Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerPhotograph of a crowd on the streets of Hong Kong to protest against proposed extradition laws, heading towards Admiralty. carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, protest, protestors, admiralty

Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerCrowds mass on Queens Way in Hong Kong as an estimated 2 million people march in protest at the government's refusal to withdraw a controverisal law allowing people to be extradited to mainland China. Chants demanded the chief executive apologise and the legislation be withdrawn, while many held signs protesting police violence. Nearly 2 million protesters flooded the streets of Hong Kong on Sunday, organisers claimed, delivering a stunning repudiation of Chief Executive Carrie Lam Cheng Yuet-ngor’s governance and forcing a public apology out of the city’s leader over her campaign to bulldoze a controversial extradition bill through the legislature. A day after Lam suspended her push for the bill, expecting it to defuse a crisis that has seen violent clashes between mostly young protesters and police, the centre of Hong Kong was brought to a complete standstill as the masses marched to chastise her for refusing to withdraw the bill or apologise when first asked to, and declaring that nothing short of her resignation would satisfy them now. (https://www.scmp.com/news/hong-kong/politics/article/3014737/nearly-2-million-people-take-streets-forcing-public-apology ) carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, protest, protestors, admiralty

A large dark blue soft cover book with the the title written in large red letters at the top,on a white stripe underneath this is written Special Bicentennial Edition and under this on the dark blue are five white stars depicting the Southern Cross four of the stars has the face of a historical person on it and the fifth star has an old sailing ship.non-fictionbicentennial, settlement, politics, religion, sport, food, 1788, business, population, booms, anglo australia.

315 p. : ill., facsims., ports. ; Ill. on end papers. Includes bibliography and index.non-fictiondepressions, poverty, australia, politics, economic conditions

This horse-drawn, two-wheeled cart with a tank, is known as a Furphy Farm Water Cart that was made in Shepparton, northern Victoria, c. 1942. John Furphy (1842-1920) was born in Moonee Ponds, in 1842 to Irish immigrant parents and subsequently raised in the Yarra Valley before the family moved to Kyneton in central Victoria, where he completed an apprenticeship with the firm Hutcheson and Walker. Murphy began operations of his own at a site on Piper Street in Kyneton in 1864. He relocated for a business opportunity and founded the first blacksmiths and wheelwrights shop in the newly surveyed town of Shepparton in 1873. Furphy invented many farming tools and machines including a patented grain-stripper, and won awards at the 1888-89 Melbourne International Exhibition. His most famous invention is the Furphy Farm Water Cart, designed in the 1880s, at a time when water for most households and farms was carted on wagons in wooden barrels. The Furphy’s water cart is a single item that combines a water metal tank and a cart. The design of the cart was simple yet effective, and became popular very quickly and established itself as a vital piece of farming equipment. The water cart has had a number of words cast into its ends over many years. References to the foundry’s location in Shepparton, as well as advertising of other products also manufactured by J. Furphy & Sons were present on the ends. However, the most significant set of words to feature on the tank, was a poem encouraging continual improvement: ‘Good Better Best, Never Let it Rest, Until your Good is Better, And your Better Best’. During The Great War (1914-1918), the water cart was used by the Australian militarily at a large AIF (Australian Imperial Force) camp in Broadmeadows (Melbourne) where thousands of men were camped for months, before being transported aboard. Furphy Water Carts provided water to the troops, and were usually placed near the camp latrines, which was one of the few places the troops could share gossip and tall tales away from the prying eyes and ears of their officers. The water cart drivers were also notorious sources of information, despite most of their news being hearsay, or totally unreliable. By the time the men of the AIF were in engaged in combat on the Gallipoli Peninsula and the Western Front, the carts used for water supply had no markings and became simply referred to as Furphys. This owed as much to the coining of the term ‘Furphy’, Australian slang for suspect information or rumour. After a number of decades as principally a soldier’s word, 'Furphy' entered the broader Australian vernacular and was used mainly by the political class until recently when the term was taken up by a Australian brewer as a beer brand. This Furphy Water Cart was purchased by Friends of Flagstaff Hill in 2014. The support of local individuals, organisations and businesses enabled its restoration and later its installation alongside the existing late-19th century water pipe stand and 1940s hand pump The Furphy Farm Water Cart is of historical significance as it represents a famous Australian time-saving and energy-saving invention of the 1880s, replacing the labour intensive activity of collecting and dispensing water from barrels and casks on the back of carts. The water cart’s connection with manufacturing companies J. Furphy & Sons and Furphy Foundry are significant for being early Australian businesses that are still in operation today. Furphy carts are of military significance for the role they played during The Great War (1914-1918) in Australian army camps, and theatres of war in Europe and the Middle East, to supply the AIF troops with fresh water. A wooden framed, two-wheeled, horse-drawn cart, fitted with a horizontally mounted, cylindrical metal tank. The tank is made of rolled, sheet steel with a riveted seam, and cast iron ends with cast iron ends. The spoked metal wheels have fitted flat iron tyres and metal hubs. A metal pipe is joined to the outlet. The tank is silver coloured, the ends, wheels and trims are crimson, and the script lettering on tank sides is black. There are inscriptions on the tank, ends, and hubs. The water tank was made in 1942 in Shepparton, Australia, by J. Furphy & Sons and has a capacity of 180 gallons (848 litres). Hub perimeter, embossed “J. FURPHY & SONS” “KEEP THE / BOLTS TIGHT” Hub centre embossed [indecipherable] Tank, each side, painted “J. FURPHY & SONS / Makers / SHEPPARTON” Tank ends, embossed – “FURPHY’S FARM WATER CART” “BORN ABOUT 1880 – STILL ‘GOING STRONG’ 1942” “j. FURPHY & SONS / MAKERS / SHEPPARTON - VIC “ “S - - - - - L MANUFACTURERS” [SPECIAL] “SPIKE ROLLERS” “SINGLE TREES” “PLOUGH WHEELS” “IRON CASTINGS” “LAND GRADERS” “STEEL DELVERS” “CAST IRON PIG” “CHAIN YOKES” “GOOD – BETTER – BEST / NEVER LET IT REST / TILL YOUR GOOD IS BETTER / AND YOUR BETTER – BEST” Image [Stork carrying a baby] above shorthand, transcribed "Produce and populate or perish" Image [Furphy Pig Feeder] beside ‘Cast Iron Pig’ Shorthand, transcribed “"Water is the gift of God but beer and whiskey are concoctions of the Devil, come and have a drink of water"warrnambool, flagstaff hill maritime museum, water cart, furphy cart, furphy tank, furphy farm water cart, furphy, john furphy, john furphy & sons, furphy foundry, kyneton, shepparton, mobile water tank, jinker, hutchinson & walker, blacksmith, farm equipment, implement maker, tool maker, horse drawn, stork and baby, good, better, best, barrel, tank, first world war, wwi, eastern front, gallipoli, j furphy & sons

non-fictionCatalogue for exhibition at National Gallery of Australia 2001 comprising essays, images and list of exhibited works by Mexican modernist artists working in 1930's to 1950s, born in, or influenced by, Mexicomodernism, painting, collage, selfportraiture, portraiture, 1910 mexican revolution, photography

non-fictionA history of Australian women artists, the lives and practice of 24 women are covered to redress their absence in critical and art historical records. painting, water colour, portraiture, print making

Booknon-fictionWritten by two muralists and a sociologists the book documents the community based mural movement in the late 60s and early 70s in Canada and the USA.political art, revolutionary art, community arts, large scale works

Booknon-fictionAnthology of articles on the history and theory of community arts in Australia written by artists and artsworkers involved. community arts, collaborative practice, art history, political art, community arts network, aboriginal land rights

Booknon-fictionCollection of essays written by feminist theorists from several disciplines in Australia, New Zealand, Canada and the US, challenging 'western ' feminism, examining identity politics and intersectionality.post-colonialism, body, postmodernism, poststructuralism, theory, racism, globalization

Booknon-fictionArising from research for an exhibition of the same name, which toured Australia 1981- 1982 the book covers the work of 45 amateur and professional photographers and their lives as innovators and travellers. Many of the works come from private collections and have not been previously published.self portraiture, self-portraiture, pictorialism, home magazine, studio photography, melbourne society of women painters and sculptors, olive cotton, ruth hollick

non-fictionEssays on feminist art, art history, criticism and museum practices in 1990s Australia by writers, academics, artists.indigenous art, political art, gender, represenation, museology, photography, installation, graphic design, collaborative practices

Booknon-fictionCharts the intersection of the women's art movement with women's art, and the increased visibility of women artists from the 1960s into the 1970s in Australia.portraiture, feminist art practice, performance art, political art, art and craft, thancoupie, jill orr, vivienne binns, collective art, erica mcgilchrist, mickey allan, ann newmarch

non-fictionAn illustrated survey of public mural projects during the 1970's and 1980's in metropolitan and regional communities including feminist, Trade Union, and Indigenous projects.murals, trade unions, women's murals, indigenous, urban art, political art, community arts, community arts network, eve glen, carol ruff, sarah macnamarra, barbary o'brien, community arts board, geoff hogg, ann newmarch, merilyn fairskye, catriona moore

non-fictionA history of the authors life as an artist, teacher, and political activist in Australia.trade unions, social realism, communist party of australia, peace art, australia council, community arts, art and working life, international co-operation art award, cpa, political cartoons, cabramatta and districts art society, noel counihan, contemporary art society of victoria

non-fictionA collection of essays on Indigenous art in mainstream Australia by international Indigenous and non-Indigenous academics, arts administrators and practising artists. fiona foley, fiona nicoll, regina ganter, ole maiava, louise martin-chew, anna haebich, franca tamisari, aboriginal art, indigenous architecture

non-fictionVisual and written documentation on photography in Australia and its importance.racial, political, social, brenda l. croft, leah king-smith, tracey moffat, brook andrew, destiny deacon, rosemary laing, olive cotton, margaret michaelis, ruth maddison, carol jerrems, fiona hall, patricia piccinni, jacky redgate, anne zahalka, pat brassington, anne ferran

Election card for Jim MITCHELL, representative for Boundary Ward, for Port Melbourne City Council, c. 1970sName and address handwritten by Jim Mitchell on reverse side.politics, local government - city of port melbourne, societies clubs unions and other organisations, james malcolm (jim) mitchell, australian labor party

Small (30 pages) booklet of the National Party of Australia - Queensland constitution as at 1st August 1976. The booklet has a red cover. Part of the Aileen and John Ellison collection.j. Ellison of the first page.national party, political party

Bibliography, notes, ill, maps, p.245.non-fictionRetrace Australia's role in the First World War from the trenches of Somme Mud to the wider war on the Western Front. Imagine this. You are a country boy and just eighteen. The war has been raging for two years and because of your age, you have not been eligible for enlistment. Your mates, older by a few months are joining up and disappearing to the great adventure across the world in Europe. And there is forever talk of the need for reinforcements, for men like you to join up and support the Empire, Australia and your mates in the line. Such was the case for Edward Francis Lynch, a typical country boy from Perthville, near Bathurst. When war was declared in early August 1914, he was just sixteen and still at school, but like a generation of young males in Australia, there was something to prove and a need to be there. Will Davies, editor of the bestselling Somme Mud, meticulously tracked Lynch and his battalion's travels; their long route marches to flea ridden billets, into the frontline at such places as Messines, Dernancourt, Stormy Trench and Villers Bretonneux, to rest areas behind the lines and finally, on the great push to the final victory after August 1918. In words and pictures Davies fills in the gaps in Private Lynch's story and through the movements of the other battalions of the AIF provides impact and context to their plight and achievements. Looking at these battlefields today, the pilgrims who visit and those who attend to the land we come to understand how the spirit of Australia developed and of our enduring role in world politics.world war 1914-1918 - personal narratives - australia, western front 1914-1918 - australian participation

Index, bibliography, notes, ill, map, p.404.non-fictionBy March 1942, the Japanese had steamrolled through Malaya, laid siege to Singapore, and bombed Darwin with the same ferocity they had dealt Pearl Harbor. Nothing could stop them. Their next step was inevitable, surely: the invasion and occupation of Australia. Meanwhile, as Australian prime minister John Curtin was battling with Winston Churchill to get troops back from overseas to defend their homeland, he was also positioning to ensure the United States would be there with us to fend off the approaching enemy. And at home, people pitched in as best they could and in any way to frustrate the invader. They all played their part, torn between 'she'll be right' and near panic. On Our Doorstep is the story of how Australia and Australians - the government, the military and the people - prepared to face this calamity, and the events that persuaded them of its probability. In the end, Japan found it had stretched itself beyond the reliability of its supply line, but had it ever intended to invade Australia?world war 1939 – 1945 – campaigns – south west pacific, australia - politics and government - 1939-1945

Index, bibliography,ill, maps, p.310.non-fictionIn the last months of 1944, a group of elite Australian and British commandos was selected for the biggest Allied behind-the-scenes operation of the Pacific War. Their mission: to devastate the enemy's shipping by destroying the Japanese ships at anchor in Singapore Harbour. Operation Rimau, Britain's last throw of the colonial dice in South-East Asia, was intended as a body blow to the Japanese and a signal to the world that she would reclaim her Eastern Empire. Britain was trying to reclaim past glory - while Australia's wartime prime minister, John Curtin, had turned to America. In this atmosphere, Operation Rimau was planned ... Operation Rimau takes us inside the fierce conflict, and tells what really happened to these brave commandos - from the very beginnings of the operation through to their intense and courageous fighting in the South China Seas, and its aftermath. It exposes the sloppy planning behind the raid, and names the officers who betrayed and abandoned them in their hour of need, and details the political double-dealing which for so many years hid the real story behind red tape and bureaucratic lies.world war 1939-1945 - covert operations - australia, krait (ship)

index, bib, ill (plates), maps, ports, p.863.non-fictionLes Carlyon's The Great War is the epic story of the fighting men who wove themselves into legend as part of the largest tragedy in Australian history - 179,000 dead and wounded - leaving a nation to mourn its fallen heroes in 'one long national funeral' into the 1930s and, now again, a century later. As he did with the best-seller Gallipoli, Carlyon leads the reader behind the lines, across the western front and other theatres of battle, and deep into the minds of the men who are witnesses to war. Having walked the fields of France, Belgium and Turkey on his quest for a truth beyond the myth, Carlyon weaves us a mesmerising narrative that shifts seamlessly from the hatching of grand strategies in the political salons of London and St Petersburg to the muddy, bloody trenches of Pozieres and Passchendaele where ordinary soldiers descended into a maelstrom unimaginable. australian army - history, world war 1914-1918 - campaigns - western front

Index, bibliography, notes, ill, maps, p.628.non-fictionThe Australian experience of war in all its complexity - from the homefront as well as the battlefront - as the men and women who experienced it chose to understand and remember it. The Great War is, for many Australians, the event that defined our nation. The larrikin diggers, trench warfare, and the landing at Gallipoli have become the stuff of the Anzac legend. But it was also a war fought by the families at home. Their resilience in the face of hardship, their stoic acceptance of enormous casualty lists and their belief that their cause was just, made the war effort possible. This book brings together all the dimensions of World War I. Combining deep scholarship with powerful storytelling, this book brings the war years to life: from the well-known battles at Gallipoli, Pozieres, Fromelles and Villers-Bretonneux, to the lesser known battles in Europe and the Middle East; from the ferocious debates over conscription to the disillusioning Paris peace conference and the devastating Spanish flu the soldiers brought home. We witness the fear and courage of tens of thousands of soldiers, grapple with the strategic nightmares confronting the commanders, and come to understand the impact on Australians at home and at the front of death on an unprecedented scale. A century after the Great War, this book brings lucid insight into the dramatic events, mass grief and political turmoil that makes the memory of this terrible war central to Australia's history.world war 1914-1918- australia - history, world war 1914-1918 - social conditions