Bella Guerin was born on 23 April 1858, at Williamstown, Victoria. She studied at home to matriculate in 1878, and then gained her Bachelor of Arts from the University of Melbourne in 1883, becoming the first woman to graduate from an Australian university; she followed this with a Master of Arts in 1885. She taught at Loreto Convent, Ballarat, urging the establishment of higher education scholarships to produce ‘a band of noble thoughtful women as a powerful influence for good’. She married an elderly poet, Henry Halloran, who died shortly afterwards leaving her with a young son, Henry. She returned to teaching and from the mid-1890s frequented suffragist circles. A second marriage in 1909 to George D’Arcie Lavender was also short lived. Bella Guerin was vice-president of the Women’s Political Association from 1912–14 and co-authored Vida Goldstein’s 1913 Senate election pamphlet. However, dual membership of the non-party feminist camp and the Labor Party was prohibited by the latter in 1914, so from that date she campaigned for the Victorian Socialist Party and the Women’s Socialist League, speaking out on a range of controversial issues. She led the Labor Women’s Anti-Conscription Fellowship during the 1916 referendum campaign. In 1918, as vice-president of the Labor Party’s Women’s Central Organising Committee, she caused controversy by describing Labor women as ‘performing poodles and packhorses’ who were used for fundraising but under-represented in policy decisions—and she was right. Bella died in Adelaide on 26 July 1923 of cirrhosis of the liver and is remembered for her idealism, her oratory skills and her commitment to equity for women. Black and white photograph copy print of Bella Halloran (nee Guerin) with her son Henry. .2) Photograph that has been removed from displaybella guerin, bella halloran, henry halloran, julia margaret guerin, feminist, university women

Bella Guerin was born on 23 April 1858, at Williamstown, Victoria. She studied at home to matriculate in 1878, and then gained her Bachelor of Arts from the University of Melbourne in 1883, becoming the first woman to graduate from an Australian university; she followed this with a Master of Arts in 1885. She taught at Loreto Convent, Ballarat, urging the establishment of higher education scholarships to produce ‘a band of noble thoughtful women as a powerful influence for good’. She married an elderly poet, Henry Halloran, who died shortly afterwards leaving her with a young son, Henry. She returned to teaching and from the mid-1890s frequented suffragist circles. A second marriage in 1909 to George D’Arcie Lavender was also short lived. Bella Guerin was vice-president of the Women’s Political Association from 1912–14 and co-authored Vida Goldstein’s 1913 Senate election pamphlet. However, dual membership of the non-party feminist camp and the Labor Party was prohibited by the latter in 1914, so from that date she campaigned for the Victorian Socialist Party and the Women’s Socialist League, speaking out on a range of controversial issues. She led the Labor Women’s Anti-Conscription Fellowship during the 1916 referendum campaign. In 1918, as vice-president of the Labor Party’s Women’s Central Organising Committee, she caused controversy by describing Labor women as ‘performing poodles and packhorses’ who were used for fundraising but under-represented in policy decisions—and she was right. Bella died in Adelaide on 26 July 1923 of cirrhosis of the liver and is remembered for her idealism, her oratory skills and her commitment to equity for women. Duplicate photograph of Julia Margaret (Bella) Guerin the first woman graduate of The University of Melbourne, B.A. 1883, M.A. 1885, The original is held by Melbourne University Archives. bella guerin, bella halloran, julia margaret guerin, university of melbourne, graduation, feminist, university women

Research is still being carried out regarding the inscription on this bell. Perhaps it was used for horses during the war. It may have been a souvenir or perhaps just a political statement, similar to 'Buy Australian'. Cow bells were common to colonial agriculture and transport, used wherever animals were turned out to graze overnight and had to be rounded up again next morning. Bells were fastened around the necks of household milking cows, domestic goats, bullock teams, horse teams, and camel teams, to help find them in the pre-dawn light. Station shepherds and cattle drovers also used them to warn of any disturbances to their flocks and herds overnight. The bells were a necessary item in a largely unfenced continent. So important, that Anthony Mongon began making his pot-bells at Yackandandah from 1861, August Menneke produced the “Wagga Pot” from 1867, and Samuel Jones started manufacturing his distinctively shaped “Condamine Bell” in 1868. However, these deeply resonant Australian bells were made from iron — Mongon and Jones were blacksmiths who simply beat old pitsaw blades into shape. Few genuinely brass cow bells were made here, the vast majority being imported from Britain where the industry of brass founding was already well established. (Some bells were also imported from the United States, but these too were nearly all of iron).This bell is historically significant as typical of a cow bell used by farmers and herdsmen in Colonial Victoria. Cow bell, brass, topless pyramid shape, inverted "U" shaped pin attached. Pin and clapper are iron. Bell is embossed on sides. Embossed "ADVANCE / VICTORIA" and "WWI"flagstaff hill, warrnambool, shipwreck coast, flagstaff hill maritime museum, flagstaff hill maritime village, maritime museum, great ocean road, cow bell, horse bell, bell smith, vintage bell, farmer, shepherd, drover, stock bell, brass bell, advance australia, wwi

This medal commemorates the coronation of King George VI and Elizabeth as monarchs on the British throne, to be held on May 12th, 1937. The medal is one of over 300,000 distributed to school children as a memento of the occasion. The obverse shows the busts of King George VI and Elizabeth facing left. The reverse shows Victoria's Coat of Arms, the official heraldic symbol, with the Southern Cross on a shield, above it is a kangaroo facing left and holding a crown. The supporting figure on the left holds an olive branch of 'peace' and the supporter on the right holds a cornucopia horn of 'plenty', together representing the text on the ribbon between them 'Peace & Planty' symbol of 'prosperity'. On May 7th, 1937 each school child in Victoria, Australia, received a medal commemorating the upcoming coronation of King George VI and Elizabeth, to be held on May 12th, 1937. medals totalling 318,200 were distributed to scholars in 2,781 Victorian schools. Each school received a letter from the Governor, Lord Humingfield, detailing the significance of the occasion. Lessons on the day focused on the meaning behind the medal, and children recited their Allegiance to the King, saluted the flag bearing the Union Jack and Southern Cross, and sang Australila's then National Anthem "God Save the King", which today is sung as the Royal Anthem. The medal is significant for connecting Victoria, and Australia, to the British Commonwealth and the sovereignty of the British throne, in Australia's post-Federation years. It shows the importance placed by the Government of Australia in educating the generation of students in 1937 about Australia's place in the Commonwealth and the history of Australia. The history of the medal is socially and politically significant, reflecting the evolution of changes in Australian society.Medal or medallion, bgilt rass, with claw and ring on top. The obverse has the bust of a female and male, co-joined, and the reverse has the Coat of arms of the State of Victoria, which includes a kangaroo above a shield and a supporting figure on either side of the shield. Inscriptions are on both sides of the medal. The medal commemorates the coronation of their Majesties, King George VI and Queen Elizabeth, on May 12th 1937.Obverse, around the circle: "KING GEORGE VI & QUEEN ELIZABETH" Reverse, around the circle: "TO COMMEMORATE THEIR MAJESTIES' CORONATION / MAY 12TH 1937" Reverse, within the Coat of Arms: "VICTORIA" "PEACE & PROSPERITY" flagstaff hill, flagstaff hill maritime museum and village, warrnambool, maritime museum, maritime village, great ocean road, shipwreck coast, medallion, medal, commemorative, king george vi and elizabeth, 1937, 12-05-1937, students in victoria, schools in victoria, 7-5-1937, victoria's coat of arms, peace & prosperity, british monarch, british throne, british commonwealth, numesmatics, coil, student, victorian student

As well as his army positions, Kelly-Kenny was very interested in politics in his native County Clare. In the Second Anglo-Boer War he was , as a Lieutenant-General, General Officer Commanding the 6th Division of the South African field forces. He was twice mentioned in dispatches and received the Queen's South African Medal with four clasps. He was involved in the relief of Kimberley, the battles of Paardeberg, Poplar Grove and Driefontein. Lieutenant-General Kitchener was appointed commander and over-ruled Kelly-Kenny's plan to besiege Cronji and bombard his force from a safe distance. Kitchener ordered an assault on the Boer trenches. The result was "Bloody Sunday" - an unnecessary sacrifice of hundreds of lives on the British side. Kelly-Kenny was involved in the engagements at Poplar Grove and Driefontein where the 6th Division distinguished itself. These were viewed as key to destroying the Boer morale and winning the war. General Kelly-Kenny was a close friend of King Edward VII. Appointments made, at the insistence of the King, were often challenged. Due to his loyalty and abilities Kelly-Kenny was appointed Knight Commander of the Order of the Bath and received a knighthood in a private audience. Once again others tried to have him moved from the War Office but the King intervened again and he remained in his position. He was conferred with the Knight Grand Cross of the Order of the Bath (1904), Grand Cross of the Red Eagle (1905 - Germany), Grand Cross of the Rising Sun (1906 - Japan) and on his return to Britain he received the Knight Grand Cross of the Royal Victorian Order (1906) Individual image taken from photographed poster of tobacco and cigarette cards.kell-kenny, county clare, lieutenant-general, kimberley, queen's south african medal, paardeberg, poplar grove, driefontein, kitchener, bloody sunday, cronji, boer war, trenches, knight commander of the order of the bath, war office, king, king edward vii, knight grand cross of the order of the bath, grand cross of the red eagle, grand cross of the rising sun, knight grand cross of the royal victorian order

William Schreiner was a barrister, politician, statesman, and Prime Minister of the Cape Colony during the Second Boer War. His proximity to parliamentarians gave him an entry to political life. In 1893 he was elected a member of the Cape Parliament for Kimberly. He became Attorney-General in Cecil Rhodes's cabinet. In1896, Schreiner and the rest of the parliamentary ministers resigned when it became obvious what Cecil Rhodes ambitions were. That ended Rhodes's term as Prime Minister. Schreiner advocated integration and equal rights for all "civilised" men. His dedication to this ideal was proved when he resigned from the National Convention in order to represent Dinuzulu, who was to stand trial for his alleged treasonous participation in the rebellion of 1906. With the forming of the Union Government in 1910 he became one of the first senators nominated to look after Black interests. In 1906 the so-called Bambatha rebellion broke out. Dinuzulu was accused of giving orders to Bambatha to start the rebellion and put on trial for treason. He was sentenced to four years imprisonment. When General Louis Botha became Prime Minister of the Union of South Africa he ordered Dinuzulu be released and transported to the farm Uitk yk in Transvaal. The Bambartha rebellion was a Zulu revolt against British rule and taxation in Natal. Individual image from photographed poster of tobacco and cigarette cards.william schreiner, barrister, politician, prime minister, cape colony, second boer war, attorney-general, cecil rhodes's cabinet, intergration and equal rights, national convention, dinuzulu, union government, bambartha rebellion, louis botha, uniion of south africa

A biographical gallery of "Who's Who" in public, political, official, judicial, patriotic, naval, military, charitable, professional, scientific, artistic, journalistic, ecclesiastical, religious, temperance, industrial, clerical, mercantile, commercial, aerial, scholastic, social club, musical, dramatic, friendly society, fraternal, athletic and sporting life, with Ballarat associations, past or present.Small hard covered brown book of 142 pages including advertisements.Stamped "The School of Mines Industries & Science Ballaratballarat district citizens and sports, m. m. mccallum, ballarat, citizens and sports at home and abroad, citizens and sports, political, official, judicial, patriotic, naval, military, charitable, professional, scientific, artistic, journalistic, ecclesiastical, religious, temperance, industrial, clerical, mercantile, commercial, aerial, scholastic, social club, musical, dramatic, friendly society, fraternal, athletic and sporting life, ballarat associations, clarendon college advertisement, wiles cooker, e. rowlands, koomah spa, thomas a. williams, leslie coulter, lela lake, margaret mcnanamny, leslie morshead, alice thwaites, james wiles, alfred williams

Crimson and black cloth bound book of 350 pages. Formerly part of the South Street Young Men's General Debating Society's Circulating Library.non-fictionmoney, south street, south street debating society, south street young men's general debating society circulating library, bookplate, j.s. charles, john p. charles, library, barter, currency, metals as money, coining, coins, standards, exchange, promissory notes, paper currency, credit documents, foreign bills of exchange, bank of england, corn rents, legal tender

Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerPhotograph of a street art poster taken on the streets of Hong Kong during the protests against legislation to allow Hong Kong suspects to be extradited to mainland Chinese carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, poster art, posters

Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerMore than a thousand protestors surround Hong Kong's main police headquarters on Arsenal Street in Wan Chai on June 26th following a peaceful rally at Edinburgh Place in Central. Doors to the complex were barricaded by protestors, who left after a six hour siege in protest at police violence at a prtest held earlier on 12 June 2019. Protesters ended a six-hour siege of Hong Kong’s police headquarters – their second in a week over the now-suspended extradition bill – early on Thursday morning. More than 1,000 were involved at the height of the protest, which began after 10pm on Wednesday. Around 100 were left at the end and dispersed without a fight when officers with riot shields emerged from the building in Wan Chai at 4am on Thursday. After a peaceful rally attended by thousands earlier at Edinburgh Place in the Central business district, hundreds descended on Arsenal Street, blocking the junction with Lockhart Road to all traffic and sealing the entrances to the police base. (https://www.scmp.com/news/hong-kong/politics/article/3016238/hong-kong-police-under-siege-again-protesters-surround )carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, protest, protestors

Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerSeven police officers stand guard in front of Hong Kong's main police headquarters on Arsenal Street in Wan Chai as an estimated one thousand protestors surround on 26 June 2019. Protestors take turns to step up and hurl abuse at the officers, in a protest lasting 6 hours before peacefully dispersing. The protesters chanted 'Release the martyrs' and 'Stop police violence' in reference to violent clashes with police in the days previous. ( https://www.scmp.com/news/hong-kong/politics/article/3016238/hong-kong-police-under-siege-again-protesters-surround)carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, protest, protestors, police, wan chai

Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerPhotograph crowds gathering on June 16 on the streets of Causeway Bay before an estimated 2 million people take part in march protesting the government's push for extradition laws to China and demanding an apology from the chief executrive Carrie Lam. Nearly 2 million’ people take to streets, forcing public apology from Hong Kong leader Carrie Lam as suspension of controversial extradition bill fails to appease protesters. (https://www.scmp.com/news/hong-kong/politics/article/3014737/nearly-2-million-people-take-streets-forcing-public-apology )carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, protest, protestors

Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerPhotograph of a crowd or protestors against proposed extradition laws gathering on the streets of Causeway Bay, Hong Kong, leading down to the gathering area. carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, protest, protestors

Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerPhotograph of a crowd on the streets of Hong Kong to protest against proposed extradition laws, heading towards Admiralty. carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, protest, protestors, admiralty

Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerCrowds mass on Queens Way in Hong Kong as an estimated 2 million people march in protest at the government's refusal to withdraw a controverisal law allowing people to be extradited to mainland China. Chants demanded the chief executive apologise and the legislation be withdrawn, while many held signs protesting police violence. Nearly 2 million protesters flooded the streets of Hong Kong on Sunday, organisers claimed, delivering a stunning repudiation of Chief Executive Carrie Lam Cheng Yuet-ngor’s governance and forcing a public apology out of the city’s leader over her campaign to bulldoze a controversial extradition bill through the legislature. A day after Lam suspended her push for the bill, expecting it to defuse a crisis that has seen violent clashes between mostly young protesters and police, the centre of Hong Kong was brought to a complete standstill as the masses marched to chastise her for refusing to withdraw the bill or apologise when first asked to, and declaring that nothing short of her resignation would satisfy them now. (https://www.scmp.com/news/hong-kong/politics/article/3014737/nearly-2-million-people-take-streets-forcing-public-apology ) carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, protest, protestors, admiralty

A large dark blue soft cover book with the the title written in large red letters at the top,on a white stripe underneath this is written Special Bicentennial Edition and under this on the dark blue are five white stars depicting the Southern Cross four of the stars has the face of a historical person on it and the fifth star has an old sailing ship.non-fictionbicentennial, settlement, politics, religion, sport, food, 1788, business, population, booms, anglo australia.

Catherine Helen Spence (31 October 1825 – 3 April 1910) was a Scottish-born Australian author, teacher, journalist, politician and leading suffragette. Her family moved to South Australia in 1839. In 1897 she became Australia's first female political candidate after standing (unsuccessfully) for the Federal Convention held in Adelaide. Given the epitaph "Grand Old Woman of Australasia", Spence was commemorated on the Australian 5 dollar note issued for the Centenary of Federation of Australia. She was one of the prime movers, with C. Emily Clark (sister of John Howard Clark), of the "Boarding-out Society". This organization had as its aim the placing of destitute children, who would otherwise be sent to "Industrial School", into approved families. She was an advocate of Thomas Hare's scheme for proportional representation, at one stage considering this issue more pressing than that of woman suffrage.This doll is used as an educational toy to help visitors imagine life c1900An antique copy china doll representing Catherine Spence. The Doll has dark brown hair with a head scarf decorated with flowers and a navy blue dress with white cuffs and collar. dolls, spence catherine, suffragettes, politics, authors, orphanages, child care

This horse-drawn, two-wheeled cart with a tank, is known as a Furphy Farm Water Cart that was made in Shepparton, northern Victoria, c. 1942. John Furphy (1842-1920) was born in Moonee Ponds, in 1842 to Irish immigrant parents and subsequently raised in the Yarra Valley before the family moved to Kyneton in central Victoria, where he completed an apprenticeship with the firm Hutcheson and Walker. Murphy began operations of his own at a site on Piper Street in Kyneton in 1864. He relocated for a business opportunity and founded the first blacksmiths and wheelwrights shop in the newly surveyed town of Shepparton in 1873. Furphy invented many farming tools and machines including a patented grain-stripper, and won awards at the 1888-89 Melbourne International Exhibition. His most famous invention is the Furphy Farm Water Cart, designed in the 1880s, at a time when water for most households and farms was carted on wagons in wooden barrels. The Furphy’s water cart is a single item that combines a water metal tank and a cart. The design of the cart was simple yet effective, and became popular very quickly and established itself as a vital piece of farming equipment. The water cart has had a number of words cast into its ends over many years. References to the foundry’s location in Shepparton, as well as advertising of other products also manufactured by J. Furphy & Sons were present on the ends. However, the most significant set of words to feature on the tank, was a poem encouraging continual improvement: ‘Good Better Best, Never Let it Rest, Until your Good is Better, And your Better Best’. During The Great War (1914-1918), the water cart was used by the Australian militarily at a large AIF (Australian Imperial Force) camp in Broadmeadows (Melbourne) where thousands of men were camped for months, before being transported aboard. Furphy Water Carts provided water to the troops, and were usually placed near the camp latrines, which was one of the few places the troops could share gossip and tall tales away from the prying eyes and ears of their officers. The water cart drivers were also notorious sources of information, despite most of their news being hearsay, or totally unreliable. By the time the men of the AIF were in engaged in combat on the Gallipoli Peninsula and the Western Front, the carts used for water supply had no markings and became simply referred to as Furphys. This owed as much to the coining of the term ‘Furphy’, Australian slang for suspect information or rumour. After a number of decades as principally a soldier’s word, 'Furphy' entered the broader Australian vernacular and was used mainly by the political class until recently when the term was taken up by a Australian brewer as a beer brand. This Furphy Water Cart was purchased by Friends of Flagstaff Hill in 2014. The support of local individuals, organisations and businesses enabled its restoration and later its installation alongside the existing late-19th century water pipe stand and 1940s hand pump The Furphy Farm Water Cart is of historical significance as it represents a famous Australian time-saving and energy-saving invention of the 1880s, replacing the labour intensive activity of collecting and dispensing water from barrels and casks on the back of carts. The water cart’s connection with manufacturing companies J. Furphy & Sons and Furphy Foundry are significant for being early Australian businesses that are still in operation today. Furphy carts are of military significance for the role they played during The Great War (1914-1918) in Australian army camps, and theatres of war in Europe and the Middle East, to supply the AIF troops with fresh water. A wooden framed, two-wheeled, horse-drawn cart, fitted with a horizontally mounted, cylindrical metal tank. The tank is made of rolled, sheet steel with a riveted seam, and cast iron ends with cast iron ends. The spoked metal wheels have fitted flat iron tyres and metal hubs. A metal pipe is joined to the outlet. The tank is silver coloured, the ends, wheels and trims are crimson, and the script lettering on tank sides is black. There are inscriptions on the tank, ends, and hubs. The water tank was made in 1942 in Shepparton, Australia, by J. Furphy & Sons and has a capacity of 180 gallons (848 litres). Hub perimeter, embossed “J. FURPHY & SONS” “KEEP THE / BOLTS TIGHT” Hub centre embossed [indecipherable] Tank, each side, painted “J. FURPHY & SONS / Makers / SHEPPARTON” Tank ends, embossed – “FURPHY’S FARM WATER CART” “BORN ABOUT 1880 – STILL ‘GOING STRONG’ 1942” “j. FURPHY & SONS / MAKERS / SHEPPARTON - VIC “ “S - - - - - L MANUFACTURERS” [SPECIAL] “SPIKE ROLLERS” “SINGLE TREES” “PLOUGH WHEELS” “IRON CASTINGS” “LAND GRADERS” “STEEL DELVERS” “CAST IRON PIG” “CHAIN YOKES” “GOOD – BETTER – BEST / NEVER LET IT REST / TILL YOUR GOOD IS BETTER / AND YOUR BETTER – BEST” Image [Stork carrying a baby] above shorthand, transcribed "Produce and populate or perish" Image [Furphy Pig Feeder] beside ‘Cast Iron Pig’ Shorthand, transcribed “"Water is the gift of God but beer and whiskey are concoctions of the Devil, come and have a drink of water"warrnambool, flagstaff hill maritime museum, water cart, furphy cart, furphy tank, furphy farm water cart, furphy, john furphy, john furphy & sons, furphy foundry, kyneton, shepparton, mobile water tank, jinker, hutchinson & walker, blacksmith, farm equipment, implement maker, tool maker, horse drawn, stork and baby, good, better, best, barrel, tank, first world war, wwi, eastern front, gallipoli, j furphy & sons

An invitation in the form of a card with black print. ' The Opening of the First Parliament of the Commonwealth.' 'By Tom Roberts. The honor of your presence is requested at the Queen's Hall, Parliament House, on Friday next (13th inst.) at Three o'clock, to view the progress of the Picture prior to its departure for London. John Rowe for Australian Art Association Pty. Ltd.' Handwritten in black ink are the words 'His Worship the Mayor of Bendigo & Lady.'event, official, painting, lydia chancellor, collection, australian art, art work, australian history, history, painting, tom roberts, politics, australian politics, australian parliament, event

non-fictionCatalogue for exhibition at National Gallery of Australia 2001 comprising essays, images and list of exhibited works by Mexican modernist artists working in 1930's to 1950s, born in, or influenced by, Mexicomodernism, painting, collage, selfportraiture, portraiture, 1910 mexican revolution, photography

non-fictionA history of Australian women artists, the lives and practice of 24 women are covered to redress their absence in critical and art historical records. painting, water colour, portraiture, print making

Booknon-fictionWritten by two muralists and a sociologists the book documents the community based mural movement in the late 60s and early 70s in Canada and the USA.political art, revolutionary art, community arts, large scale works

Booknon-fictionAnthology of articles on the history and theory of community arts in Australia written by artists and artsworkers involved. community arts, collaborative practice, art history, political art, community arts network, aboriginal land rights

Booknon-fictionCollection of essays written by feminist theorists from several disciplines in Australia, New Zealand, Canada and the US, challenging 'western ' feminism, examining identity politics and intersectionality.post-colonialism, body, postmodernism, poststructuralism, theory, racism, globalization

Booknon-fictionArising from research for an exhibition of the same name, which toured Australia 1981- 1982 the book covers the work of 45 amateur and professional photographers and their lives as innovators and travellers. Many of the works come from private collections and have not been previously published.self portraiture, self-portraiture, pictorialism, home magazine, studio photography, melbourne society of women painters and sculptors, olive cotton, ruth hollick