BAM (Bisexual Awareness in Melbourne) was a group of bisexual individuals and allies that provided information and support for bisexuals, their partners, and friends. BAM provided newsletters, and ran social, discussion, and political groups. bisexuality, bisexuals

The use of the colours purple, green and white reference the colours used during the first wave feminist movement initially in the UK by the Women’s Social and Political Union (WSPU), and subsequently emblematic of the Australian women’s movement.Graphic illustration of a naked female seated figure in purple, white and red, against a background with 'rays' of purple, green and white. Main text in red, with additional text at base in purple.Additional text: "A woman's place is… …in the struggle : 24th consecutive rally and march : 6:30pm steps of Parliament House : Dance afterwards 8:30pm Brunswick Town Hall (cnr. Sydney Rd. + Dawson St.)."women's liberation

A geographical dictionary or gazetteer of the Australian colonies : their physical and political geography : together with a brief notice of all the capitals, principal towns, and villages. William Wells travelled to Australia as a sponsored immigrant in 1838. Her became a freelance surveyor with an office in Bligh Street, Sydney. He wrote this book in order to better inform the British public on the colonies of Australia. The information contained in the book is both topographical and statistical and was a very useful refernece book at the time.This book is a rare detailed contemporary record of the Australian colonies in the mid 19th century.A hard back 453 pp book with a dark brown patterned cover which has a white label with the title, "Dictionary of Geography" over a map of Australia. It is illustrated with numerous maps and drawings.history-australia wells-william-henry geographical-dictionary-of-the-australian-colonies

This piece of newspaper had been used as wallpaper lining. The Weekly Times was first published on September 11, 1869, by a group of Melbourne businessmen who owned the now-defunct Daily Telegraph, with the stated aim to be a “journal of literature, sport, agriculture, science and politics”. It is Australia’s oldest rural newspaper, and is known far and wide as the Bible of the Bush. (ref Weekly Times web-site)This is a useful research tool.A section of newspaper from the Weekly Times of 1884. there is also a photocopy of the item.newspaper weekly-times

The Weekly Times was first published on September 11, 1869, by a group of Melbourne businessmen who owned the now-defunct Daily Telegraph, with the stated aim to be a “journal of literature, sport, agriculture, science and politics”. It is Australia’s oldest rural newspaper, and is known far and wide as the Bible of the Bush. (ref Weekly Times web-site)This magazine is a useful reference tool on the history of the Royal Melbourne Show as well as The Weekly Times.A souvenir edition of The Weekly Times dated Wed. Sept 7 1994. Price $1.10. It marks the anniversary of the first Weekly Times, Sept 11 1869. Inside is a special preview of the Royal Melbourne Show, a history of the show and a history of The Weekly Times. It also contains a brief history of 125 years of rural news. On the front cover is a colourful picture of an older man sitting on a tree stump outside a bark hut. He is reading an early edition of The Weekly Times.weekly-times souvenir-newspaper magazine royal-melbourne-show rural-history

The tent model mentioned in the letters was displayed in the Ballarat School of Mines Museum. During the 1960s it was transferred to the Ballarat Historical Society. Two handwritten letters on paper with black mourning edge written by Walter M. Hitchcock to the Ballarat School of Mines, and another written by Walter's brother George M. Hitchcock.Letter transcription follow: Letter from Walter M. Hitchcock regarding the death of James Oddie and early gold mining at Ballarat, 1910 and 1911 48 The Memorial Hall Farringdon St London Dec1/10 The Secretary Ballarat Museum Dear Sir, I am just now sending you this line, i anticipation of further correspondence later on, simply to forward you a Post Card of the 1st mining tent erected 1851 on the site of he then newly proclaimed Township of Ballarat, which, as the sole survivor of the party who built the original, I have had the pleasure in making, and have decided to present it to your museum, Sir Jno Lasenor out Agent General for Victoria came to a Bazaar recently held in London. where I had it on view in the museum from 3 days, - and desired I would allow its [ ? ] exhibited in the first large window of the beautiful new building of the Victoria Agency situate in the Strand. It is there for the past few days and he may wish it to remain a week or two longer, I know of no other exhibition of it to delay it being packed and shipped to my relatives in Geelong (Mr [?] Bright of Hitchock's Firm) who may wish to show it in one of their windows before forwarding it to your museum - I have had an itemised pane glass case made for it with drop down end and [?} it stands on a plateau of moss, to represent grass 32 x 13 x 13 high and chimney 14 1/2 - the case is made 34 x 26 x 20 high inside - I shall have it very carefully packed - tent emptied tools, beds, &c &c in separate packing and insured for 50 pounds - I will send you full details later on. I hope and believe your President will accept it in due time Meantime believe me to be very truly Cat Walter Hitchcock G.F.B. 48 The Memorial Hall Farringdon St London March 15th 1911 The Secretary Ballarat School of Mines Dear Sir, Thanks for your letter received last week – I have unaccountably mislaid it, so cannot address you personally, shall no doubt find it among office papers. The model is being fetched today from Victorian Agent General’s (Sir John [Lavernor?] office window in the Strand where many thousands, he tells me, have stopped in passing to see it (their first peep of Ballaarat). It will be on view at Blackheath (Kent) for a week, then packed and shipped without further delay. I shall enclose in the glass case (which is 26 x 34 x 16 in high) some spare minced moss and gas (smoke) in case in transit the plateau suffers by shaking (though it is well glued down). All the tools, mining appliances, cradle, windlass, &c will be separately packed enclosed – which you can easily place in respective positions. HRH Prince of Wales has graciously accepted a photo of it – and in my letter to him when sending it for his acceptance I said – as he would probably ere long visit Australia as did his grandfather and father, which ought to (and certainly will) include at least a day or two in seeing your beautiful City, and also something of your mines &c instead of the hurried visit of his father (2 hours) when he, as Duke of York, unveiled a statue to the memory of those slain in the sad Boer War, which now is admitted by almost everybody to have been a big political mistake, - though in the future with England’s present wise policy towards that country it will prove for Africa’s welfare. It may interest you to know that when I ascertained that Geelong was not to be visited by the Royal Pair – I went up to St James’s Palace by appointed time the Duke’s private Secy Sir Arthur Bigge – taking with me a specially illustrated paper issued in Melb. showing many pictures of the beauties and industries of Geelong – Sir Arthur was impressed but said all the arrangements for the Royal stay in Victoria (10 days) were made locally, by Lord Hopetoun and collegues and committee, and were practically closed – which meant that only a brief trip to Ballarat to uncover the memorial was intended outside Melbourne. Perhaps if we were Melbourne residents we should have succumbed to the prevailing spirit of selfishness – forgetting (or trying to forget) that there are many beauty spots in Victoria and centres of great interest - Ballarat, Geelong, Bendigo, &c that ought to have been visited instead of Melbourne only. Finding Sir Arthur favorably impressed about Geelong I thanked him and returned to City work again. I at once called to Geelong whose mayor and friends had been twice unsuccessful in trying for the Melbourne functions programme being altered to include a visit to Geelong and lovely spots in the Western District, reporting my interview with Sir A B and his favourable reception of my representations, but that any alteration to the programme of engagements during the Royal visit must be made locally and by the local authorities. This had the desired success for on receipt of my message the Geelong mayor and colleagues again reopened the question and went to Melbourne, resulting in a concession (but what an altogether inadequate one) and they graciously ? consented to the train, on its way with the Duke and Duchess to your city, to stop at the Geelong stn (15 minutes) and so it came about that by a hasty local effort, 3,000 school children, and not a few of the leading people including the Mayor &c were gathered to welcome them in Geelong. The National anthem being sung, an Address read and presented and kindly replied to. Now Ballarat should doubtless has influence. See to it when our P. Of Wales visits Victoria – an unselfish ¬ programme is fixed up – and HRH afforded ample opportunity of visiting leisurely your city, Geelong, Bendigo and other centres of beauty and importance. The Prince himself will be the gainer by such an equitable and enlightened programme, - and come back with all the more favourable views of the marvellous development ever since our family first settled in Geelong in 1850. A far preferable result of such a visit than night after night having Melbourne Banquets and the visiting of its undoubted attractions - whilst all the rest of the State remained unvisited. Such an official mistake must not be made again. I will write you again, stating name of steamer of which the model is shipped and date of departure – it is firmly built on a backing of 3/8 in oak tall uprights so through the 7/8 in plateau and am entrusting the packing be very careful. I expressed firm – so that except possibly any breakage in glass case – it should reach you in due time all right. The top of case will be screwed so that it can be readily removed temporarily to enable my [ ? ] firm to show it in one of their windows. Believe me Yours very truly Captn Walter M. Hitchcock My brother will deliver it on my a/c – all carriage paid. Mt very kind regards to my friend since 1850 Jas Oddie. University of Ballarat Historical Collection Cat. No. 8133.3 & .4 Letter from Walter M. Hitchcock regarding the death of James Oddie and early gold mining at Ballarat, 1911 48 The Memorial Hall Farringdon St London April 20th 1911 My Dear Sir, It is with no ordinary feeling of regret that I received the tidings of the death of my good friend, your fellow citizen for many years, Mr James Oddie. Living at Geelong from March 1850 I came to know him there as carrying on a foundry business in Ashby. With the discovery of gold at Ballarat started off almost of the working people, as well as of all other classes of the male population. Mr Oddie arrived in Ballarat I believe on or about September 1st 1851. My three comrades and I arrived October 1st 1851 – among the many thousands soon gathered within a mile or so of Golden Point – my friend Oddie and I often met. I returning to Geelong after a year mining – my friend on the other hand remaining at Ballarat ever since – a marvellous record, and I am sure his life has been one of unique value to your City in many ways, - his age (87) naturally prepared me for his call home – and only two mails before the news came I received from him on of his kindly chatty letters in which amongst other things – he referred with pleasure to having received from me two 10 x 12 photos – one being of my model and that he was arranging to have it placed in a shop window in your city. I am interested in the fact of your having known each of my three comrades of 1851/52. It was J.M. Garrett and I who got permission to conduct public Sunday morning service in their large Marquee – used all the week for issue of Licenses in the absence of any church buildings, and it being on wet Sundays impossible to have services as usual under the trees – Ballarat then was more like a Gentleman’s Park – than bush country – but the axe soon did its work – and all were felled for our cooking, and hencewith to make our kindling etc. Shafting of holes not being at first done because too shallow – our deepest (at Eureka) was only 115 ft. Bendigo I hear had now mines of 4,000 ft in depth (deeper than our tin or coal mines here). I fortunately have, in excellent state of preservation, my last of 12 licenses dated October 1 1852 and have recently purchased here a Miner’s Right dated 1864, to that when explaining on matters re Gold Licensing I can show sample of each. With kind regards Believe me Yours sincerely Walter M. Hitchcock Geelong June 20/11 Dear Sir, By rail to day through Messrs Bannister I send the model of miner’s tent packed in a case 50 donated by my brother Captain Walter M. Hitchcock of London. This model was made by my brother and represents the tent he worked in on the Ballarat Gold Fields in the year 1851 or 2. In a separate parcel a few extras omitted from the case. Please send me receipts in duplicate, one for my brother, the other for the Customs, Geelong, as being donated to your institution, after some little correspondence it was admitted [??] any payment for duty. You probably have my brother’s address and would like to acknowledge its arrival, direct. I hope it is in good order. I did not open it for show in Geelong, as there would be less risk of breakage on repacking. With kind remembrances. I am Yours Faithfully Geo. M. Hitchcock. A Mr G. F. B. Sharick who is living near my home called in to see my model – he said he knew FM [Fred Martell] and was lately at Ballaratballarat school of mines, frederick martell, fred martell, james oddie, walter m hitchcock, walter hitchcock, f m garratt, george hitchcock, hitchcock, golden point, gold discovery, j m garrett, gold license, j.m. garrett, t.m. hall, george m. hitchcock, f.m. garratt, walter m. hitchcock

Before her marriage to Ron Kirner, Joan Hood taught at the Ballarat Girls' Junior Technical School in the late 1950s. The Girls' school was a division of the Ballarat School of Mines. After entering politics Joan Kirner was Minister for Education (1988) and Premier of Victoria (1990 to 1992). In 1992 Premier of Victoria Joan Kirner visited her former workplace to officially open and name four new facilities, marking stage 2 of the school's State Works and Services Development Project. Honoured in the naming ceremony was the late Albert Steane, the late Kenneth Fleckoe and Mr Jack Barker, President of the Ballarat School of Mines. The fourth facility was the recently opened carpentry and joinery complex. Mrs Kirner said naming the building in honour of the three men would act as a continual reminder of their contribution to education in Australia and what they have passed on to future generations. She said the Government and the State Training Board saw the college as not only one that was most important to Victoria but also nationally and internationally. A group of 5 people walking along Ballarat's Lydiard Street South. The former Ballarat Brewery in the background is in the process of being demolished to make way for an expansion of the SMB campus. Left to right: Peter Shiells, E.J. (Jack) Barker, Winsome Barker, Premier of Victoria Joan Kirner, Frank Sheehan MLA (Labor State Member for Ballarat South). joan kirner, joan hood, ballarat junior technical girls' school, e.j. barker, peter shiells, frank sheehan

Bella Guerin was born on 23 April 1858, at Williamstown, Victoria. She studied at home to matriculate in 1878, and then gained her Bachelor of Arts from the University of Melbourne in 1883, becoming the first woman to graduate from an Australian university; she followed this with a Master of Arts in 1885. She taught at Loreto Convent, Ballarat, urging the establishment of higher education scholarships to produce ‘a band of noble thoughtful women as a powerful influence for good’. She married an elderly poet, Henry Halloran, who died shortly afterwards leaving her with a young son, Henry. She returned to teaching and from the mid-1890s frequented suffragist circles. A second marriage in 1909 to George D’Arcie Lavender was also short lived. Bella Guerin was vice-president of the Women’s Political Association from 1912–14 and co-authored Vida Goldstein’s 1913 Senate election pamphlet. However, dual membership of the non-party feminist camp and the Labor Party was prohibited by the latter in 1914, so from that date she campaigned for the Victorian Socialist Party and the Women’s Socialist League, speaking out on a range of controversial issues. She led the Labor Women’s Anti-Conscription Fellowship during the 1916 referendum campaign. In 1918, as vice-president of the Labor Party’s Women’s Central Organising Committee, she caused controversy by describing Labor women as ‘performing poodles and packhorses’ who were used for fundraising but under-represented in policy decisions—and she was right. Bella died in Adelaide on 26 July 1923 of cirrhosis of the liver and is remembered for her idealism, her oratory skills and her commitment to equity for women. Black and white photograph copy print of Bella Halloran (nee Guerin) with her son Henry. .2) Photograph that has been removed from displaybella guerin, bella halloran, henry halloran, julia margaret guerin, feminist, university women

Bella Guerin was born on 23 April 1858, at Williamstown, Victoria. She studied at home to matriculate in 1878, and then gained her Bachelor of Arts from the University of Melbourne in 1883, becoming the first woman to graduate from an Australian university; she followed this with a Master of Arts in 1885. She taught at Loreto Convent, Ballarat, urging the establishment of higher education scholarships to produce ‘a band of noble thoughtful women as a powerful influence for good’. She married an elderly poet, Henry Halloran, who died shortly afterwards leaving her with a young son, Henry. She returned to teaching and from the mid-1890s frequented suffragist circles. A second marriage in 1909 to George D’Arcie Lavender was also short lived. Bella Guerin was vice-president of the Women’s Political Association from 1912–14 and co-authored Vida Goldstein’s 1913 Senate election pamphlet. However, dual membership of the non-party feminist camp and the Labor Party was prohibited by the latter in 1914, so from that date she campaigned for the Victorian Socialist Party and the Women’s Socialist League, speaking out on a range of controversial issues. She led the Labor Women’s Anti-Conscription Fellowship during the 1916 referendum campaign. In 1918, as vice-president of the Labor Party’s Women’s Central Organising Committee, she caused controversy by describing Labor women as ‘performing poodles and packhorses’ who were used for fundraising but under-represented in policy decisions—and she was right. Bella died in Adelaide on 26 July 1923 of cirrhosis of the liver and is remembered for her idealism, her oratory skills and her commitment to equity for women. Duplicate photograph of Julia Margaret (Bella) Guerin the first woman graduate of The University of Melbourne, B.A. 1883, M.A. 1885, The original is held by Melbourne University Archives. bella guerin, bella halloran, julia margaret guerin, university of melbourne, graduation, feminist, university women

Research is still being carried out regarding the inscription on this bell. Perhaps it was used for horses during the war. It may have been a souvenir or perhaps just a political statement, similar to 'Buy Australian'. Cow bells were common to colonial agriculture and transport, used wherever animals were turned out to graze overnight and had to be rounded up again next morning. Bells were fastened around the necks of household milking cows, domestic goats, bullock teams, horse teams, and camel teams, to help find them in the pre-dawn light. Station shepherds and cattle drovers also used them to warn of any disturbances to their flocks and herds overnight. The bells were a necessary item in a largely unfenced continent. So important, that Anthony Mongon began making his pot-bells at Yackandandah from 1861, August Menneke produced the “Wagga Pot” from 1867, and Samuel Jones started manufacturing his distinctively shaped “Condamine Bell” in 1868. However, these deeply resonant Australian bells were made from iron — Mongon and Jones were blacksmiths who simply beat old pitsaw blades into shape. Few genuinely brass cow bells were made here, the vast majority being imported from Britain where the industry of brass founding was already well established. (Some bells were also imported from the United States, but these too were nearly all of iron).This bell is historically significant as typical of a cow bell used by farmers and herdsmen in Colonial Victoria. Cow bell, brass, topless pyramid shape, inverted "U" shaped pin attached. Pin and clapper are iron. Bell is embossed on sides. Embossed "ADVANCE / VICTORIA" and "WWI"flagstaff hill, warrnambool, shipwreck coast, flagstaff hill maritime museum, flagstaff hill maritime village, maritime museum, great ocean road, cow bell, horse bell, bell smith, vintage bell, farmer, shepherd, drover, stock bell, brass bell, advance australia, wwi

This medal commemorates the coronation of King George VI and Elizabeth as monarchs on the British throne, to be held on May 12th, 1937. The medal is one of over 300,000 distributed to school children as a memento of the occasion. The obverse shows the busts of King George VI and Elizabeth facing left. The reverse shows Victoria's Coat of Arms, the official heraldic symbol, with the Southern Cross on a shield, above it is a kangaroo facing left and holding a crown. The supporting figure on the left holds an olive branch of 'peace' and the supporter on the right holds a cornucopia horn of 'plenty', together representing the text on the ribbon between them 'Peace & Planty' symbol of 'prosperity'. On May 7th, 1937 each school child in Victoria, Australia, received a medal commemorating the upcoming coronation of King George VI and Elizabeth, to be held on May 12th, 1937. medals totalling 318,200 were distributed to scholars in 2,781 Victorian schools. Each school received a letter from the Governor, Lord Humingfield, detailing the significance of the occasion. Lessons on the day focused on the meaning behind the medal, and children recited their Allegiance to the King, saluted the flag bearing the Union Jack and Southern Cross, and sang Australila's then National Anthem "God Save the King", which today is sung as the Royal Anthem. The medal is significant for connecting Victoria, and Australia, to the British Commonwealth and the sovereignty of the British throne, in Australia's post-Federation years. It shows the importance placed by the Government of Australia in educating the generation of students in 1937 about Australia's place in the Commonwealth and the history of Australia. The history of the medal is socially and politically significant, reflecting the evolution of changes in Australian society.Medal or medallion, bgilt rass, with claw and ring on top. The obverse has the bust of a female and male, co-joined, and the reverse has the Coat of arms of the State of Victoria, which includes a kangaroo above a shield and a supporting figure on either side of the shield. Inscriptions are on both sides of the medal. The medal commemorates the coronation of their Majesties, King George VI and Queen Elizabeth, on May 12th 1937.Obverse, around the circle: "KING GEORGE VI & QUEEN ELIZABETH" Reverse, around the circle: "TO COMMEMORATE THEIR MAJESTIES' CORONATION / MAY 12TH 1937" Reverse, within the Coat of Arms: "VICTORIA" "PEACE & PROSPERITY" flagstaff hill, flagstaff hill maritime museum and village, warrnambool, maritime museum, maritime village, great ocean road, shipwreck coast, medallion, medal, commemorative, king george vi and elizabeth, 1937, 12-05-1937, students in victoria, schools in victoria, 7-5-1937, victoria's coat of arms, peace & prosperity, british monarch, british throne, british commonwealth, numesmatics, coil, student, victorian student

As well as his army positions, Kelly-Kenny was very interested in politics in his native County Clare. In the Second Anglo-Boer War he was , as a Lieutenant-General, General Officer Commanding the 6th Division of the South African field forces. He was twice mentioned in dispatches and received the Queen's South African Medal with four clasps. He was involved in the relief of Kimberley, the battles of Paardeberg, Poplar Grove and Driefontein. Lieutenant-General Kitchener was appointed commander and over-ruled Kelly-Kenny's plan to besiege Cronji and bombard his force from a safe distance. Kitchener ordered an assault on the Boer trenches. The result was "Bloody Sunday" - an unnecessary sacrifice of hundreds of lives on the British side. Kelly-Kenny was involved in the engagements at Poplar Grove and Driefontein where the 6th Division distinguished itself. These were viewed as key to destroying the Boer morale and winning the war. General Kelly-Kenny was a close friend of King Edward VII. Appointments made, at the insistence of the King, were often challenged. Due to his loyalty and abilities Kelly-Kenny was appointed Knight Commander of the Order of the Bath and received a knighthood in a private audience. Once again others tried to have him moved from the War Office but the King intervened again and he remained in his position. He was conferred with the Knight Grand Cross of the Order of the Bath (1904), Grand Cross of the Red Eagle (1905 - Germany), Grand Cross of the Rising Sun (1906 - Japan) and on his return to Britain he received the Knight Grand Cross of the Royal Victorian Order (1906) Individual image taken from photographed poster of tobacco and cigarette cards.kell-kenny, county clare, lieutenant-general, kimberley, queen's south african medal, paardeberg, poplar grove, driefontein, kitchener, bloody sunday, cronji, boer war, trenches, knight commander of the order of the bath, war office, king, king edward vii, knight grand cross of the order of the bath, grand cross of the red eagle, grand cross of the rising sun, knight grand cross of the royal victorian order

William Schreiner was a barrister, politician, statesman, and Prime Minister of the Cape Colony during the Second Boer War. His proximity to parliamentarians gave him an entry to political life. In 1893 he was elected a member of the Cape Parliament for Kimberly. He became Attorney-General in Cecil Rhodes's cabinet. In1896, Schreiner and the rest of the parliamentary ministers resigned when it became obvious what Cecil Rhodes ambitions were. That ended Rhodes's term as Prime Minister. Schreiner advocated integration and equal rights for all "civilised" men. His dedication to this ideal was proved when he resigned from the National Convention in order to represent Dinuzulu, who was to stand trial for his alleged treasonous participation in the rebellion of 1906. With the forming of the Union Government in 1910 he became one of the first senators nominated to look after Black interests. In 1906 the so-called Bambatha rebellion broke out. Dinuzulu was accused of giving orders to Bambatha to start the rebellion and put on trial for treason. He was sentenced to four years imprisonment. When General Louis Botha became Prime Minister of the Union of South Africa he ordered Dinuzulu be released and transported to the farm Uitk yk in Transvaal. The Bambartha rebellion was a Zulu revolt against British rule and taxation in Natal. Individual image from photographed poster of tobacco and cigarette cards.william schreiner, barrister, politician, prime minister, cape colony, second boer war, attorney-general, cecil rhodes's cabinet, intergration and equal rights, national convention, dinuzulu, union government, bambartha rebellion, louis botha, uniion of south africa

A biographical gallery of "Who's Who" in public, political, official, judicial, patriotic, naval, military, charitable, professional, scientific, artistic, journalistic, ecclesiastical, religious, temperance, industrial, clerical, mercantile, commercial, aerial, scholastic, social club, musical, dramatic, friendly society, fraternal, athletic and sporting life, with Ballarat associations, past or present.Small hard covered brown book of 142 pages including advertisements.Stamped "The School of Mines Industries & Science Ballaratballarat district citizens and sports, m. m. mccallum, ballarat, citizens and sports at home and abroad, citizens and sports, political, official, judicial, patriotic, naval, military, charitable, professional, scientific, artistic, journalistic, ecclesiastical, religious, temperance, industrial, clerical, mercantile, commercial, aerial, scholastic, social club, musical, dramatic, friendly society, fraternal, athletic and sporting life, ballarat associations, clarendon college advertisement, wiles cooker, e. rowlands, koomah spa, thomas a. williams, leslie coulter, lela lake, margaret mcnanamny, leslie morshead, alice thwaites, james wiles, alfred williams

Crimson and black cloth bound book of 350 pages. Formerly part of the South Street Young Men's General Debating Society's Circulating Library.non-fictionmoney, south street, south street debating society, south street young men's general debating society circulating library, bookplate, j.s. charles, john p. charles, library, barter, currency, metals as money, coining, coins, standards, exchange, promissory notes, paper currency, credit documents, foreign bills of exchange, bank of england, corn rents, legal tender

Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerPhotograph of a street art poster taken on the streets of Hong Kong during the protests against legislation to allow Hong Kong suspects to be extradited to mainland Chinese carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, poster art, posters

Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerMore than a thousand protestors surround Hong Kong's main police headquarters on Arsenal Street in Wan Chai on June 26th following a peaceful rally at Edinburgh Place in Central. Doors to the complex were barricaded by protestors, who left after a six hour siege in protest at police violence at a prtest held earlier on 12 June 2019. Protesters ended a six-hour siege of Hong Kong’s police headquarters – their second in a week over the now-suspended extradition bill – early on Thursday morning. More than 1,000 were involved at the height of the protest, which began after 10pm on Wednesday. Around 100 were left at the end and dispersed without a fight when officers with riot shields emerged from the building in Wan Chai at 4am on Thursday. After a peaceful rally attended by thousands earlier at Edinburgh Place in the Central business district, hundreds descended on Arsenal Street, blocking the junction with Lockhart Road to all traffic and sealing the entrances to the police base. (https://www.scmp.com/news/hong-kong/politics/article/3016238/hong-kong-police-under-siege-again-protesters-surround )carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, protest, protestors

Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerSeven police officers stand guard in front of Hong Kong's main police headquarters on Arsenal Street in Wan Chai as an estimated one thousand protestors surround on 26 June 2019. Protestors take turns to step up and hurl abuse at the officers, in a protest lasting 6 hours before peacefully dispersing. The protesters chanted 'Release the martyrs' and 'Stop police violence' in reference to violent clashes with police in the days previous. ( https://www.scmp.com/news/hong-kong/politics/article/3016238/hong-kong-police-under-siege-again-protesters-surround)carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, protest, protestors, police, wan chai

Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerPhotograph crowds gathering on June 16 on the streets of Causeway Bay before an estimated 2 million people take part in march protesting the government's push for extradition laws to China and demanding an apology from the chief executrive Carrie Lam. Nearly 2 million’ people take to streets, forcing public apology from Hong Kong leader Carrie Lam as suspension of controversial extradition bill fails to appease protesters. (https://www.scmp.com/news/hong-kong/politics/article/3014737/nearly-2-million-people-take-streets-forcing-public-apology )carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, protest, protestors

Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerPhotograph of a crowd or protestors against proposed extradition laws gathering on the streets of Causeway Bay, Hong Kong, leading down to the gathering area. carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, protest, protestors