Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerMore than a thousand protestors surround Hong Kong's main police headquarters on Arsenal Street in Wan Chai on June 26th following a peaceful rally at Edinburgh Place in Central. Doors to the complex were barricaded by protestors, who left after a six hour siege in protest at police violence at a prtest held earlier on 12 June 2019. Protesters ended a six-hour siege of Hong Kong’s police headquarters – their second in a week over the now-suspended extradition bill – early on Thursday morning. More than 1,000 were involved at the height of the protest, which began after 10pm on Wednesday. Around 100 were left at the end and dispersed without a fight when officers with riot shields emerged from the building in Wan Chai at 4am on Thursday. After a peaceful rally attended by thousands earlier at Edinburgh Place in the Central business district, hundreds descended on Arsenal Street, blocking the junction with Lockhart Road to all traffic and sealing the entrances to the police base. (https://www.scmp.com/news/hong-kong/politics/article/3016238/hong-kong-police-under-siege-again-protesters-surround )carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, protest, protestors

Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerSeven police officers stand guard in front of Hong Kong's main police headquarters on Arsenal Street in Wan Chai as an estimated one thousand protestors surround on 26 June 2019. Protestors take turns to step up and hurl abuse at the officers, in a protest lasting 6 hours before peacefully dispersing. The protesters chanted 'Release the martyrs' and 'Stop police violence' in reference to violent clashes with police in the days previous. ( https://www.scmp.com/news/hong-kong/politics/article/3016238/hong-kong-police-under-siege-again-protesters-surround)carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, protest, protestors, police, wan chai

Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerPhotograph crowds gathering on June 16 on the streets of Causeway Bay before an estimated 2 million people take part in march protesting the government's push for extradition laws to China and demanding an apology from the chief executrive Carrie Lam. Nearly 2 million’ people take to streets, forcing public apology from Hong Kong leader Carrie Lam as suspension of controversial extradition bill fails to appease protesters. (https://www.scmp.com/news/hong-kong/politics/article/3014737/nearly-2-million-people-take-streets-forcing-public-apology )carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, protest, protestors

Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerPhotograph of a crowd or protestors against proposed extradition laws gathering on the streets of Causeway Bay, Hong Kong, leading down to the gathering area. carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, protest, protestors

Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerPhotograph of a crowd on the streets of Hong Kong to protest against proposed extradition laws, heading towards Admiralty. carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, protest, protestors, admiralty

Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerCrowds mass on Queens Way in Hong Kong as an estimated 2 million people march in protest at the government's refusal to withdraw a controverisal law allowing people to be extradited to mainland China. Chants demanded the chief executive apologise and the legislation be withdrawn, while many held signs protesting police violence. Nearly 2 million protesters flooded the streets of Hong Kong on Sunday, organisers claimed, delivering a stunning repudiation of Chief Executive Carrie Lam Cheng Yuet-ngor’s governance and forcing a public apology out of the city’s leader over her campaign to bulldoze a controversial extradition bill through the legislature. A day after Lam suspended her push for the bill, expecting it to defuse a crisis that has seen violent clashes between mostly young protesters and police, the centre of Hong Kong was brought to a complete standstill as the masses marched to chastise her for refusing to withdraw the bill or apologise when first asked to, and declaring that nothing short of her resignation would satisfy them now. (https://www.scmp.com/news/hong-kong/politics/article/3014737/nearly-2-million-people-take-streets-forcing-public-apology ) carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, protest, protestors, admiralty

The Working Men’s College was founded in 1881 by a prominent grazier and philanthropist, The Hon. Francis Ormond, who donated £5000 towards the establishment of the college. The Council of the Melbourne Trades Hall then matched Ormond's initial donation by rallying its members. On 4 June 1887, the college opened in its purpose-built building on the corners of Bowen Street and La Trobe Street in Melbourne, with a gala ceremony. It became the third official provider of higher education in the new Colony of Victoria (the Melbourne Athenaeum was founded in 1839 and the University of Melbourne in 1853). The college was the predecessor to the current-day Royal Melbourne Institute of Technology (RMIT University). Adjoining the college in the 1890s were the Supreme Court of Victoria (later the Melbourne Magistrates' Court) and the Melbourne Gaol - both which are now part of RMIT today. A list of Scholarship Governors and Life Governors is included. The former have donated 250 Pounds Sterling and upwards, the later have donated 20 Pounds and over but less than 250 Pounds Sterling. The Patron of The Working Men's College was His Excellency The Right Honourable Lord Brassey. The President of the Council was Professor W C Kernot. The majority of classes were at night and on Saturdays. Tan soft covered book of 112 pages. The thirteenth edition of the Working Men's College (later Royal Melbourne Institute of Technology [RMIT]). It inlcudes the following photographic images: Main Building, Assaying, 1899 council (W.C. Kernot, W.H. Embling, Thomas smith, F.H. Bromley, John Reid, R.H. Solly, E. Findley, D. McIvor, James Robb, John Hancock, C.E. Oliver, A.J. Arnot, James Smith, Joseph Nixon, R.L.Jellery. C.S. Paterson), UNveiling the Ormond Statue, Victorian Lead and Shot Works, Francis Ormond, Telegraphy room, Lecture Theatre, photography, painting class, wool sorting, plumbing, Remington typewriter, W. Ison, H.D. Evans, library, Verdon prize, Denton Hat Mills. working men's college melbourne, rmit, w.c. kernot, w.h. embling, ormond statue, f. ormond, electricity, surveying, architecture, photography, assaying, dressmaking, veterinary science, plumbing, letterpress printing, w. ison, h.d. evans, library, denton hat mills, literary and commercial department, typewriting department, languages, telegraphy, department of music, department of mathematics, department of engineering, 'department of architecture, department of art and applied art, department of mining and metallurgy, department of chemistry, department of household economy, department of agriculture and rural industries, woodworking, carpentry and joinery, turning and fitting, coachbuilding and carriagedrafting

The Working Men’s College was founded in 1881 by a prominent grazier and philanthropist, The Hon. Francis Ormond, who donated £5000 towards the establishment of the college. The Council of the Melbourne Trades Hall then matched Ormond's initial donation by rallying its members. On 4 June 1887, the college opened in its purpose-built building on the corners of Bowen Street and La Trobe Street in Melbourne, with a gala ceremony. It became the third official provider of higher education in the new Colony of Victoria (the Melbourne Athenaeum was founded in 1839 and the University of Melbourne in 1853). The college was the predecessor to the current-day Royal Melbourne Institute of Technology (RMIT University). Adjoining the college in the 1890s were the Supreme Court of Victoria (later the Melbourne Magistrates' Court) and the Melbourne Gaol - both which are now part of RMIT today. An Index at the back lists all courses available. There is also an Index to Advertisements. Orange/red soft covered book with assorted photographs and advertisements.Office Jun Tech written on front cover.melbourne, prospectus, w.c. kernot, james smith, thos smith, a.e. smith, c.e. oliver, r. solly, s. barker, r. fiddes brown, t.f. bride, daniel white, f.e. shillabeer, d.avery, a.h. merrin, chas gray, w.h. haigh, j.h. hewison, h. burgess, sir d.v. hennessy, w.s. busby, r.b. lemmon, s.n. rodda, j. lemmon, r.b. mccomas, working men's college, melbourne technical school, charles gray, heads of departments, j sarvaas engineering, g b pritchard mining and metallurgy, e s richards chemistry, a hart mathematics, g r pitkeithly art and applied art, r j haddon architecture, instructors-in-charge, e carlton, coach and body building, r j dorey, blacksmithing, j dewar, plumbing gasfitting sheet metal work, h haile, sheep and wool, g leslie, printing, r h mcleod, correspondence courses, f parkin, pattern-making, w penrose, turning and fitting, machinery erecting, d skidmore, moulding, librarian a hart

The Ballarat School of Mines was the first school of Mines in Australasia, and was established in 1870. It is a predecessor institution of Federation University Australia.Correspondence to the Ballarat School of Mines for the month of July 1908. Letter 162 Ballarat Fine Art Public Gallery Association 19 Lydiard Street North Ballarat, 26th June 1908 Sir, I am directed to inform you that at a meeting of the Council of the above held last evening, your previously acknowledged letter of 11th June 1908, addressted to "E. [Stoer?] Esq, President Late Technical Art School Committee", was received and referred to a committee for its report thereon, cousi directions of which was made are the Order of the Day for the Councils next Ordinary Monthly Meeting. I am, Sir, Your Obedient Servant, J.A. Powell Secretary F.J. Martell Esq Director The Ballarat School of Mines Ballarat ballarat school of mines, frederick martell, ballarat fine art gallery, j.a. powell, art gallery of ballarat, gallery association, charles j. morris, ballarat fine art public gallery association, telegram, c.h. clark, l. ditchburn, alumni, examinations, w.g. taylor, london bank of australia limited, bealiba, thomas r. lyle, jessie chalmers, signor steffani, arundel orchard, w.f. coltman, e.e. hobson, j.t. mooney, queanbeyan, p.e. marmion, willaim m. robertson, assay, e.e. brook, lloyd copper mines, h.b. silberberg & co., education department melbourne, c. james, w. west, haddon, warragul, bakers reef gold mning company, letterhead, victorian portland cement works, d. mitchell, electric lighting and traction co. australia ltd, austral otis engineering comapny ltd, melbourne glass bottle works company, cuming, smith & co. pty ltd, excursions, metropolitan gas company, jaques bros manufacturing engineers, victoria iron works, a. victor leggo co, leggo's metallurgical works, melbourne hydraulic power company limited, mount lyell mining and railway coy ltd, victorian railways, telegraph, land surveying, j. brittain, g. fitzgerald, hamilton, cochran and co, wynne-grant antimony reduction company, mt egerton and gordons mining co, e. hogan, e.c. connell, a.d. galoway, metallurgy, h.b. silberberg, specific gravity balance and weights, union bank of australia (ballarat), bullarto, bush inn, bullarto, w. harrington, prospective student, book donaton from smithsonian institution, e. la t. armstrong, department of mines and forests, melbourne, snake valley, r. hall-jones, c. calaby, clementston, thomas ramsay, w.d. thompson, longmans, green and co, selwyn chase, missionary exhibition, aboriginal court of the missionary exhibition, examination results, leslie coulter, hnery j. saw, thomas ramsay, virgil tucker, leslie c. blick, thomas r. williams, oliver w. williams, thomas r. williams, leo m. seward, david w. bonar, louis w.g. buchner, leo m. seward, albert j. robin, james a. chambers, james d. brokenshire, william kingston, edgar c. hurdsfield, virgil tucker, oliver w. williams, william g. sides, herbert hawkesworth, colin c. corrie, henry j. saw, thomas h. trengrove, thomas r. prigdeon, harold b. herbert, viola p. jackson, lionel s. davies, stanley w. tompkins, arthur m. lilburne

Francis Gordon Davis was born in Ballarat on 09 August 1899. He is the only former student of the Ballarat Junior Technical School who was killed on service during World War One. Davis enlisted into the Australian Flying Corps, Laverton, on 12 April 1918 at which time he was 18 and 8 months and served as a second class Air Mechanic. His service number was 3310. He died accidentally from shock resulting from an accident resulting from skidding a Leyland Motor Lorry at Leighterton, Tetbury, Gloucester, England on 28 January 1919 and is buried in Grave 6 in the Soldiers Corner of the Leighterton Cemetery. Francis Davis was accorded a full military funeral, firing party, bugler and pallbearers. The coffin was draped in the Union Jack and surmounted in several beautiful wreathes sent from his brother 2/A.M. E.H. Davis (A.F.C Leighterton), officer of the A.F.C. Leighterton, Gloucester, Cadets of A.F.C. and many other personal friends of the deceased. The "Last Post" was sounded at the graveside, and the Rev. Major K.D. Norman C. of E. A.I.F. officiated. The grave was to be turfed and an oak cross erected by the A.I.F. London. Administrative Headquarters A.I.F. London were represented at the funeral. (http://bih/index.php/Francis_G._Davis) In June 1922 Alfred Davis, the father of Francis Davis, planted a tree in the grounds of the Ballarat Junior Technical School in honour of hos son. It was the first tree of six planted in the grounds of the Ballarat School of Mines on Arbor Day 1922. Speaking of the planting of the tree by Mr Davis the Chief Secretary (Mr M. Baird M.L.A.), said he trusted the memory would ever remain green at the school. Had he and others not given their lives nothing that we could have done to-day could have retrieved the time. Australians had indeed done splendidly, but they should take a wider outlook than Australia, and reading the history of the Genoa Conference he had been struck by what had been done ... We should honor such men as he in whose memory that tree was planted, and the schools that sent them out to fight for us. He hoped the empire would always be able to produce such men, so that the Empire would always be able to lead the World's struggle for the benefit of humanity. The last post was then sounded by Mr. H. Green. ... (Ballarat Courier, 19 June 1922)A number of photographs of a tree and marble plaque in the grounds of the Ballarat School of Mines. It was a memorial to Francis Davis, a former student of the Ballarat Junior Technical School, who died on active service during World War One.ballarat school of mines, ballarat junior secondary school, world war one, memorial, marble plaque, marble memorial, tree, memorial tree, davis, francis davis, centenary

Horace Pickford was born at Clunes, Victoria. Private Horace Pickford (2882) enlisted for service during [[World War One]] at Melbourne. on 18 June 1915. He gave his mother, Bessie Pickford of Yeovil Estate Clunes, as his next of kin. He served with the 57th Battalion until he was transferred to the 58th Battalion on 15 March 1916. He was appointed Lance Corporal on 01 December 1916, and was wounded in the back in France the next day and evacuated to England from Rouen. On 03 March 1917 Pickford was awarded the D.C.M. for conspicuous gallantry in action, and rejoined his unit in France on 09 July 1917. On 24 August 1917 Horace Pickford was promted to Corporal. He was killed in Action in France on 27 September 1917 and buried in the vicinity of Polygone Wood. The grave was later docuemnted at being located in the Tyne Cot. Military Cemetery (Plot 62, Row E. Grave2). This cemetery is in Passchendaele, 5 1'2 miles north east of Ypres. Horace Pickford married after enlistment, and his wife Mrs Sarah Ida Isabel (Ida) Pickford of 261 Malvern Road South Yarra became his next of kin. Postcard - black and white portrait of Horace Pickford. Written on back: "Lance Corporal Horace Pickford 2882 C Company 58th Battalion Aust Imp Forces On Active Service Abroad"pickford, chatham-holmes collection, horace pickford, australian imperial forces, c company, active service, pickford collection, world war one, yeovil

This book was used in Australian Primary Schools.Green and white covered book including singing and listening, folk dancing, music and ANZAC Day Songs.music, anzac day, folk songs, june epstein, abc, australian broadcasting commission

Andrew Chatham, the youngest of Philip and Elizabeth Chatham's 5 children, was born in 1968. In this photo, he looks about 8 - 10 years old. The photo was taken at Rokewood, Victoria on his parent's Western District property, "Kur-a-ruc South" a former part of the Kur-a ruc Station, Rokewood, Victoria purchased by Philip and Elizabeth Chatham in 1964. The family lived at Ascot, 15 miles north of Ballarat, and had regular weekend day trips and Easter holidays picnicking, droving sheep, feeding stock, checking water troughs and dams, hand-weeding Patterson curse, repairing fences, collecting paddock rocks and sugar-gum wood at "Kur-a-ruc South'. Home base for these excursions was either a car, the shearing shed, sometimes a 6-berth caravan and by the mid-1980s a shearer's quarters with an inside toilet. [Jane Dyer (nee Chatham).15 June 2024] chatham-holmes collection, andrew chatham, outdoor shed, toilet facility, rokewood, kur-a-ruc south, rokewood

"After the war Pipe-Major Duncan McLennan, moved to Ballarat and took up a position as cadet instructor and leader of the Ballarat Highland Pipe Band and the Ballarat Ladies Pipe Band. " (Victorian Historical Journal Vol. 85, No. 1, June 2014)A1 - Coloured photo taken at Highland Day 1978 A2 - Coloured photo taken at Begonia Festival 1978 A3 - Coloured photo taken at Highland Day 1978A1 - Highland Day March 78 A2 - Begonia Festival March 78 A3 - Highland Day March 78ladies pipe band, ladies highland pipe band, photograph, black and white photograph, highland day, begonia festival, ballarat ladies' highland pipe band

"After the war Pipe-Major Duncan McLennan, moved to Ballarat and took up a position as cadet instructor and leader of the Ballarat Highland Pipe Band and the Ballarat Ladies Pipe Band. " (Victorian Historical Journal Vol. 85, No. 1, June 2014)Leaflet advertising Ballarat Highland Day as a part of the Ballarat Begonia Festival in 1956.ladies pipe band, ladies highland pipe band, begonia festival, highland day, pipe band

John Hughes was Awarded the Military Medal: "for conspicuous good work during operations at/ GIRD TRENCH, near LE SARS, on 14.11.1916./ This N.C.O. was in charge of a party of men engaged in digging a communication trench from/ our jumping off trench to the newly captured GIRD TRENCH. He displayed great courage and coolness under very heavy fire, and his personal efforts were mainly responsible for the completion of the task allotted to his party."// Service number: 3044 Rank: Lance Sergeant Unit: 2nd Pnr Bn Service: Army Conflict: First World War, 1914-1918 Award: Military Medal Date of London Gazette: 22 January 1917 Location in London Gazette: Page 836, position 34 Date of Commonwealth of Australia Gazette: 29 June 1917 Location in Commonwealth of Australia Gazette: Page 1395, position 37A framed embroidered cushion cover from WW1. Sent or brought home by Lt. Jack Hughes. Contained within the same frame is a paper clipping and a photo.1.Cushion cover: from the top down- Egypt.... 1914/ Rising Sun/ scrolls with Australian Commonwealth/ Military Forces/ Aust Div Train/ Palestine Sinai Syria/1919. 2.Newpaper clipping with photo: John Hughes (left) 81, and Hugh Mont/gomery, 87, are the two oldest veterans who/ will be taking part in the Frankston ANZAC/ Day March on Tuesday. Mr Hughes served/ in France and Belgium in WW1 and/ in Darwin in the Second World War. He is a/ holder of the Military Medal./ Mr. Montgomery served with the 29th Bat/talion AIF in France during WW1/ Both men have been residents of the RSL park War Veterans Home for the past eight years.// 3. Photo: Mr. John Hughes.belgium, france, ww1, lt, mm, jack, hughes

gray plasticnon-fictionThe history of the New Guinea Air Warning Wireless Company. This reprinted version contains a map of the dispositions of Spotting Stations August 1943, additional MID awards listed and some additions to the nominal roll. The New Guinea Air Warning Wireless Company was formed in Port Moresby in late January 1942 and was granted “Separate Independent Establishment” status in October 1943. The company’s “founding father” was Major Don Small, who had witnessed Japanese air raids on Rabaul and realised that having lacked an effective early-warning system around New Britain meant that the defenders were taken by surprise. At the time, gaps had also appeared in the coast-watching communications network because the territory administration ordered the withdrawal of civilian wireless operators when Japan entered the war. The first influx of men into the company consisted largely of volunteers from the 39th Infantry Battalion, which was stationed at Port Moresby. Initial training was rudimentary, hasty, and was sometimes even carried out on en route to a new station. The first party of company personnel, or “spotters”, left Port Moresby as early as 1 February 1942, bound for the strategically important Samarai area, at the tip of Papua. In the first month of the company’s existence 16 spotter stations were established on the coast of Papua and in the mountains around Port Moresby. At the end of 1942 there were 61 operational stations being run by 180 men. The company’s high-water mark was in late 1944, by which time over 150 stations had been set up in Papua and New Guinea behind enemy lines. On 3 February 1942 the company issued its first air warning in Papua, when spotters at Tufi saw Japanese aircraft about to attack Port Moresby for the first time. The following month the company was responsible for the first Japanese killed in action in Papua by Australian ground forces, when spotters from Gona engaged the crew of a downed Japanese bomber. And in July 1942 the station at Buna signalled Port Moresby with news of the Japanese landings in Papua, marking the beginning of the Kokoda campaign. The dangers involved in the company’s work had also been made clear by this time. In July 1942 a party of spotters attempting to set up a station at Misima Island, off Milne Bay, was intercepted by a Japanese destroyer, resulting in the company’s first operational losses. Anticipating the direction of the campaign as a whole, the company’s focus moved north and north-west over the three years of its existence. In May 1942 a network was set up in the Wau area in association with the activities of Kanga Force. As part of the Wau network, spotter Ross Kirkwood audaciously constructed an observation post overlooking the Japanese airstrip at Salamaua. Kirkwood’s position was photographed by Damian Parer on the understanding that the pictures would not be published. They nevertheless appeared in a Sydney newspaper. The day after the publication of the photographs the observation post was attacked by the Japanese and Kirkwood was lucky to escape. In June 1944 the company’s headquarters were moved to Nadzab. By that time, spotter stations existed behind Japanese lines, as far north as Hollandia, and the company began to train Americans to perform similar work in the Philippines. In early 1945 the company moved to Balcombe, Victoria, where its members were posted to other units of the Australian Corps of Signals.world war ii, special operations, new guinea, new guinea air warning wireless company

Open Day, Ringwood Technical School, 31st May, 1961, Mr Veitch (left), Principal and Mayor Bob Horman speaking. All material is from Gwen Horman’s three albums that she owned. Some photos have been taken by Peter Payens of Ringwood Studios, 36 Whitehorse Road, Ringwood, WU-7609, probably for the Ringwood mail newspaper. From The Ringwood Mail, 8 June 1961 - "Part of the Commonwealth Technical Training Week, the Mayor, Cr Robert Horman, performed the official opening of a display at the Ringwood Technical School. Present in the official party were Mayoress, Hon. WER Garrett, MLC, and Mrs Garrett, the Town Clerk, Mr Fred Dwerryhouse, and the President of the School Council, Major-General LE Beavis, CBE, DSO, and Mrs Beavis."

Open Day, Ringwood Technical School, 31st May, 1961. Major-General Beavis CBE DSO speaking. All material is from Gwen Horman’s three albums that she owned. Some photos have been taken by Peter Payens of Ringwood Studios, 36 Whitehorse Road, Ringwood, WU-7609, probably for the Ringwood mail newspaper. From The Ringwood Mail, 8 June 1961 - "Part of the Commonwealth Technical Training Week, the Mayor, Cr Robert Horman, performed the official opening of a display at the Ringwood Technical School. Present in the official party were Mayoress, Hon. WER Garrett, MLC, and Mrs Garrett, the Town Clerk, Mr Fred Dwerryhouse, and the President of the School Council, Major-General LE Beavis, CBE, DSO, and Mrs Beavis."

Open Day, Ringwood Technical School, 31st May, 1961. Mayor Horman speaking, with audience. All material is from Gwen Horman’s three albums that she owned. Some photos have been taken by Peter Payens of Ringwood Studios, 36 Whitehorse Road, Ringwood, WU-7609, probably for the Ringwood mail newspaper. From The Ringwood Mail, 8 June 1961 - "Part of the Commonwealth Technical Training Week, the Mayor, Cr Robert Horman, performed the official opening of a display at the Ringwood Technical School. Present in the official party were Mayoress, Hon. WER Garrett, MLC, and Mrs Garrett, the Town Clerk, Mr Fred Dwerryhouse, and the President of the School Council, Major-General LE Beavis, CBE, DSO, and Mrs Beavis."

This ink bottle is ‘boat’ shaped, which was a common design from the mid-1840s. It was crudely made; maybe it was rejected as a practice bottle or perhaps heat or pressure has distorted it. The bottle was recovered from the wreck of the Inverlochy and is part of the John Chance collection. Ink in the 1700s ink could be purchased in powdered or block form from apothecary shops, to be mixed with water as needed. Then in the mid-1800s chemists began selling ink in liquid form, in small, inexpensive and often attractive bottles. The small glass ink bottles were handmade, blown into a cup shaped mould, and sharply broken off from the blow-pipe at the neck, referred to as the English-made ‘burst-off’ finish. The neck was then filed, filled with liquid ink and sealed with a cork or wax. It was a quick, affordable container and made pen and ink writing available to the public. The name ‘penny ink’ bottles was a common title due to their low cost. INVERLOCHY 1895-1902 - The Inverlochy was a steel sailing barque built in Scotland in 1895 for international trade. In 1902 the Inverlochy left Liverpool under the command of Captain E.R. Kendrick. There were 21 officers and crew and the captain’s wife Mrs Kendrick, on board, bound for Australia with cargo that included tools, chemicals, liquor (beer, whisky, stout, rum, and brandy), steel, iron, wire netting, hoop iron, tinplate and pig iron), and steel wire for the Melbourne Tramway Company, tiles, soap, soft goods and earthenware. On December 18 almost at their destination, the Inverlochy ran aground on Ingoldsby Reef at Point Addis, near Anglesea. The crew and passengers left the ship via lifeboat and landed at Thompson’s Creek, then walked about 20 kilometres to Barwon Heads. Salvagers were interested in the 10 miles of cable in the hold. Mrs Kendrick’s ‘high grade’ bicycle was amongst the items salvaged but she lost her jewellery and two pianos. By February 1903 the ship had broken up and objects such as bottles and casks of liquor were washed ashore. Bad weather shook the wreck in June 1903, causing the ship’s spars and figurehead to be washed ashore. This boat shaped handmade ink bottle is historically significant for its association with communications and record keeping in the mid-to-late 19th century. The bottle is socially significant as an example of making a useful product affordable to every day people. This handmade glass ink bottle is significant for its connection with the John Chance Collection, which is historically significant as an example of artefacts from wrecks that had been lost in the coastal waters of Victoria from thirty to over one hundred years before John Chance and others discovered them. These artefacts are a sample of goods carried as cargo or personal possessions, and of ship hardware of that era. The ink bottle is significant through its connection with the barque, Inverlochy, The Inverlochy is significant for its cargo, which is a snapshot of the array of goods imported into Australia at the turn of the 19th century, including cable for the Melbourne Tramway Company. The Inverlochy is historically significant and is registered on the Victorian Heritage Database, VHR S338. The wreck of the Inverlochy is important as an accessible dive site that shows the remains of a large international trading vessel and its contents. It is valuable for an insight into Victorian era of shipping and maritime history.Ink bottle, thick clear glass, rectangular base with small round mouth, long sides have have a U shaped groove along the shoulders (used for resting pen handles). The outside surface has a white clay-type reside over it. Bottle is very bent and distorted. flagstaff hill, warrnambool, flagstaff hill maritime museum, maritime museum, shipwreck coast, flagstaff hill maritime village, great ocean road, john chance, inverlochy, scotland, captain e.r. kendrick, melbourne tramway company, tramway cable, ingoldsby reef, point addis, anglesea, thompson’s creek, barwon heads, boat ink bottle, cottage ink, penny ink, glass ink bottle, pen rest, writing accessory, victorian, antique, ink well, sheer lip, distorted body, handmade, mould blown, statoionery

Bendigo Advertiser ''The way we were'' from 2001. Lady luck: women golfers at the open day of the new clubhouse at the Bendigo golf links. Circa June 1914. The Bendigo golf club is this week celebrating its centenary. The clip is in a folder.newspaper, bendigo advertiser, the way we were

Letter written on blue paper with printed letterhead and emblem of the Ancient Order of Foresters, dated 22 June 1866. A question had been raised about paying for day on and day off. Impression of seal in top left corner.societies, aof, correspondence, ancient order of foresters no. 3770 collection - correspondence, bendigo united district, jas thos holl, court king of the forest

Handwritten note from Jonathan Day of George Hotel St Kilda dated June 15th 1894 acknowledging receipt of cheque signed Jonathan Day.bendigo, industry, cohn bros brewery

Event, Demolition Auction Sale of the Magnificent Brick Mansion Home ''Fortuna''.Under instructions from Bendigo Mines No Liability on Wednesday and Thursday, 29th and 30th June, 1938.Commencing at 10.30 a.m. Sharp each day on the Property.J.H.Curnow & Son, Auctioneers Mitchell Street, Bendigo. On reverse is ''Fortuna'' pictured.event, official, fortuna auction

'Bendigo Revisited'' Bi-fold programme for Queen's Birthday Weekend, June 12 -15, 1970. Council of Adult Education / Bendigo & District Tourist Association publication. Council of Adult Education three-day school ''with a strong leaning on history'' based in Bendigo. Various talks/lectures/tours for participants detailed - incl. talks by: Prof. Ian Turner; Mr A Richardson; Hugh Anderson; Denis Gibbons; Prof. Manning Clark; Mr A B Mellor; Mr David Kennedy. Includes an Enrolment Form. Costs for weekend are detailed.Cambridge Press, Bendigoeducation, bendigo, council of adult education, council of adult education, professor ian turner, australian dream, depression of the 30's, sydney's burning, professor manning clark, dennis gibbons, hugh anderson, mr a. mellor, bendigo and district tourist association, c.a. e., royal historical society, national trust, queens birthday weekend.

Blue paper headed Court King of the Forest, No. 3770 A.O.F, B.U.D., dated June 30 1875. Received from Bro. W. Philpot, Treasurer of the above Court, the sum of Two Pounds being 12 day's sick pay for Bro.Thos ? Signed by Wm. H. Nicholus.societies, aof, correspondence, ancient order of foresters no. 3770 collection - receipt, w philpot, thos ?, wm h nicholus

Blue paper headed Court King of the Forest, No. 3770 A.O.F, B.U.D., dated June 30 1875. Received from Bro. W. Philpot, Treasurer of the above Court, the sum of 10/- being 12 day's sick pay for Bro. George Dunkell. Signed by Wm. H. Nicholus.ancient order of foresters no. 3770 collection - receipt, w philpot, george dunkell, wm h nicholus

Blue paper headed Court King of the Forest, No. 3770 A.O.F, B.U.D., dated June 30 1875. Received from Bro. W. Philpot, Treasurer of the above Court, the sum of One Pound being 8 day's sick pay for Bro. Alfred Skeats. Signed by Wm. H. Nicholus.societies, aof, correspondence, ancient order of foresters no. 3770 collection - receipt, w philpot, alfred skeats, wm h nicholus