nationalist parties and organisations, including the Irish Metropolitan Conservative Society in 1836, the Home Government Association in 1870 and in 1873 the Home Rule League. (Wikipedia) After being called to the bar in 1838, Butt quickly established a name for himself as a brilliant barrister. He was known for his opposition to the Irish nationalist leader Daniel O'Connell's campaign for the repeal of the Act of Union.[4] He also lectured at Trinity College, Dublin, in political economy. His experiences during the Great Famine led him to move from being an Irish unionist and an Orangeman[5] to supporting a federal political system for the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland that would give Ireland a greater degree of self-rule. This led to his involvement in Irish nationalist politics and the foundation of the Home Rule League. Butt was instrumental in fostering links between Constitutional and Revolutionary nationalism through his representation of members of the Fenians Society in court. (Wikipedia) He began his career as a Tory politician on Dublin Corporation. He was Member of Parliament for Youghal from 1852 to 1865, and for Limerick from 1871 to 1879 (at the 1852 general election he had also been elected for the English constituency of Harwich, but chose to sit for Youghal). The failed Fenian Rising in 1867 strengthened Butt's belief that a federal system was the only way to break the dreary cycle of inefficient administration punctuated by incompetent uprisings.[6] In 1870 he founded the Irish Home Government Association. This was in no sense a revolutionary organisation. It was designed to mobilise public opinion behind the demand for an Irish parliament, with, as he put it, "full control over our domestic affairs."[6] He believed that Home Rule would promote friendship between Ireland and her neighbour to the east. In November 1873 Butt replaced the Association with a new body, the Home Rule League, which he regarded as a pressure-group, rather than a political party. In the General Election the following year, 59 of its members were elected. However, most of those elected were men of property who were closer to the Liberal cause.[7] In the meantime Charles Stewart Parnell had joined the League, with more radical ideas than most of the incumbent Home Rulers, and was elected to Parliament in a by-election in County Meath in 1875.[8] Butt had failed to win substantial concessions at Westminster on the things that mattered to most Irish people: an amnesty for the Fenians of '67, fixity of tenure for tenant-farmers and Home Rule. Although they worked to get Home Rulers elected, many Fenians along with tenant farmers were dissatisfied with Butt's gentlemanly approach to have bills enacted, although they did not openly attack him, as his defence of the Fenian prisoners in '67 still stood in his favour.[9] However, soon a Belfast Home Ruler, Joseph Gillis Biggar (then a senior member of the IRB), began making extensive use of the ungentlemanly tactic of "obstructionism" to prevent bills being passed by the house. When Parnell entered Parliament he took his cue from John O'Connor Power and Joseph Biggar and allied himself with those Irish members who would support him in his obstructionist campaign. MPs at that time could stand up and talk for as long as they wished on any subject. This caused havoc in Parliament. In one case they talked for 45 hours non-stop, stopping any important bills from being passed. Butt, ageing, and in failing health, could not keep up with this tactic and considered it counter-productive. In July 1877 Butt threatened to resign from the party if obstruction continued, and a gulf developed between himself and Parnell, who was growing steadily in the estimation of both the Fenians and the Home Rulers.[10] The climax came in December 1878, when Parliament was recalled to discuss the war in Afghanistan. Butt considered this discussion too important to the British Empire to be interrupted by obstructionism and publicly warned the Irish members to refrain from this tactic. He was fiercely denounced by the young Nationalist John Dillon, who continued his attacks with considerable support from other Home Rulers at a meeting of the Home Rule League in February 1879. Although he defended himself with dignity, Butt, and all and sundry, knew that his role in the party was at an end.[11] Butt, who had been suffering from bronchitis, had a stroke the following May and died within a week. He was replaced by William Shaw, who in turn was replaced by Charles Stewart Parnell in 1880. (Wikipedia)Image of a man known as Isaac Butt.

Situated at the eastern end of York Street, Eltham, 'Shinrone', the former home of Professor William (Mac) MacMahon Ball was one of the first in the Shire of Eltham to incorporate mud-brick. Professor MacMahon Ball, a political scientist, writer, broadcaster and diplomat and family moved to York Street, Eltham in 1945 into a timber cottage built around the 1890s and in poor repair. Mac asked Alistair Knox to renovate the home and he expanded the living area and added verandahs. In 1948 Montsalvat artist and sculptor Sonia Skipper supervised the building of most of the mud-brick studio. Neighbour Gordon Ford made the mud-bricks. Mac also asked John Harcourt, who had worked with him as a journalist in shortwave broadcasting, to build a pise (rammed earth) and stone addition to the largely timber house. Harcourt built two bedrooms - including an attic bedroom - a balcony with a shower and toilet, a nd a fireplace and chimney of local stone. Published: Nillumbik Now and Then /​ Marguerite Marshall 2008; photographs Alan King with Marguerite Marshall.; p141 At the eastern tip of York Street, Eltham, stands Shinrone, the former home of one of Australia’s intellectual leaders. Professor William Macmahon Ball, was one of the first to bring Asia as a foreign policy issue to the Australian public.1 He was a political scientist, writer, broadcaster and diplomat. The house was one of the first in Eltham Shire to incorporate mud-brick,2 because of the acute shortage of building materials after World War Two. Its novice builders later become leaders in Eltham’s built and garden design. Mac (as he was usually called), who was the son of a Church of England minister, was born in Casterton, Victoria in 1901 and died in 1986. In 1945 he helped establish the United Nations, as political consultant to the Australian Delegation at the San Francisco Conference.3 Then in 1946 Mac was appointed British Commonwealth Representative on the Allied Council for Japan, which is recorded in detail in his diary.4 In 1948 Mac led an Australian Government Goodwill Mission to South East Asia. However, Mac was perhaps most successful as an academic and public speaker.5 He was a commentator on the Australian Broadcasting Commission, from the early 1930s to the early 1960s. He was also Controller of the Short-Wave Broadcasting Unit during World War Two, which later became Radio Australia. From 1923 he taught at The University of Melbourne, then became foundation Professor of Political Science in 1949 and was Chair until his retirement in 1968.6 In 1942, as the government expected a Japanese invasion, Mac’s wife Katrine and their only child Jenny, moved from Kew to Eltham as temporary evacuees. However Mac and Katrine lived in Eltham for almost the rest of their lives. After staying with friends, they rented a house in Reynolds Road, where, as it was wartime, they needed to keep horses for transport and a cow and poultry for milk and eggs. In 1945 the family moved to the house at York Street, which was then a timber cottage, built around the 1890s and in poor repair. The underground well, cellar and part of the garden are all that remain of what stood on the original 18 acre (7.3ha) allotment. Thanks largely to Katrine’s hard work, the house was gradually renovated and extended. The long rambling house was partially built by several young neighbours, who were inspired by the cheap mud-brick and stone building style of Montsalvat, the Eltham artists’ colony. Mac asked Alistair Knox to renovate Shinrone, named after an Irish village near Katrine’s family home. Knox later popularised the mud-brick style of house construction, for which Eltham became known. He expanded the living area and added verandas. In 1948 Montsalvat artist and sculptor Sonia Skipper supervised the building of most of the mud-brick studio. Another neighbour, Gordon Ford, who was to have a major influence on the Australian garden style, made the mud-bricks. Mac also asked John Harcourt, who had worked with him as a journalist in short-wave broadcasting, to build a pisé (rammed earth) and stone addition to the largely timber house. Harcourt built two bedrooms – including an attic bedroom – a balcony with a shower and toilet, and a fireplace and chimney of local sandstone. With pioneering work naturally came mistakes, including one particularly dramatic incident when Harcourt was building walls with unsupported sections. Jenny Ellis, Mac’s daughter, remembers being awakened from sleep by a thundering shudder. The wall of her room had fallen down – fortunately away from her! In 1950 artist Peter Glass – another neighbour and later landscape designer – built Katrine a mud-brick pottery. As a result, the house features at one end Harcourt’s characteristic steep gable roof, while at the other the flatter construction characteristic of Knox. Mac referred to the home as the Eltham ‘experimental building site’.7 Surprisingly, the combination works, perhaps partly because it has the warm inviting feel of timber, mud-brick and stone.This collection of almost 130 photos about places and people within the Shire of Nillumbik, an urban and rural municipality in Melbourne's north, contributes to an understanding of the history of the Shire. Published in 2008 immediately prior to the Black Saturday bushfires of February 7, 2009, it documents sites that were impacted, and in some cases destroyed by the fires. It includes photographs taken especially for the publication, creating a unique time capsule representing the Shire in the early 21st century. It remains the most recent comprehenesive publication devoted to the Shire's history connecting local residents to the past. nillumbik now and then (marshall-king) collection, eltham, alistair knox, gordon ford, john harcourt, mudbrick construction, pise construction, professor macmahon ball, shinrone, sonia skipper, york street

This dress was worn by Brighton's first female mayor, Councillor Di Lopez, to a Mayoral Ball held at Brighton Technical School in 1977. Diane Margaret Lewis completed a law degree at the University of Melbourne, later marrying one of her classmates, criminal lawyer Ramon (Ray) Lopez. When she decided to run for the Brighton City Council in 1975, she was seen as an outside chance. Undeterred, she rallied a small group of friends and supporters and set out on an extensive door-knocking campaign that won voters to her side and successfully unseated former mayor Keith Devenport. She went on to serve two terms on council from 1975 to 1981. Di initiated many local projects, including the creation of a bike path along Nepean Highway and the first Brighton Festival, while balancing family life and a demanding ‘day job’ as personal assistant to Victorian Minister for Youth, Sport and Recreation Brian Dixon. She was a member of the Women’s Electoral Lobby and a champion for women’s representation, encouraging both Sally Allmand and Kate Harman to run for council (both were successfully elected). She advocated forcefully for an open, transparent local government in which ratepayers had the chance to participate and be heard. In 1976 Di became the first woman to hold the title of Mayor of Brighton, and she made it clear from the outset that she was going to do it her way. For the annual mayoral ball in 1977, ordinarily a staid traditional function, she chose a discotheque theme based on the Rod Stewart album Night on the Town, with a broad dress code of ‘black tie or jeans’: ‘You’ve got to get with the times,’ she said. ‘We want people to wear whatever they feel comfortable in.’ Di herself chose to attend in this knee-length chamois dress embellished with strings, ribbons, beads and feathers. It was both a fashion statement, exemplifying her colourful, flamboyant and forthright style, and a political one: a declaration of her intention to lead a progressive council, embracing the new and refusing to be hemmed in by dated traditions. In 2020 she was awarded an Order of Australia Medal for her service to local government and to the community of Brighton.This dress has local historical significance for its association with Brighton's first female mayor, Councillor Di Lopez, who wore it to a Mayoral Ball in 1976. The dress exemplifies her flamboyant reputation, modern outlook and willingness to break norms. At the time, the dress was a radical choice for a Mayoral Ball, where women typically wore formal evening gowns. With her choice of dress, Cr Lopez was making a public statement, breaking away from dated traditions and announcing her intention to bring the Mayor's office into the 1970s. In this way, the dress also points to the wider social and political changes taking place both in Brighton and across Australia during the mid-1970s.Three quarter length chamois dress circa 1974. Machine stitched with a v-neck and full length sleeves and an uneven raw hem, the dress is decorated with narrow thongs of chamois embellished with red beads and blue feathers. The open-fronted bodice is laced with red ribbon and the skirt is decorated with a large blue wool cross stitch and a combination of blue wool and purple ribbon cross stitch. Made in the style of an Indian 'Wild West Dress'.di lopez, chamois, brighton, brighton council, brighton technical school, mayoral ball, 1970s, feminism

This item is from the private collection of George Shirling of Red Onion, Falls Creek. The card was sent by Zali Steggal OAM, a four time Olympian and Australia’s most successful alpine skier. She competed in Winter Olympics at Albertville 1992, Lillehammer 1994, Nagano 1998, Salt Lake City 2002. After retiring from competitive sport in 2002, Zali studied Law as well as Community Media and Communication. She entered politics as a Federal Government MP in 2019. George Shirling arrived in Falls Creek in 1962. He engaged Phil Nowell to build the original Koki Alpine Lodge which opened in 1965 with 14 beds. George operated the lodge with Michael “Baldy” Blackwell as manager. He also graduated in sport psychology in 1981 and was invited to become team psychologist for the Australian Winter Olympic team which went to Albertville, France, in 1992. He later owned the Red Onion Chalet. George credited the success of Koki to “Baldy” Blackwell. “Baldy” and Phil Nowell started the Trackers Mountain Lodge in partnership during the 1980s. In 1971 George sold Koki Lodge to Sigi Doerr. In 2024 the renamed Koki Alpine resort remains a highly popular destination in Falls Creek. George Shirling passed away on 27th February 2023. He had remained actively involved in Falls Creek and was generous with his time and knowledge, always an amazing supporter of The Falls Creek Museum and Falls Creek Village.This card is significant because it was sent to George Shirling by Australia's most successful alpine skier.A coloured card for the Festive Season sent to George Shirling by Zali Steggal in 2020. The front page includes the text "From piste to Parliament" acknowledging her former ski career. The centre page contains suggestions for activities to "stay local" over the holiday season as a way to assist local recovery after COVID. The back page suggests 10 tips for "being green this Christmas."george shirling, zali steggal, australian winter olympians

Daniel O’Connell was born near Cahirciveen, Co. Kerry, on 6 August 1775. His wealthy childless uncle adopted him at an early age and brought him up at Derrynane. He spoke Irish and was interested in the traditional culture of song and story still strong in Kerry at the time. He also understood how the rural mind worked which served him well in later years. In 1791 he was sent to school at St. Omer and Douai and what he saw there of the French Revolution left him with a life-long hatred of violence. He read law at Lincoln’s Inn (1794 -96) and continued his studies in Dublin where he was called to bar in 1798. He had soon built up an enormous practice. The 1798 rising and the terrible butchery that followed it confirmed his horror of violence. While he approved of the principles of the United Irishmen, their call for reform and for Catholic Emancipation, he disagreed with their methods. In 1815 O’Connell criticised harshly the Dublin corporation. O’Connell was challenged to a duel by one member D’Esterre. In the exchange of shots D’Esterre was killed and O’Connell vowed never to fight again. O’Connell was soon drawn into political action. Hopes of Catholic emancipation had been raised by promises given while the act of union was being passed. In 1823, O’Connell founded the Catholic Association. The aim of the organisation was to use all the legal means available to secure emancipation. It turned into a mass crusade with the support of the Catholic clergy. All members of the association paid a membership of a penny a month (the Catholic rent). This helped to raise a large fund. The Clare election in 1828 was a turning point. O’Connell, with the support of the forty-shilling freeholders, managed a huge victory against the government candidate. He was well supported by the clergy whose influence on the poor uneducated peasant class was enormous. The polling took place in Ennis at the old courthouse where the O’Connell monument now stands. At the final count, O’Connell was elected by a majority of about eleven hundred votes. The ascendancy party had suffered its first big knock since 1798. The whole country was aflame. The British Government feared a rising and granted Catholic emancipation in April 1829. The franchise was, however, raised to 10 pounds which excluded the forty-shilling freeholders. O’Connell was now the undisputed leader in Ireland and he gave up his practice at the bar to devote his time entirely to politics. At the King’s insistence, O’Connell was not allowed to take his seat until he had been re-elected for Clare. In February 1830, O’Connell became the first Catholic in modern history to sit in the House of Commons. For the rest of his life, he was supported by “The O’Connell Tribute”, a public collection out of which O’Connell paid all his expenses. O’Connell now decided to concentrate on winning repeal of the act of union and getting an Irish parliament for the Irish people. British political leaders feared repeal as they did not fear emancipation. They saw repeal of the Act of Union as the first step in the break-up of the act of union, as the spirit of the repeal movement was revived when the young Ireland writers wrote about it in the Nation. In 1841, O’Connell was elected Lord Mayor of Dublin and in 1843 the subscriptions to his Repeal Association, the Repeal “Rent” came to 48,400 pounds. He now began to organise monster meetings throughout the country. It is thought that three-quarters of a million people gathered on the hill of Tara to hear the man they called the “Liberator”. The government became alarmed at the strength of the Repeal Movement and a meeting which O’Connell had planned for 8 October 1843 in Clontarf, Dublin was banned. Huge crowds were already on their way when O’Connell called off the meeting to avoid the risk of violence and bloodshed. He was charged with conspiracy, arrested and sentenced to a year in jail and a fine of 2,000 pounds. The sentence was set aside after O’Connell had been three months in prison. When he was released he continued with his campaign for repeal. However, a turning point had been reached. The tactics that had won emancipation had failed. O’Connell was now almost seventy, his health failing and he had no clear plan for future action. There was discontent within the Repeal Association and the Young Irelanders withdrew. There was also some failure in the potato crop in the 1840’s, a sign of things to come in the Great Famine of 1845-1847. Aware of the fact that he had failed with his great goal, (the Repeal Movement), O’Connell left Ireland for the last time in January 1847. He made a touching speech in the House of Commons in which he appealed for aid for his country. In March, acting on the advice of his doctor, he set out to Italy. Following his death in Genoa on 15 May 1847, his body was returned to Ireland and buried in Glasnevin Cemetery. [http://www.clarelibrary.ie/eolas/coclare/people/daniel.htm, accessed 13/12/2013]Portrait of a man known as Daniel O'Connell.ballarat irish, daniel o'connell, o'connell

Book, hard cover, 12 sections, sewn with end papers, 210 pages, titled "Destination unknown", written by Agatha Christie, published by The Crime Club, 1954. Has the stamp of the Footscray Tramway Library, asking it to be returned within 14 days inside the front cover and in many places throughout the book, along with Number "606" on the inside front cover and on the spine of the book. The book was part of a library run by the depot staff to provide materials during broken shifts and to take home. From Wikipedia - accessed 26/12/2019: Plot summary Hilary Craven, a deserted wife and bereaved mother, is planning suicide in a Moroccan hotel, when she is asked by British secret agent Jessop to undertake a dangerous mission as an alternative to taking an overdose of sleeping pills. The task, which she accepts, is to impersonate the wife of Thomas Betterton, a nuclear scientist who has disappeared and may have defected to the Soviet Union. Soon she finds herself in a group of oddly-assorted travellers being transported to the unknown destination of the title. The destination turns out to be a secret scientific research facility disguised as a modern leper colony and medical research center at a remote location in the Atlas Mountains. The scientists are well-treated, but they are not allowed to leave the facility, and they are locked in secret areas deep inside the mountain whenever government officials and other outsiders visit. Hilary Craven successfully passes herself as Betterton's wife Olive, because he is miserable and wants desperately to escape. Hilary discovers that the facility was built by the fabulously wealthy and somewhat villainous Mr Aristides, for financial rather than political ends. He has lured the world's best young scientists to it with various deceptions so that he can later sell their services back to the world's governments and corporations for a huge profit. She falls in love with Andrew Peters, a handsome young American who was in the group with her on their journey to the facility. With the help of clues she has left along the way, Jessop eventually locates and rescues her and the others held there. Peters turns out also to be on a mission, intent on bringing Betterton to justice for the murder of his first wife. Betterton, revealed to also be a scientific fraud who plagiarized his work, is arrested. Hilary no longer wants to die, and she and Peters are free to begin their life together.On the top of the first page "13/3" indicating the price, "m/arz"? on the bottom left hand corner and inside the front cover the label of "Robertson & Mullens Ltd" booksellers.trams, tramways, footscray depot, libraries, novels, personnel, crews, shifts

Rev Dr Djiniyini Gondarra OAM, was born in Milingimbi, eastern Arnhemland in 1945. He was educated at Milingimbi Mission School and pursued his theological education as a youth leader and Sunday School teacher through the Methodist Church, before attending college in Brisbane. In 1969 he trained as a Minister in Papua New Guinea and the Solomon Islands under the Uniting Church, before returning to Arnhemland to minister his own people at the Galiwin’ku parish, firstly as a lay pastor (1971-1972) and then as a Minister from 1976-1982. In 1983-84, Rev Djiniyini worked as a Lecturer in Theology at Nungalinya College, Darwin. He was honoured with a Diploma of Theology (Honorary) from there in 1984, and in 1991 received a Cultural Doctorate in Literature (Honorary) from the World University, Roundtable, Arizona USA. Rev Djiniyini was awarded the Order of Australia Medal (OAM) in 1995. As well as being the Chairman of ALPA since 1993, Rev Djiniyini is currently the Director of Duduy’ngu Pty Ltd, which provides consultancy and cross-cultural services. He is also Director of Yirrkala Business Enterprises. Over the years, Rev Djiniyini has served on many committees and councils including: Member of the Steering Committee of the Australian Indigenous Cultural Network (1998-2001), CEO of Aboriginal Resource and Development Services Inc (1998-2001), CEO of the Northern Regional Council of the Uniting Aboriginal and Islander Christian Congress (1998-2001), Director of Reconciliation Australia Limited (2000-2001), Member of Council for Aboriginal Reconciliation (1998-2000), Chairman of Uniting Aboriginal and Islander Christian Congress (1995-2000 & 1990-1993), Member of Central Committee of the World Council of Churches (1991-1994), Moderator of Northern Synod, Uniting Church in Australia (1985-1987), Secretary of newly formed Aboriginal Presbytery, Northern Synod, Uniting Church in Australia (1985), and Vice-President of Uniting Aboriginal and Islander Christian Congress Uniting Church in Australia (1983-1987). Rev Dr Djiniyini Gondarra OAM has also been extensively published, and his works include: • Information Papers (co authored), Aboriginal Resource and Development Services: • Confusion Between Cultures (1998) • MHead & Shoulders of Djiniyini Gondarra facing right of picture."Rev. Djiniyini Gondarra 1986. Moderator Northern Synod and Vice President of Uniting Aboriginal and Islander Christian Conference."gondarra, djiniyini, uaicc, northern synod uca

Henry Beardmore represented the Green Hills Riding on Wodonga Shire Council from 1898 to 1922, including terms as President from 1900-01, 1903-4, 1908-10, 1911-12, 1914-17. He won the seat of Benambra in the Victorian Legislative Assembly at a by-election on 20th April 1917. After a few years serving simultaneously at both local and State government levels, in 1922 Mr Beardmore retired from the Wodonga Council due to his increased workload in State politics. He continuously represented the Benambra electorate as a Nationalist and United Australia Party Member for more than 15 years being returned unopposed on four occasions. Mr Beardmore was a strong advocate for country development and decentralisation. He was an Honorary Minister in 1924 and for a short time in 1929, Minister of Railways, Minister in-charge of Electrical Undertakings and Minister of Labour. He was a leading supporter of Kiewa Hydro-Electric Project and opponent of Yallourn coalfield. He remained as the Member for Benambra until his death in Wodonga on 1st August 1932. At the time this letter was written, William Hughes had been expelled from the ALP over his stance on conscription. He formed the National Labor Party which later merged with the Liberal Party to become the Nationalist Party. Henry Beardmore was a newly-elected Member of the Victorian Parliament and became a member of the Nationalist Party. Two of Henry Beardmore’s sons were on Active Service at the time and were later joined by another of their brothers. The letter aimed to gain support for Hughes at the Federal Election to be held on 5th May 1917 which his new party won with a large majority. However the Second Referendum held on conscription on 20th December 1917 at William Hughes’ instigation was defeated.This letter is significant because it was sent to an important Wodonga politician by the Prime Minister at a critical time in Australia's history.A typed letter sent to Mr Henry Beardmore by W. M. Hughes, Prime Minister 25th April 1917. It is printed on the Commonwealth of Australia letterhead. The letter has been damaged over time and has been repaired. Commonwealth of Australia letterhead Signed W. M. Hughesw. m. hughes, henry beardmore, conscription debate 1917

Generations of the Talbot family have called Malahide Castle home. They played significant roles in Irish political and social life. Set in 260 acres the castle is only 10 minutes from Dublin airport. https://www.malahidecastleandgardens.ie/ The estate began in 1185, when Richard Talbot, a knight who accompanied Henry II to Ireland in 1174, was granted the "lands and harbour of Malahide." The oldest parts of the castle date back to the 12th century and it was home to the Talbot family for 791 years, from 1185 until 1976, the only exception being the period from 1649–60, when Oliver Cromwell granted it to Miles Corbet after the Cromwellian conquest of Ireland; Corbet was hanged following the demise of Cromwell, and the castle was restored to the Talbots. The building was notably enlarged in the reign of Edward IV, and the towers added in 1765. The estate survived such losses as the Battle of the Boyne, when fourteen members of the owner's family sat down to breakfast in the Great Hall, and all were dead by evening, and the Penal Laws, even though the family remained Roman Catholic until 1774. In 1918 during the First World War a mooring-out base for airships was established in the grounds of the castle, used by airships from RNAS Anglesey in Wales which conducted anti-submarine operations in the Irish Sea. There were plans to base airships here from 1919, but these were abandoned at the end of the war.[1] In the 1920s the private papers of James Boswell were discovered in the castle, and sold to American collector Ralph H. Isham by Boswell's great-great-grandson Lord Talbot de Malahide. Malahide Castle and Demesne was eventually inherited by the 7th Baron Talbot and on his death in 1973, passed to his sister, Rose. In 1975, Rose sold the castle to the Irish State, partly to fund inheritance taxes. Many of the contents, notably furnishings, had been sold in advance, leading to considerable public controversy, but private and governmental parties were able to retrieve some. https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Malahide_CastleDigital photographsgravestones, malahide castle, ireland, cemetery, malahid castle; talbot; ireland; richard talbot; dublin

Generations of the Talbot family have called Malahide Castle home. They played significant roles in Irish political and social life. Set in 260 acres the castle is only 10 minutes from Dublin airport. https://www.malahidecastleandgardens.ie/ The estate began in 1185, when Richard Talbot, a knight who accompanied Henry II to Ireland in 1174, was granted the "lands and harbour of Malahide." The oldest parts of the castle date back to the 12th century and it was home to the Talbot family for 791 years, from 1185 until 1976, the only exception being the period from 1649–60, when Oliver Cromwell granted it to Miles Corbet after the Cromwellian conquest of Ireland; Corbet was hanged following the demise of Cromwell, and the castle was restored to the Talbots. The building was notably enlarged in the reign of Edward IV, and the towers added in 1765. The estate survived such losses as the Battle of the Boyne, when fourteen members of the owner's family sat down to breakfast in the Great Hall, and all were dead by evening, and the Penal Laws, even though the family remained Roman Catholic until 1774. In 1918 during the First World War a mooring-out base for airships was established in the grounds of the castle, used by airships from RNAS Anglesey in Wales which conducted anti-submarine operations in the Irish Sea. There were plans to base airships here from 1919, but these were abandoned at the end of the war.[1] In the 1920s the private papers of James Boswell were discovered in the castle, and sold to American collector Ralph H. Isham by Boswell's great-great-grandson Lord Talbot de Malahide. Malahide Castle and Demesne was eventually inherited by the 7th Baron Talbot and on his death in 1973, passed to his sister, Rose. In 1975, Rose sold the castle to the Irish State, partly to fund inheritance taxes. Many of the contents, notably furnishings, had been sold in advance, leading to considerable public controversy, but private and governmental parties were able to retrieve some. https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Malahide_Castle, TalbColour photograph of Malahide Castle, Ireland.malahide castle, ireland, talbot, richard talbot

Australian Policy Activism in Language and Literacy presents the dynamics of language and literacy policy activism in Australia by capturing accounts of many of those most deeply engaged in Australia?s distinctive practice of Language and Literacy policy-making and its effects. This book describes how policy texts came about. 1. From policy to anti-policy: how fear of language rights took policy-making out of community hands /? Joseph Lo Bianco 2. Australia's language /? Paul Brock 3. Politics, activism and processes of policy production: adult literacy in Australia /? Rosie Wickert 4. Although it wasn't broken, it certainly was fixed: interventions in the Australian Adult Migrant English Program 1991-1996 /? Helen Moore 5. Advocating the sustainability of linguistic diversity /? Michael Singh 6. The cost of literacy for some /? Anthea Taylor 7. (E)merging discourses at work: bringing together new and old ways to account for workplace literacy policy /? Geraldine Castleton 8. The melody changes but the dance goes on - tracking adult literacy education in Western Australia from 'learning for life' to 'lifelong learning': policy impacts on practice 1973-1999 /? Margaret McHugh, Jennifer Nevard and Anthea Taylor 9. Sleight of hand: job myths, literacy and social capital /? Ian Falk 10. National literacy benchmarks and the outstreaming of ESL learners /? Penny McKay 11. Open for business: the market, the state and adult literacy in Australia up to and beyond 2000 /? Peter Kell 12. Inventiveness and regression: interpreting/?translating and the vicissitudes of Australian language policy /? Uldis Ozolins 13. Deafness and sign language in government policy documents 1983-1990 /? Des Power 14. Imprisoned by a landmark narrative? Student/?teacher ratios and the making of policy /? Merilyn Childs 15. Ideologies, languages, policies: Australia's ambivalent relationship with learning to communicate in 'other' languages /? Angela Scarino and Leo Papademetre 16. Reconciled to what? Reconciliation and the Norther Territory's bilingual education program, 1973-1998 /? Christine Nicholls 17. Sing out that song: the textual activities of social technologies in an Aboriginal community /? Jack Frawley.language activism, linguistic diversity, adult literacy, education, sign language, reconciliation, esl programs

The horseshoes in this purpose-built display case were made by Thomas Alfred Chapman in 1906-1907. Chapman operated a blacksmith’s shop in Mortlake Rd, Purnim, about 15 mins drive from Warrnambool. Chapman made this horseshoe case especially for the 3rd Exhibition of Australian Manufacturers and Products, held in the Exhibition Building in Melbourne, which was organised and promoted by the Australian Natives Association (ANA). Reference is made to the horseshoe case in the Exhibition’s Souvenir Catalogue of 1907 on page 85, under the heading 'In the Machinery Section the following exhibits are also shown … 'CHAPMAN, T.A. , Woolsthorpe, via Warrnambool, Case of Horseshoes'. The Australian Natives’ Association (ANA) were a non-partisan and non-sectarian, friendly society founded in Melbourne, Australia in April 1871. It was set-up for the benefit of Australian-born white men, and membership was restricted exclusively to that group. Men of other races including the Chinese and Indigenous people were not allowed to join. The ANA had relatively progressive views on women (for the time) and attracted suffragists seeking support for their cause, and in 1894, the ANA advocated for women’s enfranchisement. Although, white women were only admitted as members from 1964. The organisation was most prominent in Victoria and sought to shape Australia’s national identity and was a training ground for businessmen, trade unionists and politicians including many of Australia’s early prime ministers such as Edmund Barton, Alfred Deakin, James Scullin and Francis Forde, and the first Australian-born governor-general, Isaac Isaacs, was a member. By 1910 it had developed into a nationwide association with real political and social influence, and members would participate in many activities. The ANA lobbied strongly for anti-Chinese legislation and were an ardent believer of colonial unification. Its mission and efforts are largely credited for the successful referendums that resulted in Federation of the six Australian colonies into a new nation, the association’s most important legacy. The ANA was also a supporter of trade protection, and were a staunch advocate of the first act of Australia's new parliament, the Immigration Restriction Act 1901 (cth) or commonly known as the White Australia Policy, which became one of the central pillars of Australian nationalism in the 20th-century. The ANA campaigned against the Australian Federal Government's new immigration policy after the Second World War (non-British immigration from southern and central Europe) in order to maintain a 'white Australia', and resisted changes when the Labor government during the 1970s fully dismantled and abandoned the White Australia Policy. The ANA merged with Manchester Unity Independent Order of Oddfellows, in 1993 to become Australian Unity Ltd. The display case of horseshoes changed hands several times, going from its maker Thomas Chapman to his mother then various other members of his family. The case was also displayed at the Lee Family’s butcher shop at 188 Liebig St Warrnambool, and in the Purnim Hotel during the Warrnambool May Races. In the late 1950s the horseshoe case went to Thomas’s son, Brian. He was a Master Farrier and completed his apprenticeship at Flemington Racecourse, and in Warrnambool he owned a blacksmith business at the Warrnambool Racecourse Grounds. Brian later operated a blacksmith’s at Flagstaff Hill, where his customers would bring their horses to be shod. Brian passed away in August 2017. The horseshoe case is significant as an example of trades in the early 20th century in Western Victoria, Australia. It is also significant as an example of horseshoes from the early 20th century. The horseshoe display case is also significant for its association with the Australian Exhibition of 1907, showcasing Australian produce and manufacturing to the world. The horseshoe display case is locally significant for its association with local families, essential businesses and community events. Display case of homemade horseshoes. Wooden case with glass front containing 16 horse shoes grouped in sets, each set with a label: Made 1906-1907 for Australian Exhibition of 1907 by Thomas Alfred Chapman of Warrnambool. The case contains (a) complete chrome set each of Trotting Shoes, Hunting Shoes and Racing Plates, and (b) one pair of Hind Polo Shoes and one pair of Front Aluminium Shoes. The wooden frame has gold lettering on each side proclaiming “Australian Natives Association, T.A. Chapman, horse shoer, Warrnambool” and is topped by a painted Australian coat of arms. Gold lettering on frame, in the order of top/bottom/ left/right “AUSTRALIAN.NATIVES.ASSOCIATION / T.A. CHAPMAN / Horse Shoer / Warrnambool”flagstaff hill, warrnambool, shipwrecked coast, maritime museum, shipwreck coast, horseshoe display case 1906-1907, chromed set of trotting shoes 1906-1907, chrome set of hunting shoes 1906-1907, chrome set of racing plates 1906-1907, pair of hind polo shoes 1906-1907, pair of front aluminium shoes 1906-1907, australian exhibition 1907, australian natives association (ana), t.a. chapman horse shoer warrnambool, thomas alfred chapman, brian chapman, brian “snacks” chapman, blacksmith warrnambool, warrnambool may races, warrnambool racecourse, purnim hotel, lee family’s butcher shop warrnambool

The Irish National Land League (Irish: Conradh na Talún) was an Irish political organisation of the late 19th century which sought to help poor tenant farmers. Its primary aim was to abolish landlordism in Ireland and enable tenant farmers to own the land they worked on. The period of the Land League's agitation is known as the Land War. Within decades of the league's foundation, through the efforts of William O'Brien and George Wyndham (a descendant of Lord Edward FitzGerald), the 1902 Land Conference produced the Land (Purchase) Act 1903 which allowed Irish tenant farmers buy out their freeholds with UK government loans over 68 years through the Land Commission (an arrangement that has never been possible in Britain itself). For agricultural labourers, D.D. Sheehan and the Irish Land and Labour Association secured their demands from the Liberal government elected in 1905 to pass the Labourers (Ireland) Act 1906, and the Labourers (Ireland) Act 1911, which paid County Councils to build over 40,000 new rural cottages, each on an acre of land. By 1914, 75% of occupiers were buying out their landlords, mostly under the two Acts. In all, under the pre-UK Land Acts over 316,000 tenants purchased their holdings amounting to 15 million acres (61,000 km2) out of a total of 20 million acres (81,000 km2) in the country. Sometimes the holdings were described as "uneconomic", but the overall sense of social justice was undeniable. (http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Irish_National_Land_League, accessed 21 January 2014) The Irish National Land League was founded at the Imperial Hotel in Castlebar, the County town of Mayo, on 21 October 1879. At that meeting Charles Stewart Parnell was elected president of the league. Andrew Kettle, Michael Davitt, and Thomas Brennan were appointed as honorary secretaries. This united practically all the different strands of land agitation and tenant rights movements under a single organisation. The two aims of the Land League, as stated in the resolutions adopted in the meeting, were: ...first, to bring out a reduction of rack-rents; second, to facilitate the obtaining of the ownership of the soil by the occupiers. That the object of the League can be best attained by promoting organisation among the tenant-farmers; by defending those who may be threatened with eviction for refusing to pay unjust rents; by facilitating the working of the Bright clauses of the Irish Land Act during the winter; and by obtaining such reforms in the laws relating to land as will enable every tenant to become owner of his holding by paying a fair rent for a limited number of years. Charles Stewart Parnell, John Dillon, Michael Davitt, and others including Cal Lynn then went to America to raise funds for the League with spectacular results. Branches were also set up in Scotland, where the Crofters Party imitated the League and secured a reforming Act in 1886. The government had introduced the first ineffective Land Act in 1870, then the equally inadequate Acts of 1880 and 1881 followed. These established a Land Commission that started to reduce some rents. Parnell together with all of his party lieutenants, including Father Eugene Sheehy known as "the Land League priest", went into a bitter verbal offensive and were imprisoned in October 1881 under the Irish Coercion Act in Kilmainham Jail for "sabotaging the Land Act", from where the No-Rent Manifesto was issued, calling for a national tenant farmer rent strike which was partially followed. Although the League discouraged violence, agrarian crimes increased widely. Typically a rent strike would be followed by evictions by the police, or those tenants paying rent would be subject to a local boycott by League members. Where cases went to court, witnesses would change their stories, resulting in an unworkable legal system. This in turn led on to stronger criminal laws being passed that were described by the League as "Coercion Acts". The bitterness that developed helped Parnell later in his Home Rule campaign. Davitt's views were much more extreme, seeking to nationalise all land, as seen in his famous slogan: "The land of Ireland for the people of Ireland". Parnell aimed to harness the emotive element, but he and his party preferred for tenant farmers to become freeholders on the land they rented, instead of land being vested in "the people".(http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Irish_National_Land_League, accessed 21 January 2014)Image of a number of men sitting around a table. They are members of the Land League Committee during a meeting in Dublin.ballarat irish, land league, land league committee, dublin