1 Russell Street was built in 1888 and from 1888–1905 (maybe 1911, as his death notice says he died at Russell Street) it was the home of James Burrell, a blacksmith. His smithy was on the corner of Canterbury Road. In 1893 a block of land (No.3 ) was bought to establish the fire station and James Burrell acted as fire officer and stored the reel and hose until the station was built. From 1911–1928 it was the fire station residence, as the brigade gained status. James Burrell (1860-1911) married Elizabeth Wilson (1862-1925). She was daughter of Edward Wilson. They had 4 children: James Herbert, known as Bert (1888-1953); Aleck (1890-1951); William Spencer, known as Bill, (1893-1976) and Elsie May (1898-1990). Both James and Elizabeth Burrell are buried in Burwood Cemetery. From 1930–1943 Michael Ginnane, retired station master, and members of his family lived in the house. Michael Ginnane (1864-1935) married Annie Mary Brock (1868-1945). Both were born in the Ballarat area. They had 10 children. From 1913-1917 he was station master at Woodend. In the 1925 electoral rolls the family is listed as living at Surrey Hills station. There was a station master's house adjacent to the station (demolished and the site now part of the car park accessed off Blackburn Street). They are again listed here in the 1925 electoral roll. By 1931 they are at 1 Russell Street and he is listed as a retired station master. The following children lived in Surrey Hills: John James (Clerk) - 1922 Mary Ellen (HD) - 1922, 1925, 1931 Michael Thomas (labourer) - 1922 Annie Florence (dressmaker) - 1925, 1931 William Patrick (railwayman) - 1925 Elizabeth Catherine (sales) - 1931 Patrick Leo (postman) - 1931. A black and white photograph taken on an angle from across the street of a mid-late Victorian style cottage with multi-coloured brickwork. There is a large tree in the front garden, no fence and a letterbox on a lean.(mr) james burrell, blacksmiths, canterbury road, surrey hills, fire officers, (mr) michael ginnane, station masters, fire stations, mid-victorian style, (miss) elizabeth wilson, (mrs) elizabeth burrell, james herbert burrell, aleck burrell, william (bill) spencer burrell, elsie may burrell, (miss) annie mary brock, (mrs) annie mary ginnane, john james ginnane, (miss) mary ellen ginnane, michael thomas ginnane; (miss) annie florence ginnane; william patrick ginnane; elizabeth catherine ginnane; patrick leo ginnanean), late-victorian style, russell street

Richard Bennett was the first born child of Richard Bennett and Ann Isabella Kirk in February 1828 in London England. His father was a silk weaver. His family came to Sydney in 1833 but then returned to England in 1837. Richard came out himself in 1843 when he undertook a training course on the care of sheep. He first visited Belfast in January 1846 and described it as being" The centre of a large squatting district". In 1853 he married Elizabeth Nicholson Watson at St Johns Church of England Belfast Victoria. They had 11 children, 6 registered in Victoria and the other 5 born in New South Wales. Richard's aunt (or sister some sources say) Isabella married into "Belfast Royalty" by marrying Lloyd Rutledge in 1852 and they built 'Cooinda' in 1855 and lived there. However, Lloyd apparently fell down the steps drunk one night in 1858 and broke his neck. Richard's brother Ryder Bennett was Rutledge's accountant. (William or Lloyd?) Richard's sister Matilda married James Mylne knight. Richard Bennett worked on a number of properties in the district as well as heading to New South Wales in 1858 -1870 then he returned to the Port Fairy Area. He established the River Shaw Wool Scouring establishment at Yambuk in 1876 but by 1879 he had moved his business to the banks of the Merri River Dennington. He retired in 1887 and lived the rest of his life in Warrnambool. He died on 11th September 1904. Richard Bennett wrote many letters to the local newspapers regarding the early history of the district in 1984 these letters were published under the title "Richard Bennett's Early Days of Port Fairy" A book named "Richard Bennett's Early Days of Port Fairy" was edited by Jan Crichett using his letters Early settler noted for his letters regarding the Early Days of Port FairyBlack and white portrait of gentleman with a squared collarpionner, bennett, richard, dennington., early days of port fairy, river shaw wool scouring

A photo of Professor Geoffrey Blainey speaking at a the public launch of Legacy Week at the ANZ Pavilion at the Victorian Arts Centre. The date is 23 August 1988. Also a photo of John Lady and Terry Hawksley. The attached label says: " Melbourne Legacy held its first official public launch - a luncheon for Melbourne's leading business community at the ANZ Pavilion at the Victorian Arts Centre to highlight 'Legacy Week'. Professor Geoffrey Blainey, AO, addressed the guests and was joined by Legacy's 1988 personality, Australia's first under 4 minute miler, John Lady." They were in a folio of photos from 1988. (see also 001042 to 01049) From Wikipedia: "Geoffrey Norman Blainey AC, FAHA, FASSA (born 11 March 1930) is an Australian historian, academic, philanthropist and commentator with a wide international audience. Biographer Geoffrey Bolton argues that he has played multiple roles as an Australian historian: He first came to prominence in the 1950s as a pioneer in the neglected field of Australian business history....He produced during the 1960s and 1970s a number of surveys of Australian history in which explanation was organized around the exploration of the impact of the single factor (distance, mining, pre-settlement Aboriginal society).... Blainey next turned to the rhythms of global history in the industrial period.... Because of his authority as a historian, he was increasingly in demand as a commentator on Australian public affairs." From the name badges the attendees included: 1. Geoffrey Blainey. 2. John Landy and Terry Hawksley. 3. A girl and L/ Geoff Swan. 4. L/ David Millie and Jim Madden. 5. John ? and L/ Colin Bannister. 6. Patsy Adam-Smith (?) and artist Geoffrey Mallett. 7. ? and Jim Dickson. 8. Peter Prior and Abe Birmingham. 9. President Chas Wilks speaking. 10. President Chas Wilks and Rupe Thomas.A record of celebrities being involved in promoting Legacy Week in 1988 and an official launch at Victorian Arts Centre.Colour photo x 10 of public launch of Legacy Week in 1988.Yellow paper label explaining the event in black type.legacy week, legacy promotion, speakers

A document containing a speech by Colonel A. N. Kemsley, E.D. at a weekly luncheon at Legacy sometime in the early 1950s. He presented details of the initial building of the Shrine and the changes being made to commemorate the second world war, such as the forecourt and new cenotaph and flagpoles. He mentions the upcoming Anzac Day in 1953. After the first world war there was a decision made to create a memorial. Legatees were involved in the process at various times and capacities. In particular Legatee Kemsley was vocal in idea of a structure over a utilitarian memorial (such as a hospital or a park) - see letter at 01182. These notes include the resolution that passed at the Melbourne Town Hall at a public meeting: "That this meeting of citizens confirm the launching of an appeal by the Lord Mayor to establish a National War Memorial by means of a monument and that an executive committee with the Lord Mayor as Chairman with power to add and point sub-committees be formed to carry out the project." Also that 20 sites were selected for consideration in 1921. Although the St Kilda Road site was favoured early on, by 1926 there was pressure to change to a "provision of square" and Cenotaph at the intersection of Spring and Bourke Streets. Legacy Clubs voiced their opposition to this proposal by passing a resolution "That the Melbourne Legacy Club, representative of the returned soldiers in business in this city, whilst welcoming the Anzac Square Scheme as a city improvement, cannot support it as a War Memorial scheme and affirms its support for the Shrine of Remembrance in the Domain as the only War Memorial worthy of Victoria's unparalleled efforts in the Great War." The document was in an envelope with a letter dated 30 April 1971 (01182) that also outlines the efforts Legacy (especially L/- Kemsley) went through to promote the construction of the Shrine of Remembrance over a proposed square. The envelope says 'The Origin of the Shrine of Remembrance p/p Legatees Kemsley and Joynt'. And the initial 'JMBA'?. It was in a file with other documents concerning the Shrine and it's history.A record of the events that led to the construction of the Shrine of Remembrance as noted by a Legatee at the time. There was an effort to record historical events for the "Archive Committee" which collected this an other documents relating to the Shrine together in a file (see items 01181 - 01190, 01206 - 01212)White quarto paper x 8 pages of black type of a speech given by Legatee Kemsley.S6 in red penmemorial, speech, shrine of remembrance, kemsley

Navy blue book with a blue dust jacket, published about the history of Legacy, including photographs of activities and early members. Incudes a newspaper article stuck on the rear flyleafs about singer Dame Gracie Fields.non-fictionhistory, mark lyons, 50th anniversary

The images of the Battle scene are; the Lion Mound, Waterloo, The Three Monuments, French Monument, Farm La Haye Sainte, The Prussian Monument, Hougament farm, The Lion, Farm Papelottre, The Belle Alliance Building.This is a bound booklet of Black and White images of the Battle of Waterloo area. On the photos is the caption in French and English. The front cover is missing. Some of the postcards are detached on the "dotted edge". The first two cards have a letter written in pencil from soldier J. Burns to his mum.On the back of photo 1 & 2 is written the letter from J. Burns to his Mum. Dated Bouffioul - Belgium. 3-3-19. Dear Mum, These are a few views of Waterloo, we went right up to the top of this place. This is where all the dead soldiers were buried, so they built this big mound it. It is a good walk to get to the top. - This is where all the battle was, around these ....... Well Mum I am ok again, this is a little souvenir. I can say I have been on the Fields of Waterloo. Well Mum I received another parcel from........? today and it was good too. I will write a letter later so Good Bye Dear Mum for the present, from your loving son James. On the rear post card, written in pencil is: - No.60893 Pte J Burns, 5th Battalion A.I.F. France.postcards, battle of waterloo

Letter from Margaret Cheevers to Desmond Lindsay referring to his work on the history of the site of the City of Ringwood Bowls Club.Letter from Margaret Cheevers to Desmond Lindsay referring to his work on the history of the site of the City of Ringwood Bowls Club. One page,white paper, printed on Ringwood Council letter head. +Additional Keywords: Cheevers, Margaret (Mayor) / Lindsay, Desmond44 Lyons Rd. North Croydon 3134 27th. June, 1994 City of Ringwood Civic Centre The Mayor Mrs. B. Cheevers Dear Madam, I am pleased to say to you and the Councillors of the City of Ringwood that our family residence on both sides of my family exceeds in excess of one hundred years and it was during a family get together that an interesting anecdote was revealed relating to the land occupied by the Ringwood Bowling Club soon to occupy new premises in Warrandyte Road. The land that became the home of the Bowling Green was given by Thomas Grant, the previous owner was Captain Miles, father of the long standing Councillor the late Temple Miles. The incident I refer to was during World War 1 when Captain Miles an English Loyalist publicly stated he would give a block of land to the widow of the first Ringwood man killed in action. That man was James Brain (refer to Clock Tower Memorial) who married my father’s wife’s sister. Captain Miles made good his offer and the land was the land still occupied by the Ringwood Bowling Club. The land at that time had a small creek running through the centre and the young War Widow suffering grief was advised by another snide councillor (no name) not to accept it, saying it would not be worth it. Ringwoods’ first casualty during World War 1 left a widow and two young sons, all who have passed to their eternal reward. I still do not know if the Council has an historian, but thought it worth telling even if only the Bowling Club were to learn and proud to say my brother Jack had become club Champion on Sacred Soil. Sincerely yours Desmond J Lindsay

Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerPhotograph of a street art poster taken on the streets of Hong Kong during the protests against legislation to allow Hong Kong suspects to be extradited to mainland Chinese carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, poster art, posters

Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerMore than a thousand protestors surround Hong Kong's main police headquarters on Arsenal Street in Wan Chai on June 26th following a peaceful rally at Edinburgh Place in Central. Doors to the complex were barricaded by protestors, who left after a six hour siege in protest at police violence at a prtest held earlier on 12 June 2019. Protesters ended a six-hour siege of Hong Kong’s police headquarters – their second in a week over the now-suspended extradition bill – early on Thursday morning. More than 1,000 were involved at the height of the protest, which began after 10pm on Wednesday. Around 100 were left at the end and dispersed without a fight when officers with riot shields emerged from the building in Wan Chai at 4am on Thursday. After a peaceful rally attended by thousands earlier at Edinburgh Place in the Central business district, hundreds descended on Arsenal Street, blocking the junction with Lockhart Road to all traffic and sealing the entrances to the police base. (https://www.scmp.com/news/hong-kong/politics/article/3016238/hong-kong-police-under-siege-again-protesters-surround )carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, protest, protestors

Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerSeven police officers stand guard in front of Hong Kong's main police headquarters on Arsenal Street in Wan Chai as an estimated one thousand protestors surround on 26 June 2019. Protestors take turns to step up and hurl abuse at the officers, in a protest lasting 6 hours before peacefully dispersing. The protesters chanted 'Release the martyrs' and 'Stop police violence' in reference to violent clashes with police in the days previous. ( https://www.scmp.com/news/hong-kong/politics/article/3016238/hong-kong-police-under-siege-again-protesters-surround)carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, protest, protestors, police, wan chai

Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerPhotograph crowds gathering on June 16 on the streets of Causeway Bay before an estimated 2 million people take part in march protesting the government's push for extradition laws to China and demanding an apology from the chief executrive Carrie Lam. Nearly 2 million’ people take to streets, forcing public apology from Hong Kong leader Carrie Lam as suspension of controversial extradition bill fails to appease protesters. (https://www.scmp.com/news/hong-kong/politics/article/3014737/nearly-2-million-people-take-streets-forcing-public-apology )carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, protest, protestors

Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerPhotograph of a crowd or protestors against proposed extradition laws gathering on the streets of Causeway Bay, Hong Kong, leading down to the gathering area. carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, protest, protestors

Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerPhotograph of a crowd on the streets of Hong Kong to protest against proposed extradition laws, heading towards Admiralty. carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, protest, protestors, admiralty

Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerCrowds mass on Queens Way in Hong Kong as an estimated 2 million people march in protest at the government's refusal to withdraw a controverisal law allowing people to be extradited to mainland China. Chants demanded the chief executive apologise and the legislation be withdrawn, while many held signs protesting police violence. Nearly 2 million protesters flooded the streets of Hong Kong on Sunday, organisers claimed, delivering a stunning repudiation of Chief Executive Carrie Lam Cheng Yuet-ngor’s governance and forcing a public apology out of the city’s leader over her campaign to bulldoze a controversial extradition bill through the legislature. A day after Lam suspended her push for the bill, expecting it to defuse a crisis that has seen violent clashes between mostly young protesters and police, the centre of Hong Kong was brought to a complete standstill as the masses marched to chastise her for refusing to withdraw the bill or apologise when first asked to, and declaring that nothing short of her resignation would satisfy them now. (https://www.scmp.com/news/hong-kong/politics/article/3014737/nearly-2-million-people-take-streets-forcing-public-apology ) carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, protest, protestors, admiralty

KEVIN ‘BOOFA’ INNES By Lucy McCormick Kevin was a member of the celebrated Innes clan from Inglewood, in Central Victoria. “I think the first Innes’ came to Inglewood in 1851. My daughter used to say she can’t marry anyone from Inglewood, because she’s related to them all,” says Kevin. ‘Boofa’ is enjoying some well-earned relaxation on the couch after breaking a kneecap six or seven months ago in a track work incident. Not that it seems to be bothering him too much; he’s got plenty of time to keep up with the trots on television. “I do follow them,” Kevin says. “I don’t miss many, and I do have a bet. I like to sit in the chair and drive a race as much as anyone.” With an illustrious career both as a trainer and in the sulky, it’s a safe bet that Kevin Innes is a more than handy ‘grandstand driver’. His name is associated as a trainer/driver with many handy horses, including Lea Sands, Imatoff and Stormy Morn to name a few. Kevin is typically circumspect about his bigger triumphs, however that doesn’t seem to be what interests him the most. “I’ll tell you something,” he declares, doing just that, “I like winning with the horses that were no good. Some people never get a good horse. Imagine that. Luck is a very, very important thing. You have to have luck to buy a good horse at the sales, to get it going, keep it sound, find a race for it, find and owner and get a draw. And they still make a liar of you.” Funny, interesting or quirky stories seem to be of greater interest to Kevin, such as the time he had a strong chance in a standing start race – the favourite in the race being his only worry. “I told the owner it only had a 20-metre handicap – I couldn’t beat it off that,” he remembers. “So I was leading, waiting for the favourite to run past me. Toward the finish, I heard it coming, and it ran straight past all right – minus the driver. He’d fallen out of the cart and I won the race. Just lucky.” The Innes family have always been heavily involved in one sporting pursuit or another – Kevin himself being a champion bike rider of his time. “My Uncle Roy was a good bike rider, so he dared me to have a go. It turned out I was quite good at it as well.” So good, in fact that for many years Kevin was able to make a living from bike riding, riding the ‘board track’ for many years. “We trained hard. Bike riding was very big back then, we’d train and ride three or four times a week.” Kevin’s riding career spanned four Herald Sun Tours, a Warrnambool to Melbourne and a Sydney to Melbourne race, to name a few. “It definitely gets you in – it was long hours,” he muses. “But like anything, horse racing included, you only get back what you put in. We trained hard. I never drank, and I still don’t. I’ve seen that many athletes, great ones too, brought down by alcohol.” Lucky with injury too, Kevin can only remember a sore ankle – as well as the requisite scrapes and abrasions from tumbles on the wooden boards of the velodromes. He still enjoys watching all the big bike races when he can. “You can watch them race all over the world – France, Sweden, Germany. “To be honest I sit up and watch them with my son and we get just as much of a kick looking at the countryside than anything else. It’s so different to when I was racing.” Betting on the bike racing was big in Kevin’s day as well, and some of the bookies Kevin saw betting on the bike racing, he saw at the Showgrounds betting on the trots on a Friday or Saturday night. “Racing was different back then. There would be twelve thousand people at the showgrounds – they don’t have to come anymore, it’s just as easy to watch it on the TV.” Kevin remembers in those days that drivers had to ‘weigh in’ as well – everyone who drove needed to weigh ten stone (just under 65 kilograms). It’s something he remembers fondly. “I know not everyone will.” Kevin won’t be drawn on the subject of favourite drivers, either. “Look. Driving is different now. No disrespect to current drivers, but you had to think a lot more on a three furlong track than they do now on the bigger tracks. You had to drive with brains. And I really believe that good horses make good drivers. The horses are very good these days. Today’s drivers – your Gavin Langs, Chris Alfords – they’re thinkers, and brains will beat brawn every time. The girls are just as good now too. You only have to look at Kerryn Manning.” A garrulous and popular character, Kevin has trained horses for the likes of legendary Richmond player Jack Dyer, and also spent his fair share of time hosting sportsman’s nights, holding his own with the likes of Ron Barassi. On one such night, they had flown in a light aircraft to their destination. During their show, Kevin noticed their pilot, sitting in the front row, laughing appreciatively. There was one problem. He had a beer in his hand, and was consuming it with some enthusiasm. As the night wore on, the pilot became more and more inebriated, and Kevin became more and more disturbed, knowing that this was the same pilot who was to fly them home when they finished. Unbeknownst to Kevin, however, the flight had been cancelled and the pilot hadn’t told anyone, instead deciding to take full advantage of his client’s hospitality. For now, Kevin is happy living in Inglewood with partner Barbara. Son Grant and daughter Carla aren’t far away (both work at the Bendigo Harness track, and Carla has held both a trainer and driver’s licence). His granddaughter, Barclay Sands, was born on the same day of the demise of their star performer, Lea Sands, and may give the biggest hint yet just how important the world of harness racing is to Kevin ‘Boofa’ Innes. Blue with white yolkKevin Innes embroidered on left side chestkevin innes, k innes, bendigo harness racing club, bhrc, bendigo, horses, race colours, trotting, pacing, harness racing

Sarah Bird 4th from left (seated) and Edward Pepper on her left (standing). George Bird, 2nd from right (seated). George Bird her great-grandfather and Sarah Bird and Edward Pepper, her grandparents. [from Evelyn Observer and Bourke East Record, morning edition, 18 November 1904, p. 3:] ORANGE BLOSSOM. The marriage of Miss Sarah A. Bird, eldest daughter of Mr George Bird, of "View Hill," Eltham, to Mr Ernest Edward Pepper, of Diamond Creek, was celebrated at the residence of the bride's parents on Wednesday, 9th November, 1904. The ceremony took place at 4 p.m. and was performed by the Rev Percey Knight, B.A., of Alphington. The bride entered the drawing room with her father who gave her away, and the Wedding March, was nicely played by Miss Wild. The bride was prettily dressed in creme voile nicely tucked and gathered, trimmed with guipure lace and silk ruching, sprays of orange blossom, wreath and veil, and she carried a shower bouquet. Her travelling dress was a very pretty blue. The brides-maids were Miss Ethel Barker dressed in pale green voile trimmed with creme guipure lace and silk ruching; and Miss Button in creme voile, guipure lace, silk ruching; both carried pretty bouquets. The groomsmen were Mr Lorimer, of Diamond Creek, and Mr George Bird, brother of the bride. Between forty and fifty relatives and friends partook of a bountifully provided and nicely laid out breakfast. The usual toasts were honored, and congratulations were freely tendered "to the happy couple". The decorations were very tastefully executed by Miss Beatrice Nelson, and Mr Sayers. The evening was very pleasantly spent in singing, recitations, games, and other suitable pastimes, while others "tipped the light fantastic toe". About 10 p.m., "while all was merry as a marriage bell", the bride and bridegroom departed secretly "to cheat surprise and prying eyes". The presents were numerous and handsome:– Parents of the bride, sewing machine; Miss A. Bird, silver breakfast cruet; Miss N. Bird, bread board and knife; Master A. Bird, pair glass dishes; Master R. Bird, pair photo frames; Mr Sayers, tea set; Miss Kidd, silver jam dish and spoon; Miss Wilkinson, carpet; Mr J. Kilpatrick, cheque; Mr W. Kilpatrick, clock; Miss Kilpatrick, silver butter knife; Mr J. H. Kilpatrick, hand painted mirror; Mrs Kerwin, pictures; Mrs Gilsenan, the handsome wedding cake; Mrs Nelson, Japanese occasional table; Misses Nelson, jugs and candlestick; Mrs Bunker, silver cruet stand; Miss Bunker, hand-painted vases; Miss E. Bunker, epergne; Mr E. Bunker, crumb tray and brush; Miss Jessie Gilsenan, cake stand; Mr Harold Gilsenan, auger basin and ornaments; Mr Lorimer, silver breakfast cruet; Mr A. Collins and Miss Jones, epergne; Miss Cassie Sweeney, jardiniere; Miss Ida and Ollie Cooper, silver butter dish; Miss Mills, large vases; Misses M. and F. Shillinglaw, handsome oak clock; Misses C. and E. Shillinglaw, pair large pictures; Mr Lucas and Miss Sutton, silver butter dish and knife, and silver jam dish and spoon; Miss M. and A. Short, teapot, cheese dish, and tumblers; Mr and Mrs J. Anderson, butter dish; Miss Williams, pen tray; Miss Griffiths, vases; Mr I. Hill, cheque; Miss Wild, biscuit barrel; Mr, Mrs and Miss Brown, trifle bowl and crystal jug; Mrs Weller, water jug and glasses; Mrs Hadfield, pair glass dishes and butter dish; Mr and Mrs Blackney, photo frames; Mr Wilson, beaded basket pin cushion; Mr Linsy, cheque; Mrs Linsy, fruit dish; Mrs Stebbing, pair candle sticks; Mrs Blanchard, pictures.Digital copy of framed sepia photographanderson, bird, blanchard, blackney, bunker, collins, cooper, edward ernest pepper, george bird, george bird jnr, gilsenan, griffiths, hadfield, hill, jones, kerwin, kidd, kilpatrick, linsy, mills, nelson, sarah ann bird, sayers, shillinglaw, short, stebbing, sutton, sweeney, view hill, wedding, weller, wild, wilkinson, williams, wilson, brown, lesley mitchell (nee pepper) collection

Two photographs of the students at the Ringwood State School in 1933 (grade 2) and 1935 (grade 4) 1935 Photograph (7002a) L to R Back Row - Norm Brown, Milton Blood, Ken Ward, Athol Tilson, Ken Hill, Doug Highland, Bob Green, Jack Reynolds, David Allen, Graeme Morcom. 3rd Row - , , Hazel Morgan, Betty Adolpherson, Lorna Hill, , Elvie Hansy, Betty Reed, Valma Bassett, ? Hancock, Betty Stoney. 2nd Row ? Kelly, , , , , Valerie Anderson, Bernice Dixon, Betty Broadbent, , . Front row - Eddie Jackson, , Nally Hazelwood, Ron Ansell, Tom Young, Rupert Shearer, Eddie Flynn, Frank Lloyd, Lloyd Home, John Silby 1933 Photograph (7002b) L to R Back Row - Eddie Jackson, , Bob Green, Ken Manning, David Allen, Ron Hansel. 4th Row - Ken Ward, Tom young, Wally Hazelwood, Ken Thomas, Jack Reynolds, , Eddie Flynn, Graeme Morcom, Frank Lloyd. 3rd Row - Betty Walters, , , Helen Bond, Hazel Morgan, , , Elvie Hansy. 2nd Row - Milton Blood, Betty Stoney, Valma Bissett, Bernice Dixon, Jean Wright, Valerie Anderson, , , Betty Adolpherson, Lorna Hill. Front Row - Ken Hill, Lloyd Home, , Norman Windsor, Alan Knopp, , , Athol Tilson. Note 2/1/2019: Jan Adolphson emailed "Just wanted to say that my Auntie Betty is in both these pictures, 1933 and 1935 but her name is incorrectly spelt. should be Betty Adolphson ". (Rear of photographs state name as Betty Adolpherson). Both photographs are in post card form, made by Kodak. One is addressed "David Allen, Canterbury Road, Ringwood", the donor of the photographs.

Set of four Newspaper clippings from The Age about the sale of tram to the USA and police investigations. Written mainly by Jacqui Macdonald Transport Reporter .1 - 11/2/1992 - "Police will investigate export of old trams" - details the export of trams to the US and whether the necessary permits were issued. Notes Gales Creek Enterprises, Paul class, Bill Hardwick, National Trust Chairman Don Gibson. .2 - 10/2/1992 - "Protected trams went to US without permits" - details the situation, also quotes David Clark and Michael Norbury (Hawthorn Tramways Trust), Alan Brown Opposition Transport Spokesman. Application had been made. Law changed in 1988. .3 - 21/7/1992 - "Police probe export of trams to the US'- quotes PTC spokesman Pat Wilson, does not believe it has broken the Law, gives details on the number of trams sold over years, quotes Alan Brown. .4 - 25/7/1992 - two items in the same cutting: (a) - "Delay will spoil tram sales says US buyer" written by Christopher Reed Los Angeles - quotes Paul Class, Alan Brown, details some of the cities the trams have been sold too. Also notes the trams in Werribee owned by Pat Keogh. (b) - :Historic trams rot as committees ponder their export" - with a photo of many trams and Pat Keogh - seems that they inadvertently owned them when the formal owner went bankrupt and owed them money. Notes the Federal Heritage Committee yet to make a decision. Includes tram W5 756.trams, tramways, sale of trams, w class, national trust, police, scrapped trams, tram 756

This piano was made by Aucher Freres of Paris, said to be famous for its pianos in the mid-late 1800s. Aucher Freres (Aucher Brothers) produced a model of piano that was built specifically for use on sailing vessels, the upright yacht-style piano. Pianos were amongst the domestic goods brought to Australia by many colonial immigrants. They were also imported by Australian distributors by the shipload and sought after by settlers. A piano was often found in a Missions to Seamen club room, where visiting seafarers would entertain or be entertained by music and song as part of their relaxation in port. A sarcastically written news article of January 2nd 1869 reported that the Secretary of the Loyal Liberals of Ballarat, Mr Henry Bell, was presented both with a “illuminated address” and a piano. The piano was made by Aucher Freres of Paris and was purchased for sixty guineas (which converts to around $7,500 Au in 2019). The gift was criticised for encouraging foreign industry rather than native Australian products, thus going against what the Loyal Liberals own protectionist policy. The writer goes on to state that several pianos made in the Colony compared very favourably at the International Exhibition with those manufactured by the English or French. He then says that “… the secretary … might learn a lesson from his piano ... the name Aucher Freres, Paris emblazoned on its front should be … a perpetual reminder of the hollowness of that protectionist imposture …” [Refer to Intercolonial News, Victoria, originally published in The Argus, was repeated in the Wallaroo Times and Mining Journal of South Australia 2-1-1869.] Aucher Freres pianos were still around in 1930. A second-hand model was advertised for sale as a good practice piano. The advertisement was placed by the Mount Gambier, SA, agents for Saver’s Pianos Ltd of Adelaide. The piano was described as “a sound little instrument of good tone and appearance”. The asking price in November 1930 was 32 pounds and ten shillings (which converts to about $2,500 Au in 2019). [Refer to Savery’s advertisement, Mt Gambier Border Watch 11-11-1930]This piano is significant for its connection with the time period of chapel and club room at Flagstaff Hill's St Nicholas Seamen's Church. It represents the form of entertainment enjoyed by seafarer's world wide, which is appropriate for a maritime village. The maker of the piano is famous for its quality pianos of the 19th and early 20th century.Piano, upright, polished wood. The wooden hinged keyboard cover lifts up to allow access to the keyboard. The piano also has two brass candlesticks. The top of the piano is hinged and lifts up to allow access to the piano mechanic's inside for tuning and maintenance. The inside flap has a music stand incorporated into it. It also has the usual two hard-soft pedals at the base. There are two brass decorated hooks at each end to allow for ease of movement when the position of the piano is changed. Maker's name inscribed inside keyboard lid in gold lettering. Made in Paris by Aucher Freres (Aucher Brothers)."AUCHER FRERES / Paris" (NOTE: the "C" is sometimes mistaken for a "G")flagstaff hill, warrnambool, shipwrecked-coast, flagstaff-hill, flagstaff-hill-maritime-museum, maritime-museum, shipwreck-coast, flagstaff-hill-maritime-village, piano, music, upright piano, paris, france, aucher freres

A meat grinder, commonly known as the meat mincer, is used for chopping meat into fine pieces. Alternatively, it can be used for the mixing of raw or cooked meat, fish and vegetables. It is the best way to process meat, and is a widely used piece of equipment by butchers and in the home.. Butchers have been known to use either mincing knives or meat cleavers in the kitchen for years to produce a quantity of minced meat. This was a slow and laborious process. The advent of the meat mincer has not only made the mincing process easier but also faster. The meat mincer has slowly evolved over the years into what it is today. The first meat mixer or meat mincer was invented in the 19th century by a German inventor named Baron Karl Drais. Although some versions of the device date back to much earlier. The oldest form of meat mincer was hand cranked which forced meat through a metal plate with several small holes in it, which resulted in long and thin strands of the meat. The meat was fed into the funnel that was placed at the top of the mixer. This meat would pass through a hand cranked screw conveyor that would squash and mix the meat before passing it through the metal plate. Needless to say, this was again a slow and laborious procedure to follow to produce large quantity of meat. With passage of time, this hand cracked machine became powered by electricity. The meat mincer has a great adaptability and efficiency now. The huge variety in mincer plates allows a butcher to produce different types of minced meat in any shape desired. However, traditional manual meat mincers have not really changed a lot. They are manually operated and made of cast iron, as earlier. They are similar to the original mincer designs, dating back to the early 1900s. Some butchers still prefer using a variety of mincer knives. Adapted from: https://brennan-group.com/blogs/news/history-of-the-meat-mincerThe development of the meat mincer enabled both butchers and home cooks to process and grind meat effectively.Clamp on meat mincer with handle for rotating the mincing apparatus inside.None.flagstaff hill, warrnambool, shipwrecked-coast, flagstaff-hill, flagstaff-hill-maritime-museum, maritime-museum, shipwreck-coast, flagstaff-hill-maritime-village, meat mincer

The photograph shows sailing ships and a wreck in Lady Bay, Warrnambool. Lady Bay was once a very busy port of trade in Warrnambool and was also called the Port of Warrnambool or Warrnambool Harbour. THE “ENTERPRISE” 1847-1850 The wooden, two-masted schooner Enterprise was built in New Zealand in 1847 and registered in Melbourne, Australia. The Enterprise carried cargos of agricultural produce and other commodities for trade between the ports of the Colony. On September 14, 1850, the Enterprise was at anchor in Lady Bay under its Master, James Gardiner Caughtt, loaded with a cargo of wheat and potatoes. A strong south-easterly wind caused the vessel to drag on its only anchor and the rudder was lost. The gale-force wind blew it sideways and it became grounded. A local indigenous man, Buckawall, braved the rough sea to take a line from the shore to the Enterprise. All five members of the crew were able to make it safely to land. The Enterprise was wrecked. The Enterprise wreck was in an area called Tramway Jetty in Lady Bay. Since then the area became the location of the Lady Bay Hotel and now, in 2019, it is in the grounds of the Deep Blue Apartments. In fact, with the constantly changing coastline through built-up sand, the wreck site is now apparently under the No 2 Caravan Park on Pertobe Road, perhaps 150 metres from the high tide. Its location was found by Ian McKiggan (leader of the various searches in the 1980s for the legendary Mahogany Ship). DIFFERENTIATING the New Zealand Schooner “Enterprise” from John Fawkner’s “Enterprize“ Dr Murray Johns, Melbourne, says in his article The Mahogany Ship Story “… As I documented in 1985, the Warrnambool wreck was of an entirely different ship, also called Enterprize [with the spelling ‘Enterprise’], but built in New Zealand in 1847. Fawkner’s ship had already been sold to Captain Sullivan in 1845 and was wrecked on the Richmond Pier in northern New South Wales early in 1847. “ - (further details are in NOTES: and FHMV documents) This photograph is significant for its association with the screw steamer SS Edina, heritage listed on the Victorian Heritage Database VHR S199. She had endeared herself to the people of Port Phillip Bay as a passenger ferry, part of their own history and culture. She played a significant role in the Crimean War, the American Civil War and the gold rush in New Zealand. She also served western Victoria for many years in her cargo and passenger runs. The SS Edina is famous for being the longest serving screw steamer in the world. After spending her first nine years overseas she arrived in Melbourne and her work included running the essential service of transporting cargo and passengers between Melbourne and the western Victoria ports of Warrnambool, Port Fairy and Portland. The photograph is also significant for its association wreck of the schooner Enterprise, also listed on the Victorian Heritage Listed VHR S238, being a New Zealand built but Australian owned coastal trader. The wreck was also significant for its association with indigenous hero Buckawall who saved the lives of the five crew on board. Photograph titled "Lady Bay" depicts Lady Bay, Warrnambool, with vessels including SS Edina, the Peveril and the Tommy, with remains of the 1850 wreck of the schooner Enterprise in foreground. Titled, in hand written script, “”Lady Bay”, “S.S. ‘Edina’, the ‘Perevil’ & the ‘Tommy’ & the wrecked "Enterprise” Written in pencil on back “Council”flagstaff hill, warrnambool, shipwrecked-coast, flagstaff-hill, flagstaff-hill-maritime-museum, maritime-museum, shipwreck-coast, flagstaff-hill-maritime-village, enterprize, enterprise, port of warrnambool, warrnambool harbour, peveril, tommy, ss edina, pleasure steamer edina, warrnambool steam packet company, david hay, james gardiner caught, tramway jetty, buckawall, lady bay, steam ship, travel, trade, coastal trader, edina, dinah, cargo run, shipping, victoria, port phillip bay, john watson, edward byam, indigenous hero, indigenous rescue

Hardback cover book with white Title (see above) and author text, KVERNDAL, Roald, on pink grey cover. pp 903, ills. Cover image depicts a masted galleon ship at anchor with interior lights at dusk or dawn flying from the stern of the ship is the blue BETHEL flag featuring a star and dove of peace in top and lwr corners respectively. xxviii, 903 p. : ill. ; 24 cmnon-fictionmerchant seamen, missions and charities, royal navy chaplains, missions-to-seamen, mission to seafarers, roald kverndal

The two badges belonged to Dr William Roy Angus and are now part of Flagstaff Hill’s comprehensive W.R. Angus Collection, donated by the family of Dr W R Angus, 1901-1970, surgeon and oculist. The badges date to the World War I era, when Dr Angus was a youth. These badges were also used in World War II it seems, and could have belonged to Dr Angus when he was a Surgeon Captain for the Australian Defence Forces during World War II when he was in his forties. Some resources say that this badge was also used in WWII The W.R. Angus Collection: - The W.R. Angus Collection includes historical medical equipment, surgical instruments and material belonging to Dr Edward Ryan and Dr Thomas Francis Ryan, (both of Nhill, Victoria) and Dr Angus’ own belongings. The Collection’s history spans the medical practices of the two Doctors Ryan, from 1885-1926 plus that of Dr Angus, up until 1969. It includes historical medical and surgical equipment and instruments from the doctors Edward and Thomas Ryan of Nhill, Victoria. Dr Angus married Gladys in 1927 at Ballarat, the nearest big city to Nhill where he began as a Medical Assistant. He was also Acting House surgeon at the Nhill hospital where their two daughters were born. During World War II He served as a Military Doctor in the Australian Defence Forces. Dr Angus and his family moved to Warrnambool in 1939, where Dr Angus operated his own medical practice. He later added the part-time Port Medical Officer responsibility and was the last person appointed to that position. Dr Angus and his wife were very involved in the local community, including the planning stages of the new Flagstaff Hill and the layout of the gardens there. Dr Angus passed away in March 1970.Dr W R Angus (1901-1970), surgeon and oculist, collected a range of military objects including those he personally used during his time as Surgeon Captain in the Australian Defence Forces in World War II. The objects allow insight into military life in the early-to-mid 20th century. The W.R. Angus Collection is significant for still being located at the site it is connected with, Doctor Angus being the last Port Medical Officer in Warrnambool. The Collection includes historical medical objects that date back to the late 1800s.Badges; a pair of collar badges from the Australian Commonwealth Military Forces badges. Brass with the logo of a crown within a rising sun, above ribbons with embossed text. WWI era. The badges are part of the W. R. Angus Collection."AUSTRALIAN COMMONWEALTH MILITARY FORCES"flagstaff hill, warrnambool, maritime village, maritime museum, shipwreck coast, great ocean road, flagstaff hill maritime museum and village, dr w r angus, dr ryan, warrnambool base hospital, nhill base hospital, mira hospital, flying doctor, w.r. angus collection, australian army, surgeon captain, ballarat, bonegilla, badge, insignia, australian commonwealth military forces, world war 1, first world war, 1914-1918, badge collection, world war 2, second world war, great war, australian defence forces, wwi, ww2, world war ii, world war i

For most people, a cloche—the dome-shaped covering for a dish that’s removed before serving—is only ever encountered on-screen, likely in the hands of a butler in an English period drama. Not only does the word itself sound haughty (it comes from the French word for bell), it is a fundamentally theatrical object, existing to conceal and reveal food—or on occasion, a severed head. Why, if you’re not an old-timey aristocrat or movie villain, would you have use for a cloche? The answer is bugs. If you’ve ever had the pleasure of eating outside, you’re probably aware that bugs exist, and they often want some of what you’re having. Particularly during the summer and warm weather entices people into alfresco dining, the presence of bugs can be a nuisance for which there’s rarely an elegant solution. Did somebody say elegant? Let’s bring in the cloche. Specifically, let’s talk about a mesh cloche, which is different from the glinting silver semi-sphere discussed earlier. Dome-shaped but made of stiff wire mesh or cloth, this cloche is far from frivolous and is an excellent tool for any outside dining plans. First and foremost, it can keep insects out of your food, saving you from sitting and swatting your hand over the salad to keep flies away. Especially if you’re setting up a large buffet spread of dishes for a family-style meal outdoors, using mesh coverings takes a little bit of the pressure off when it comes to timing: just put the food out there, cloche it, and finish bringing everything else to the table. Also, there’s no harm in keeping them on during the meal, as it’s easy to pick up the lid, serve yourself more food, then plop it back down, in comparison with wrap, foil, or cloth, which can blow away in the wind, fall into the food, or require two hands for proper recovering. https://www.epicurious.com/expert-advice/covering-your-food-with-a-cloche-is-dramatic-and-useful-articleThe cloche or food cover was, and still is, the perfect way to prevent insects and other small vermin from interfering with and compromising the condition of food, both inside and outdoors.Metal oval food cover with decorative pressed tin lid and perforated holes around the side. Metal handle on top. Painted pink on top and green on the side.None.flagstaff hill, warrnambool, shipwrecked-coast, flagstaff-hill, flagstaff-hill-maritime-museum, maritime-museum, shipwreck-coast, flagstaff-hill-maritime-village, cloche, food, cover

This flag originally flew from the flagstaff on the Trades Hall Building in Camp Street Ballarat on December 3rd 1942. The flag prompted many enquiries to the Ballarat's Courier newspaper. The Courier in reporting that the flag was, in fact, a replica of the original Eureka Stockade flag went on to say that: "… it (seemed) very strange that the town in which Eureka made a name for Australia and its efforts to get freedom from control for the ordinary man, did not recognise the flag that flew while the first move for freedom was fought out against big odds." The Trades Hall Eureka flag, made of cotton material, was used in union marches during the 1940s. In later years it had been all but forgotten, until in 1981 it was brought to the office of the then MHR for Ballarat, John Mildren by members of the family that the flag maker had boarded with in Ballarat. David Miller, who had a keen interest in the Eureka story and was electorate officer for John Mildren, became custodian of the flag for many years and presented it to Ballarat Trades Hall for display. In 1994 The Ballarat Trades Hall Eureka flag travelled Australia as part of a touring Eureka collection. At that time, the Secretary of the Ballarat Regional Trades and Labour Council, Graeme Shearer said “…The Eureka flag then, as it does now, symbolises the struggle for basic rights and democracy”. On Wednesday 11th July 2001, following a ceremony to mark the refurbishment of the Galloway Monument, the Ballarat Trades Hall Eureka flag was unveiled at a function in the Ballarat Trades Hall by President of the Ballarat Trades & Labour Council, Rhonda Young, and Premier of Victoria, Steve Bracks. The Trades Hall gratefully acknowledges the assistance of Dean Mighell, then Victorian State Secretary of the CEPU/ETU - who was a passionate supporter of the diggers' stand at Eureka - and instrumental in making funds available to assist in Trades Hall's Eureka flag being mounted in the Main Hall of the Ballarat Trades Hall. As far as we know, this is the second oldest Eureka flag in the world. Union (especially Ballarat Trades and Labour Council) history and Eureka Stockade - Ballarat.Flag; blue background; white embellishments - cross and stars; framed.btlc, ballarat trades hall, ballarat trades and labour council, mildren, john, miller, david, southern cross flag - btlc, eureka rebellion, trade unions - history, gold mining - ballarat, gold miners, eureka flag - btlc

A copy of the Act of the Victorian Parliament relating to the property held in trust for Junior Legacy, Melbourne. It mentions that Richard Goldsmith of the United States wanted to mark his appreciation of services rendered in Australia to the armed forces of USA during World War 2 and in memory of the late David H Dureau. The company BG Corporation (of the USA), of which he was president, gave a gift of £27,059 to Junior Legacy Club of Melbourne for the purchase and fitting out of premises for the use of the club in its principal object of the care and welfare of children of deceased servicemen. Also that the building be perpetually known as the "D H Dureau Memorial Building". The first building that was purchased with the donation was 342 Swanston St, however it was found unsuitable and this Act allowed it be sold and a new building be found (293 Swanston St). The Act was cited as "Junior Legacy Melbourne (Dureau Memorial) Act 1953". The hand written note says that the Act "tells a story", is possibly part of the notes made when compiling the history of Legacy. They were in a folder of documents about the history of Legacy. Appears to have been mostly compiled by Legatee Cyril Smith as he has many hand written notes on miscellaneous pieces of paper (some are envelopes addressed to him). The notes were typed up into a summary of the History of Legacy. Also documents relating to the first time Legacy approached the public for donations in September 1956, including newspaper articles that were reprinted, a schedule of information that was approved to be released to the press, and a list of potential donors that was circulated to Legatees in the hope they could contact the ones they knew personally or professionally. The call for public donations was partially due to the purchase of the Dureau building and the need to modify the building for Legacy's needs. The documents from this folder have been added in separate records (see 01262 to 01281). The folder was part of an attempt to capture history of Legacy, generally from the 1950s. See also 01284 - Title deed of Legacy HouseThe documents provide an insight into the working of Legacy, especially in the 1950s. Legatee Cyril Smith and others were detailing their experiences and knowledge for the future.Four page copy of an Act of the Victorian parliament relating to the property held in Trust for Legacy and a hand written note.Hand written on the note: "This Victorian Act (No 5717, 1953) tells a story:"properties, dureau house