Part of a photo album (Cat.No. 01588) of material about the life of Legatee Donovan Joynt. This photo shows Donovan Joynt and Queen Elizabeth II reading from a pamphlet he is holding. This is a larger copy of the photograph Cat. No. 01590.1, and records the date of when it was taken as 17 March 1977. Queen Elizabeth visited Melbourne as part of her Silver Jubilee tour of Australia and attended a children's rally in Royal Park wearing this outfit. A crowd of 18,000 people greeted her. Footage of the visit can be seen in National Film and Sound Archive of Australia (NSFA-ID 44325). There is no indication of who the veteran on the right was. He is a VC winner and has medals from the second world war. A note on the reverse page mentions a photo in the album of Captain M. Moon V.C with Sir Alfred Kemsley and Colonel Joynt. It was removed by Legatee K.D. Green on 29.9.86 and does not seem to have been returned.Part of the collection of material held by Melbourne Legacy on Legatee Donovan Joynt, a prominent Australian.Black and white photo of Queen Elizabeth and L/ Joynt and another VC recipient in 1977.Stamped on the back of the photograph in aqua: "Copyright The Herald & Weekly Times Ltd., Melbourne Australia. Not to be reproduced or displayed without written permission." Stamped in purple: "The property of Melbourne Legacy. Please return this correspondence to Executive Officer." Hand written in blue biro: "17-3-77" royal visit, donovan joynt

This medallion was produced to commemorate the Antique Aeroplane Association of Australia's fourth annual air show which was held at Wodonga on June 14 and 15, 1980. It took place at Joe Drage's Air World Museum in Wodonga, Victoria. The event included a fly-in by members of the Antique Aeroplane Association which attracted 105 vintage planes from all parts of Australia. The show incorporated the Amy Johnson memorial rally to recognise the 50th anniversary of Amy Johnson's flight from England to Australia in 1930. Radio 2AY, the sponsor of the annual air show began broadcasting in 1930. This medallion and 2 other linked medallions were owned by Mr. Clive Cossor. He spent a lot of time at Drage's Historical Aircraft Museum and also helped transport gliders. He was also at the Albury racecourse as a teenager to assist in moving the Uiver when it was forced to land in a storm during the MacRobertson Trophy Air Race from London to Melbourne in October 1934.This medallion is significant as it records an important event recognising aviation in Australia and recognises Amy Johnson, the first woman to fly solo from England to Australia.A medallion produced to commemorate the Antique Aeroplane Association of Australia's fourth annual air show held at Wodonga on June 14 and 15, 1980 On the front around the medallion: "ON THE AIR FOR 50 YEARS/ANTIQUE AIRCRAFT ASSOCIATION 1980" . In the centre "SPONSORS/ 3AY/ALBURY-WODONGA/50th/ANNIVERSARY AMY JOHNSON/FLIGHT TO AUSTRALIA/41/WODONGA 1980" On reverse: a depiction of Amy Johnson with wings inscribed "JOHNNIE 1930"aviation history, antique aeroplane association of australia, joe drage airworld, airshow wodonga, amy johnson

Although the Railway line had been planned for some time Sir Thomas Bent MP was responsible for making it happen in order to revitalize the fortunes of the Moorabbin Shire that he had represented for so long. The train line opened in 1881with 8 Stations between Caulfield and Mordialloc.The first Steam engine carried dignitaries and local residents. Bent also ensured that the Station houses in his constituency were built in a distinctive decorative cottage style. Bent faced severe criticism for diverting the rail line through his local area and for the expenditure on the Stations. Local residents established and cared for Gardens at the Stations and Cheltenham was awarded Best Garden c1910. The arrival of the Railway Line saw the traders move from Point Nepean Rd to Charman Rd and by 1910 various shops and business were present. 2016 - current has seen large protest rallies against the destruction of Mentone Station and Cheltenham Station as the Victorian State Government proceeds to remove Railway Level Crossings. A compromise to retain the Station buildings whilst placing the Rail Line underground is desired.Cheltenham Railway Station is one of the original cottage style stations ordered by Sir Thomas Bent when the rail line was extended from Caulfield to Mordialloc 1881Photograph Black & White Postcard showing the entrance to Cheltenham Railway Station c1920Valentine &Sons Pub Co Ltd Melb railways, cheltenham station, mentone station, south brighton station, railway level crossing removal 2016 -19, smith j l; smith mary ann, stanley helen, smith vic, smith harry redvers, chaff cutter, horse drawn carts, toll gates brighton, motor cars 1900, steam engines, early settlers, bentleigh, parish of moorabbin, city of moorabbin, county of bourke, moorabbin roads board, shire of moorabbin, henry dendy's special survey 1841, were j.b.; bent thomas, o'shannassy john, king richard, charman s, highett william, ormond francis, maynard dennis, market gardeners, vineyards, orchards

The Altair was built between January 1956 and November 1958 with first flight on 20 December 1958. After a few flights the cockpit was lengthened and the glider flown by Cliff Gurr and Ron Adair to complete their FAI Gold C badges. Cliff set an unofficial Australian record for an out and return flight (between Gawler and Renmark) of 230 miles (368 km) in 1961. The glider was flown by only Ron and Cliff until Mervyn Waghorn joined Ron to fly it in the National Championships at Waikerie in 1967. For a period of time the glider was left in the care of some members of the Geelong Gliding Club. Doug Vanstan of the Geelong Gliding Club fitted a new canopy and rebuilt the aileron bellcranks to improve their operation. Subsequently the Altair was flown in competitions and at vintage rallies until the mid 1980s. On 31 March 1987 Alan Patching of the Victorian Motorless Flight Group purchased the glider from Ron for the sum of one shilling and named the owners as himself, Doug Vanstan and Ian Patching. It has been stored at Bacchus Marsh airfield since then. The glider is the only 18 metre wing span machine to have been designed and built in Australia.The Altair glider is a single place 18 metre span cantilever wing glider constructed from spruce and aircraft plywood. The laminar flow wing is completely covered in plywood with a ply balsa sandwich for the leading edge and the airbrakes are unique being located in the trailing edge of the wings. All these features were done in an effort to retain laminar flow over the wing and achieve a high performance. The wings, empennage and top of the fuselage are painted white with the rest of the fuselage red. The word ‘Altair’ appears on both sides at the top of the fin.australian gliding, glider, sailplane, adair, gurr, waghorn, vanstan, rees, patching, altair, adelaide soaring club, gawler, geelong gliding club, vmfg, zechner

The Working Men’s College was founded in 1881 by a prominent grazier and philanthropist, The Hon. Francis Ormond, who donated £5000 towards the establishment of the college. The Council of the Melbourne Trades Hall then matched Ormond's initial donation by rallying its members. On 4 June 1887, the college opened in its purpose-built building on the corners of Bowen Street and La Trobe Street in Melbourne, with a gala ceremony. It became the third official provider of higher education in the new Colony of Victoria (the Melbourne Athenaeum was founded in 1839 and the University of Melbourne in 1853). The college was the predecessor to the current-day Royal Melbourne Institute of Technology (RMIT University). Adjoining the college in the 1890s were the Supreme Court of Victoria (later the Melbourne Magistrates' Court) and the Melbourne Gaol - both which are now part of RMIT today. A list of Scholarship Governors and Life Governors is included. The former have donated 250 Pounds Sterling and upwards, the later have donated 20 Pounds and over but less than 250 Pounds Sterling. The Patron of The Working Men's College was His Excellency The Right Honourable Lord Brassey. The President of the Council was Professor W C Kernot. The majority of classes were at night and on Saturdays. Tan soft covered book of 112 pages. The thirteenth edition of the Working Men's College (later Royal Melbourne Institute of Technology [RMIT]). It inlcudes the following photographic images: Main Building, Assaying, 1899 council (W.C. Kernot, W.H. Embling, Thomas smith, F.H. Bromley, John Reid, R.H. Solly, E. Findley, D. McIvor, James Robb, John Hancock, C.E. Oliver, A.J. Arnot, James Smith, Joseph Nixon, R.L.Jellery. C.S. Paterson), UNveiling the Ormond Statue, Victorian Lead and Shot Works, Francis Ormond, Telegraphy room, Lecture Theatre, photography, painting class, wool sorting, plumbing, Remington typewriter, W. Ison, H.D. Evans, library, Verdon prize, Denton Hat Mills. working men's college melbourne, rmit, w.c. kernot, w.h. embling, ormond statue, f. ormond, electricity, surveying, architecture, photography, assaying, dressmaking, veterinary science, plumbing, letterpress printing, w. ison, h.d. evans, library, denton hat mills, literary and commercial department, typewriting department, languages, telegraphy, department of music, department of mathematics, department of engineering, 'department of architecture, department of art and applied art, department of mining and metallurgy, department of chemistry, department of household economy, department of agriculture and rural industries, woodworking, carpentry and joinery, turning and fitting, coachbuilding and carriagedrafting

The “Northrop” is an American copy of the “Zogling” which was designed in Germany in the 1920s as a training glider. Apparently, the Northrop primary glider takes its name from a Marvin Northrop of Minneapolis who imported a Zogling from Germany and from that glider had plans drawn and published in a magazine called Modern Mechanics in 1930. The Australia Gliding Museum’s Northrop was built over the period of 1970 to 1974. The project was conceived by a pioneer of Australian gliding, Ken Davies, about 1969, as a hobby project and to experience afresh gliding flight of the early years. By that time, few primary gliders, which performed a fundamental role for gliding clubs in the 1930s and 1940s, remained in Australia. Ken began construction and was helped to finish the project by two old time Gliding Club of Victoria members, Dave Darbyshire and Rudi Feil. The glider was test flown on 8 March 1975 at Benalla. The glider was stored at the Gliding Club of Victoria and flown on special occasions in the 1980s. Later it was damaged at the 1996 vintage glider rally at Ararat as a result of a heavy landing. Storage was then provided for the glider by the Victorian Motorless Flight Group at Bacchus Marsh until it was returned to Dave Darbyshire for restoration in 1998. Fully restored, the glider was donated by Iris Davies and Dave Darbyshire to the Australian Gliding Museum in April 2001. This exhibit is the type of machine that formed the basis of the sport of gliding from 1929 to about 1945. The glider consists of an open (uncovered) wooden framed fuselage (painted blue) with a brown vinyl covered seat, fabric covered wooden framed wings of constant chord (painted silver) with provision for attachment of semi-circular cane wing skids, and fabric covered wooden framed tailplane, elevators and rudder (painted silver). When assembled the airframe is wire braced.australian gliding, glider, northrop, zogling, davies, darbyshire, feil, gliding club of victoria, victorian motorless flight group

The Pony Club was a dream of Diana Bassett-Smith, which came true, based on the British Horse Society Pony Club formed in 1929; a worldwide organisation. A meeting was called at ‘Lavender Park’, the home of Mrs Mary Grant and her brother George ‘Mel’ Balfour. Invited to the meeting were Baye Skues, Eric Rundle, Ben Taylor, the Barringtons, Smiths, Lou Lewis and Gwen Cascaden. They all supported Diana Bassett-Smith for forming a Pony Club. The first formal meeting was held at ‘Landscape’, which was the home of the Barringtons and the former home of artist Percy Leason. Negotiations with the Lands Department resulted in the club being granted use of the grounds in Eltham Lower Park for a peppercorn rent. Eltham was the 4th Pony Club in Victoria; the other three being Frankston, Templestowe and Western District. Together they formed the Pony Club Association of Victoria at Diana Bassett-Smith’s instigation. This image shows club members attending their first rally held in the summer school holidays, December 1953 L-R: Andrew Donald, Alex Smith, Jenny McMahon, David Bell, Fay Hardess, Chrissy Mclean, Jane Kimber, Barry Hardess, Sue Heseltine, Sue Donald, Helen Rank, Elizabeth Thomas, Margot Donald, Christine Cuscaden, Diana Lewis, Erif Reseigh, Stephen Harris, Diana Bassett-Smith Black and white photographic reprint with names printed on frontalex smith, andrew donald, barry hardess, chrissy mclean, christine cuscaden, david bell, diana bassett-smith, diana lewis, elizabeth thomas, eltham district horse and pony club, erif reseigh, fay hardess, helen rank, jane kimber, jenny mcmahon, margot donald, stephen harris, sue donald, sue heseltine

The Slingsby T31 is a two seat training glider that came available in 1951. It is, in effect, a two seat version of the single seat Kirby Tutor. The T31 was marketed by Slingsby Sailplanes both as complete aircraft and kits of parts for assembly. The Australian Gliding Museum’s example (currently registered as VH-GDB) is one of five of this type to grace Australian skies. Three including GDB were assembled in Australia from kits supplied by Slingsby’s in England, the other two were delivered as completed airframes. To date only four remain of which two are airworthy. This aircraft began flying in at Caversham in Western Australia (the then home of the Gliding Club of Western Australia) in July 1956. It was badly damaged in a crash in June 1958. The wreckage was sent to Schneiders in Adelaide for repair. However, the Club decided against having the repairs done, opting instead to buy a new ES52 Kookaburra. After a couple of years, the wreck was purchased by a member of the Waikerie Gliding Club whereupon the glider was rebuilt with some modifications, including a more rounded and better streamlined fuselage nose. It returned to the air in October 1961 at Clare in South Australia. The ownership of VH-GDB passed through a number of clubs, including at Dubbo in New South Wales, Wimmera in Victoria and Pioneer Valley at Mackay in Queensland. Eventually, it came into the hands of Bill Riley of Tocumwal in New South Wales who held it in storage for many years. Riley donated the aircraft to the Museum. It has been restored to airworthiness and is flown at vintage glider rallies and on Museum open days. This exhibit is an excellent example of a Slingsby T31 Tandem Tutor, a type of glider that was used by a number of clubs in the 1950s and 1960s for dual training of pilots to the solo capability.The Slingsby T31b Tandem Tutor is an open cockpit, tandem, two-seater glider with high, pylon mounted two piece wing supported by double, wire braced, steel tube struts. The glider is fitted with a main wheel, rubber-block sprung, wooden nose skid and steel leaf sprung, brass shod tailskid. The basic controls of aileron, rudder and elevator are not supplemented with pitch trim. Wing lift spoilers and both aerotow and winch releases are fitted. The instrument panels in both cockpits are fitted with an airspeed indicator, cosim variometer and altimeter. This red and silver painted wood and fabric covered aircraft is in excellent condition having been restored to full airworthy status by the Australian Gliding Museum. SLINGSBY – T31b (nose – both sides) DB Australian Gliding Museum (rudder – both sides) It has been given Serial Number GFA/HB/12 and is registered as VH-GDBaustralian gliding, glider, sailplane, slingsby, tandem tutor, t31, gliding club of western australia, waikerie gliding club, wimmera soaring club, pioneer valley soaring club

Address given by Mrs Lavender on the presentation of the Kyneton Colours on 28 February 1861 “Gentlemen of the Kyneton District Mounted Rifles, I feel proud of the honour done me in being deputed by the ladies of Kyneton to present the colours to your honourable Corps. There has always been a peculiar honour and responsibility connected with the colours of a Regiment. They have been unfurled on a battlefield as rallying points for many a splendid troop of gallant soldiers and courageous hearts. They have been spread to the breeze on the storming of many a city and battles hardly fought and dearly won. To retain their position and maintain their integrity, many a brave soldier has freely offered his life in their defence and, when in the hour of adversity they have been lowered, overpowered by the foe, many a brave heart has bit the dust. We might say that the history of our country is written on the banners of our “Fatherland”. The names emblazoned there speak, it is true of many a battlefield, of many a desperate struggle and of many a glorious victory won by British bravery. Gentlemen, your colours are not decorated by names such as Waterloo, Alma, Inkerman, Delhir Cawnpore, and many others I might mention. They are blank and may the God of Peace grant that in this land of adoption, it may be long before necessity of duty calls upon you to maintain the integrity of your colours and win their names. But if in the providence of God, either from internal commotion or external aggression, you should be called into action, may these colours, the token of your Corps, be upheld with the bravery of British Soldiers, their honour maintained with your lives, and may they never be lowered to a foe. Gentlemen, your motto directs: Onward, onward; may it be so Onward at the shout of victory” This item is significant as The Kyneton Colour is the 2nd oldest Regimental Colour knownin Australia, and the oldest Australian Cavalry Colour. It is unique, in that it is hand made from an original design, there is no other colour of this type known to exist. The Kyneton District Mounted Rifles is the oldest ancestor unit of the 4th/19th Prince of Wales's Light Horse Regiment and therefore is historicaly significant to the Regiment in particular and to Australian Military History in general.Regimental Colour of the Kyneton Distric Mounted Rifles. A double sided blue silk damask standard bounded on three sides by 30mm coiled metal fringing. It is heavily embroidered through a silk and cotton layer and these sections are are put back to back forming a sandwich of four layers. Several kinds of metal threads and sequins have been used for the embroidery as well as coloured silk floss, employing satin and stem stitch. The front shows a central insert in white silk divided into four and with a steam engine, bull, plough, and wheat sheaf in the segments. This crest is flanked on the left by a kangaroo and the right by an Emu. Above the crest is a horizontal baton, and above that a smiling sun sitting on a bed of clouds. The initials KD are in the upper hoist area and MD in the upper fly region.Below the crest is a red ribbon with the Latin words VESTICIA NULLA RETRORSUM in metal thread. Below this applique is a green satin stitch shape. The reverse has a red cross with stars surrounded by a green and gold laurel wreath. This is surmounted by a Queen's crown in embroidered metal thread over a base of red silk velvet. The bottom third of the flag is decorated with the words KYNETON DISTRIC MOUNTED RIFLES in embroidered metal thread.See description.standard, colours, kyneton district mounted rifles, kyneton

Diaries of Tim Burstall November 1953 to December 1954. Tim Burstall lived in Eltham. Tim Burstall, the celebrated director of Stork, Alvin Purple and numerous other definitive 'ocker' comedies, is credited with shaking the moribund Australian film industry out of its torpor. But long before that, in the early 1950s, he began keeping a diary to record the world of the group of 'arties' and 'intellectuals' he was living among in Eltham, then a rural area outside Melbourne, where cheap land was available for mudbrick houses and studios, and where suburban rigidities could be mercilessly flouted. Burstall was in his mid-twenties, with two young sons and an open marriage with his wife, Betty. Eager to become a writer, to go against the grain, he kept a record almost daily-of the parties and the talk in pubs and studios, about art and politics and sex, of Communist Party branch meetings and film societies, of political rallies and the first Herald Outdoor Art Show. Somehow, while holding down a public relations job in the Antarctic Division and juggling his love affairs and obsession with the beautiful, brainy Fay, he wrote 500 words almost every day. Betty, according to the diaries, kept the show on the road, feeding friends after the pub, milking goats and working in her pottery making bowls and mugs, which Tim sometimes decorated at weekends. These Memoirs of a Young Bastard, as Burstall dubbed himself and them, are among the most evocative Australian diaries of modern times. Burstall can write. He has an eye for the telling detail, an unerring ear for cant and pomposity and, most endearingly, an ability to mock himself-always from the perspective of a bloke of his generation. Source: Publisherxxiv, 343 p., [18] p. of plates : ill., maps, ports., facsims. ; 27 cm.ISBN 9780522858143diary, motion picture director, film director, author

Newspaper clippings 1991-1993. 1. Teachers' strike: Major disruptions as 500 stop work [Ballarat] Paper: The Courier Date: 2 December 1992 2. Strikes in 3 sectors [Ballarat] Paper: The Courier Date: 3 December 1992 3. Letter to the editor: Change priorities for a better city [Ballarat] Paper: The Courier? Author: P. Murphy Date: n.d. 4. Traynor's comments criticised [regarding penalty rates] Paper: The Courier? Date: 27 July 1991 5. Trades Hall seeks urgent talks on health funding [Ballarat] Paper: The Courier? Date: 29 July 1991 6. Stewart condemns weekend shearing [Ballarat] Paper: The Courier Date: 1 August 1991 7. Working class poet [Geoff Goodfellow] recites with the power of language Paper: The Courier Date: 8 August 1991 8. Budget '91: Budget brings little local joy Paper: The Courier? Date: 21 August 1991 9. State Budget '91: Budget hits low income earners Paper: The Courier? Date: 28 August 1991 10. Job cuts face local bakery [Sunicrust, Ballarat] Paper: The Courier? Date: 29 August 1991 11. Factory closure will put 50 out of work [Vitclay, Ballarat] Paper: The Courier? Date: 3 September 1991 12. Protest for jobs urged [Ballarat] Paper: The Courier Date: 7 September 1991 13. Bank staff cuts 'astound' Trades Hall secretary [Ballarat] Paper: The Courier? Date: 12 September 1991 14. Pixelated black and white portrait photo of Graeme Shearer 15. Abattoirs picket line supported [Camperdown] Paper: The Courier Date: n.d. 16. Shearers to set up AWU committee [Ballarat} Paper: The Courier Date: 19 September 1991 17. Group fights for Ballarat national rail freight link Paper: The Courier Date: 1 October 1991 18. National jobless rate 10.2.% [Ballarat] Paper: The Courier? Date: 11 October 1991 19. Shearers establish committee [Ballarat] Paper: The Courier Date: 23 October 1991 20. Wage decision backed by employers, unions [Ballarat] Paper: The Courier Date: n.d. 21. Meeting to focus on aged care: QEGC budget cuts spark local concern [Central Highlands] Paper: The Courier Date: 4 December 1991 22. Mayor urges jobless to rally to the cause [Ballarat] Paper: The Courier? Date: 7 December 1991 23. New dole record: District's jobless queue lengthens again [Ballarat] Paper: The Courier? Date: 13 December 1991 24. Begonia bans: Unions act on retirement village [Ballarat] Paper: The Courier? Date: 24 December 1991 25. Another stoppage over WorkCare [Ballarat] Paper: The Courier? Date: 5 August 1990 26. BTHC hits anti-strike proposal Paper: The Courier Date: 16 November 1991 27. Businesses eager; unions more wary. Paper: The Courier? Date: 22 November 1991 28a. Project halted: review of $60m retirement village [Ballarat] 28b. Retirement Group 'too big, too fast' [Ballarat] 28c. Retirement village work halted [Ballarat] Paper: The Courier? Date: n.d. 29. QEGC managers criticised over budget cutbacks [Ballarat] Paper: The Courier? Date: n.d. 30. Unions' aid call [Ballarat] 30a. How unions want the $6 billion spent Paper: The Courier? Date: 11 February 1991 31. Threat to bread: Bunge strike action escalates [Ballarat] Paper: The Courier? Date: 27 February 1992 32. Bunge moves rye to Albury: Workers walk out [Ballarat] Paper: The Courier? Date: 26 February 1992 33. Merry makers' labours worry Trades Hall [Kryal Castle, Ballarat] Paper: The Courier? Date: 21 February 1992 34. Agreement will put end to retirement village dispute [Ballarat] Paper: The Courier Date: 22 February 1992 35. Mill strikers call for reinstatements [Ballarat] Paper: The Courier Date: 27 February 1992 36. No debate for BRB [Ballarat] Paper: The Courier? Date: n.d. 37. Statement will be our only hope [Ballarat] Paper: The Courier Date: 12 February 1992 38. Union hits catering [Ballarate & Victoria] Paper: The Courier? Date: ?? February 1992 39. Thanks - Bunge strikers thank you to Graeme Shearer et al Paper: The Courier? Date: n.d. 40. ANZ under fire from Trades Hall Secretary [Ballarat] Paper: The Courier Date: 19 March 1992 41. Assurance sought over Melb rail line [Ballarat] Paper: The Courier Date: 18 March 1992 42. In and out of town: Premier to visit [Ballarat] Paper: The Courier? Date: n.d. 43. Regional board wants to improve its image [Ballarat] Paper: The Courier? Date: n.d. 44. Time to amalgamate (letter to the editor) [Ballarat] Paper: The Courier Date: 13 May 1992 45. Another unemployment record for Ballarat Paper: The Courier? Date: 8 May 1992 46. Trouble brews in Ballarat (opinion) Paper: The Courier? Date: 9 May 1992 47. Trades Hall warns of student exploitation [Ballarat] Paper: The Courier Date: 29 February 1992 48. Bunge unions stay firm [Ballarat] Paper: The Courier? Date: 12 March 1992 49. Workers, Bunge settle dispute [Ballarat] Paper: The Courier? Date: 4 March 1992 50. Proposal could end Bunge strike [Ballarat] Paper: The Courier? Date: 3 March 1992 51. Village payment / payment at village Paper: The Courier? Date: 6 March 1992 52. Public outcry over hike in milk price [Ballarat] Paper: The Courier? Date: n.d. 53. Workers dig deep to help Somalia [Ballarat] Paper: The Courier? Date: 10 October 1992 54. 'Callous attack on the poor': union chief [Ballarat] Paper: The Courier? Date: 13 October 1992 55. No Labour swing, says Shearer [Ballarat] Paper: The Courier? Date: 6 October 1992 56. Ballarat joins strike Paper: The Courier Date: 24 October 1992 57. Workers would revolt against Libs: Shearer Paper: The Courier? Date: 28 September 1992 58. Wage rise disgraceful [Ballarat] Paper: The Courier? Date: 31 October 1992 59. Shearer seeks guarantees for rail link [Ballarat] Paper: The Courier? Date: 19 September 1992 60. Cleaners ready to tackle Coalition [Ballarat] Paper: The Courier? Date: 19 September 1992 61. The Ballarat strike (picture) Paper: The Courier? Date: 11 November 1992 62. Workers voice their concern [Daylesford] Paper: The Courier? Date: 11 November 1992 63. The Ballarat strike Paper: The Courier Date: 11 November 1992 64. 53 railway jobs to go: union chief [Ballarat] Paper: The Courier? Date: 23 November 1992 65. Trades Hall urges support for rally [Ballarat] Paper: The Courier? Date: 25 November 1992 66. Doubt cast on our unemployed rate [Ballarat] Paper: The Courier Date: 20 August 1992 67. Wage claim justified: Shearer Paper: The Courier? Date: 20 August 1992 68. Pool plan for jobs money attacked Paper: The Courier Date: 22 August 1992 69. Fight for rail link [Geelong-Ballarat] Paper: Geelong Advertiser Date: 18 September 1992 70. Rail pledge demand Paper: Geelong Advertiser Date: 1 October 1992 Condition: very poor 71. Union calls for railway guarantee [Ballarat] Paper: n.a. Date: 21 October 1992 72. A strike is the last thing Victoria needs Paper: The Courier Date: 27 ? 1992 73.Industry turmoil: Ford plant is up for sale [Ballarat] Paper: The Courier? Date: 20 August 1992 74. Regional Board retains job counsellor [Ballarat] Paper: The Courier Date: 20 August 1992 75. Jobless figures need special consideration [Ballarat] Paper: The Courier Date: 20 August 1992 76a. Local strike chaos: All services likely to be affected [Ballarat] 76b.Strike is an act of hypocrisy [Ballarat] Paper: The Courier Date: 10 November 1992 77. Ronaldson angered by union attack blunder [Ballarat] Paper: The Courier Date: 11 November 1992 78. Ballarat rally against Govt Paper: The Courier Date: 4 November 1992 79.Payouts a form of 'blackmail' [Ballarat] Paper: The Courier? Date: 27 November 1992 80. Union leader gives job loss breakdown [Ballarat] Paper: The Courier? Date: 27 November 1992 81. Deficit levy protest: Unions seize on wide discontent [Ballarat] Paper: The Courier? Date: 26 November 1992? 82. WorkCover under fire at city rally [Ballarat] Paper: The Courier Date: 26 November 1992 83. Coalition is 'cruel': Shearer Paper: The Courier? Date: 22 August 1992 84. Policy to 'decimate unions' Paper: The Courier? Date: 26th August 1992 85. Review immigration call Paper: The Courier? Date: 16 July 1992 86. Union boss blasts Libs' proposals [Ballarat] Paper: The Courier Date: n.d. 87. Both towns could win rail link: NRC [Geelong-Ballarat] Paper: The Courier? Date: n.d. 88. Teachers rally against cuts [Ballarat] Paper: The Courier? Date: 20 May 1993 89. Five workers die in 2 years Paper: The Courier Date: 14 October 1996Significant collection of press articles that include comment from Unions Ballarat Secretary, Graeme Shearer, around the period when Jeff Kennett (Liberal Party Victoria) became premier of Victoria. Focus upon a variety of social and industrial issues impacting the Ballarat region.Newspaper articles - scanned.btlc, ballarat trades and labour council, shearer graeme, kennett jeff, railway link geelong-ballarat, liberal party victoria, industrial action - rallies, workcover, various, ballarat trades and labour council - secretary

The recipient of the testimonial, Thomas O’Grady (1824-90) had migrated to Melbourne in 1854, practising the trades of building and contracting. The Australian Dictionary of Biography records that he became a Councillor of the City of Melbourne in 1868. It lists one of his major achievements as the construction ‘with Leggett & Noonan [of] the fifty-six-mile (90 km) railway from Essendon to Seymour’. He was chairman of the Tramways Trust from its formation in 1884. His obituary in the Melbourne Herald (29 Apr 1890) reported: "DEATH OF ALDERMAN THOMAS O'GRADY. Today we have the sad duty of recording the death of two old colonists, who for many years, havo occupied very, prominent positions in building, commercial and municipal circles. The first of these is Alderman Thomas O'Grady, who died last night at his residence in Carlton. Mr O'Grady has been ill for some time, and at one period his death was expected any moment. Then he rallied, and strong hopes of his recovery were entertained; but he had a relapse, and expired as stated. The deceased gentleman was one of the oldest members of the City Council, in which he has held the various positions of Councillor, Alderman and Mayor. At the time of his death he sat as alderman for Victoria Ward. Mr O'Grady also at one time represented the City Council on the Harbor Trust, and was chairman of that body. He has been the council's representative on the Tramway Trust and was chairman of that body for some considerable time." As late as 1951, the Advocate (11 Oct 1951) stated that: "To Alderman Thomas O'Grady, Lord Mayor of Melbourne in 1872-3, is due the credit of the successful inauguration of Hospital Sunday. Alderman O'Grady was the first Catholic Lord Mayor of the city. He was elected a councillor for Smith Ward in 1868, and an alderman in 1869. In private life he was an extensive contractor, being a member of the firm of O'Grady, Leggett and Noonan, the contractors for the first section of the Northeastern Railways (between Melbourne and Seymour)."This is a unique civic document, illustrating the life and contribution of Thomas O’Grady (1824-90), Melbourne City Councillor and first Chairman of the Melbourne Tramways Trust. It is historically significant in its recording of the development of Melbourne's public transport system. The design of the certificate and particularly the ebonised frame are artistically and aesthetically significant.An illustrated testimonial presented to the first Chairman of the Melbourne Tramways Trust in 1886. The Testimonial is encased in an ebonized frame of the period. It includes the coat-of-arms of 12 cities, corporations, boroughs and towns, including that of Kew. At the head of the testimonial the engines used to drive the cable systems are illustrated. At the foot of the testimonial there is a picture of two cable trams.The testimonial reads: ‘At the meeting of the Melbourne Tramways Trust held on the Fifth Day of February 1886, the following resolution was unanimously carried. That the thanks of the Melbourne Tramways Trust are due and are hereby accorded to Alderman Thomas O’Grady Hon. JP, the first Chairman of the Trust for the ability, courtesy and impartiality with which he has discharged his duties during the past two years, and the Trust heartily congratulates him on the successful opening during his term of office of the Richmond Tramway (the first Cable line constructed in Australia) and tenders him its earnest wishes for his future prosperity and welfare.’ melbourne tramways trust, thomas o’grady (1824-90), cable trams, lord mayors of melbourne

This dress was worn by Brighton's first female mayor, Councillor Di Lopez, to a Mayoral Ball held at Brighton Technical School in 1977. Diane Margaret Lewis completed a law degree at the University of Melbourne, later marrying one of her classmates, criminal lawyer Ramon (Ray) Lopez. When she decided to run for the Brighton City Council in 1975, she was seen as an outside chance. Undeterred, she rallied a small group of friends and supporters and set out on an extensive door-knocking campaign that won voters to her side and successfully unseated former mayor Keith Devenport. She went on to serve two terms on council from 1975 to 1981. Di initiated many local projects, including the creation of a bike path along Nepean Highway and the first Brighton Festival, while balancing family life and a demanding ‘day job’ as personal assistant to Victorian Minister for Youth, Sport and Recreation Brian Dixon. She was a member of the Women’s Electoral Lobby and a champion for women’s representation, encouraging both Sally Allmand and Kate Harman to run for council (both were successfully elected). She advocated forcefully for an open, transparent local government in which ratepayers had the chance to participate and be heard. In 1976 Di became the first woman to hold the title of Mayor of Brighton, and she made it clear from the outset that she was going to do it her way. For the annual mayoral ball in 1977, ordinarily a staid traditional function, she chose a discotheque theme based on the Rod Stewart album Night on the Town, with a broad dress code of ‘black tie or jeans’: ‘You’ve got to get with the times,’ she said. ‘We want people to wear whatever they feel comfortable in.’ Di herself chose to attend in this knee-length chamois dress embellished with strings, ribbons, beads and feathers. It was both a fashion statement, exemplifying her colourful, flamboyant and forthright style, and a political one: a declaration of her intention to lead a progressive council, embracing the new and refusing to be hemmed in by dated traditions. In 2020 she was awarded an Order of Australia Medal for her service to local government and to the community of Brighton.This dress has local historical significance for its association with Brighton's first female mayor, Councillor Di Lopez, who wore it to a Mayoral Ball in 1976. The dress exemplifies her flamboyant reputation, modern outlook and willingness to break norms. At the time, the dress was a radical choice for a Mayoral Ball, where women typically wore formal evening gowns. With her choice of dress, Cr Lopez was making a public statement, breaking away from dated traditions and announcing her intention to bring the Mayor's office into the 1970s. In this way, the dress also points to the wider social and political changes taking place both in Brighton and across Australia during the mid-1970s.Three quarter length chamois dress circa 1974. Machine stitched with a v-neck and full length sleeves and an uneven raw hem, the dress is decorated with narrow thongs of chamois embellished with red beads and blue feathers. The open-fronted bodice is laced with red ribbon and the skirt is decorated with a large blue wool cross stitch and a combination of blue wool and purple ribbon cross stitch. Made in the style of an Indian 'Wild West Dress'.di lopez, chamois, brighton, brighton council, brighton technical school, mayoral ball, 1970s, feminism

A document summarising events significant to Legacy in the year 1953. The coronation of Queen Elizabeth II was a highlight, with Legatee Stan Savige travelling to London to attend as a representative of Legacy (his account of the event is at 01164). 1,200 children attended a rally at the South Melbourne Town Hall to watch films of the life of the Queen, her visit to Canada and the Coronation. (A copy of the programme of this event is at 01163). It was decided that the Intermediate Legacy Club had degenerated into a club without a distinct purpose. They were encouraged to help the Legatees in the senior Club. For instance in the repairs to widow's houses. There is mention of the country clubs with a new club formed in Benalla. Education of Legatees was seen as something that needed to be addressed and a formal induction process with proper training would be necessary. A two page report was included as attachment 'C', which is stored as 01492. Welfare committee had prepared reports with were attached as 'D' but the whereabouts is not known. Camps and holidays. Country clubs would take city children and work had started at Blamey house to clear land for tent sites and country children could have a holiday in the city. The annual conference was held in Brisbane, a general report was attached as 'J' but the whereabouts is not known. Widows - childless and aged widows were identified in the Brisbane conference as needing more attention and a committee was formed to look into it. A report marked 'G' was mentioned but the whereabouts is not known. Dureau House. It was recognised the premises purchased some years before was not suitable as too much renovation was required and should be sold. The original donor, Mr Goldsmith of the B&G Corporation in New York was approached and he agreed the money could be used directly for the widows and children if provision of a headquarters was not important, but the decision was to be up to Legacy to make. The building was sold to Mr Bernard Evans for £57,000. Contact committee reported that the need for contact outstripped the present membership and new members were needed. The dental committee there were issues with payments by the Repatriation Department. The medical committee had decided that children in all classes would be given a Mantoux test for TB. The notation H18 in red pen shows that it was part of the archive project that was trying to capture the history of Legacy. A report covering the main work of Legacy in 1953.White foolscap paper with black type x 4 pages of the history of Legacy in 1953.Handwritten H18 in red pen.history, annual summary

The article shows a photo of the original Hall's Gap Hall and the (then) new Hall, which was built in 1956. The copy has been scanned as two separate images (because it was too large for the scanner). the second image is stored under "Additional Images". HISTORY OF HALL'S GAP HALL: No village, no matter how small, could possibly survive without a public meeting place, and Hall's Gap was no exception, even in 1899-1900. Actually it was the locals of Stony Creek village, as Hall's Gap was known for a short time, who decided to hold a meeting to find out how much interest there was in building a town hall! They soon found out that support was overwhelming, as can be seen by the fact that 14 gentlemen nominated for a position on the committee of four! Several motions were moved at that meeting, mainly with reference to the materials to be used, for instance that no "wattle and daub", but rather slabs of bark and local bush logs be used. The walls were to be constructed of slabs, 6 feet long, 9 inches wide and two inches thick. Uprights were to be 9 feet high and at least 9 inches thick. Sheets of bark, all 32 of them, had to be 8 feet by 8 feet. Tenders for the building materials were called on 9 March 1899 and, 21 days later, McKeon Brothers won the right to supply all the material for the princely sum of 4 pounds 10 shillings. The size of the hall was to be 20 feet by 10 feet. The first hall served the community well for the next thirteen years, being regularly used as a place of entertainment and religious worship. The growing community soon realised the need for a larger venue, with better facilities, so once again the townsfolk rallied to raise funds for a new hall, realising their dream around 1913. In 1921 a schoolteacher was provided by the education department but as there was no school building she was expected to use the hall. Mainly lessons were held in the kitchen as it was much warmer than the hall itself, and it was not unusual for up to twenty children to be taught, ranging in age from 5 to 14 years. It was not until 1928 that an official school was built. 1955-56 were years of great excitement. The Progress Association was in charge of deciding the format for the new hall, and there were many rowdy meetings beforehand. Some members had much more vision than others, and to some the amount of money required seemed astronomical. Two hall committee members resigned over differences of opinion but amazingly it all came together in the end, albeit at a greater cost than had been anticipated. There is only one record of a grant being made for the building,1500 pounds, and it came for the Minister of Public Works. Estimated cost of the building was around 8,000 pounds, and when finally finished it was just slightly over, but bank charges and interest took it to well over 9,000 pounds. An electric light generator was included and lighting installed. The SEC electricity was connected in 1962.A copy of a newspaper article entitled 'The Old . . . and the Present!', which includes two photographs.buildings, halls

Covered under National Estate, National Trust of Australia (Victoria) Local Significance and Heritage Overlay, Nillumbik Planning Scheme. Published: Nillumbik Now and Then /​ Marguerite Marshall 2008; photographs Alan King with Marguerite Marshall.; p95 Thanks to an Australia first effort by local residents, the historic Shillinglaw Cottage still survives. The cottage at Panther Place, Eltham, once stood about 100 metres away on Main Road. But in 1963 it faced demolition to make room for the Eltham Shire Offices (since demolished). However residents rallied to save Shillinglaw Cottage and became the first in Australia to remove and reconstruct an early settler’s brick building. A fundraiser was the residents’ compilation of loved recipes into the cookery book, Flavour of Eltham. The cottage, built in the late 1870s by noted pioneer builder George Stebbing, is one of Eltham’s earliest buildings and associated with significant early settlers. It is on the National Estate and National Trust Registers. The cottage was constructed with handmade bricks in the Flemish Bond style, typical of cottages and farmhouses in Flanders, Europe. It features burnt ‘header’ bricks over the façade, which gives a chequered effect. The roof is made of slate, while the windows are 12-paned sash with relieving arches. It is not clear who were the first owners of the cottage. The National Trust claims that Stebbing built it for farmer Thomas Cochrane.1 Others say Cochrane first owned the land but Stebbing was Shillinglaw’s first owner and remained so until 1887. The Shillinglaw family then bought it and lived there for around 80 years until 1963 when they sold it to the Eltham Council.2 Farmer Thomas Cochrane bought the Shillinglaw Cottage site from land developer Josiah Holloway. The site was the largest in what Holloway called Little Eltham, of some 30 acres (12 ha), extending along the creek from Henry Street to Luck Street. In 1874 Cochrane sold the land to George Stebbing. Meanwhile in 1861, Stebbing was the owner and occupier of a house at Pitt Street, Eltham, which he had built. Evelyn Observer journalist James Rossiter rented the Pitt Street house, then in 1881 Phillip Shillinglaw occupied it. Stebbing constructed several buildings of note in the area, including the Uniting Church at John Street, the building beside it – a former bank – and St Margaret’s Church of England in Pitt Street. Stebbing was also an Eltham Shire Councillor from 1871 to 1873 and a trustee and treasurer of the Eltham Wesleyan Church.3 In the 1870s he is recorded as the owner of up to five houses. Earlier he had been described as a bricklayer and later became a farmer. In 1882 Stebbing returned to the Pitt Street house and Shillinglaw occupied the new house in Main Road, which he owned from 1887. Shillinglaw was a prolific poet and preached at the Eltham Primitive Methodist Church, where he also served as Sunday School superintendent and led the Young People’s Society Christian Endeavour. The Shillinglaws saw many changes in their property’s boundaries – the major one occurring at the turn of the century when land for the railway and Eltham station was acquired from their holding. The northern part of the remaining land was then used for some of the first commercial developments in what was to become the Eltham Shopping Centre. Later still, the land immediately north of the cottage was bought by the Eltham War Memorial Trust for the War Memorial Buildings and the fire station. The Trust’s land eventually passed to the council. The council bought the remaining two acres (0.8 ha) with the house, and with the exception of the commercial development between the fire station and the post office, all of the former Shillinglaw land is owned by the council or government instrumentalities.4 Since the late 20th century, the cottage has had varied uses, such as a handcrafts store and as a restaurant.This collection of almost 130 photos about places and people within the Shire of Nillumbik, an urban and rural municipality in Melbourne's north, contributes to an understanding of the history of the Shire. Published in 2008 immediately prior to the Black Saturday bushfires of February 7, 2009, it documents sites that were impacted, and in some cases destroyed by the fires. It includes photographs taken especially for the publication, creating a unique time capsule representing the Shire in the early 21st century. It remains the most recent comprehenesive publication devoted to the Shire's history connecting local residents to the past. nillumbik now and then (marshall-king) collection, shillinglaw cottage

Ferguson’s Paddock, Hurstbridge. A plaque on a boulder commemorates Peter Brock. Published: Nillumbik Now and Then /​ Marguerite Marshall 2008; photographs Alan King with Marguerite Marshall.; p167 On a rock in Ferguson’s Paddock, Hurstbridge, a plaque commemorates Peter Brock. It includes the words: ‘Boy from Hurstbridge without special privileges, grew to become champion of racetracks around the world but he never forgot his beginnings’. Brock came from a well-established local family. Born in Hurstbridge in 1945, he lived in Anzac Avenue as a child, attended the Hurstbridge Primary and Eltham High Schools and lived in the district most of his life. His father Geoff owned the Diamond Valley Speed Shop in Greensborough. Brock’s forbears were amongst the area’s earliest settlers. From Scotland, the Brocks arrived in Tasmania in 1830, to graze sheep. Family members moved to Sunbury, then Preston, grazing sheep in the Bundoora area. John Brock owned Janefield, possibly named after his wife. In 1855 he granted around two acres (0.8ha) of his estate for a school.1 In 1866 Lewis Brock bought 264 acres (107ha) in Nutfield, the first non-Aboriginal person to own that land. They planted an orchard, then from around 1935, Brock’s uncle Sandy and his grandfather Lewis, ran a dairy on the property. In the 1980s Brock and his then partner Bev, bought most of the property, which they sold after their separation in 2006. Brock’s father was a Hurstbridge Football Club President, but Brock’s uncle Sandy, of Brocks Road, Doreen, has been particularly active in local affairs. He was President of the Mernda Football Club (then Plenty Rovers), President of the Panton Hill Football League and he founded the Arthurs Creek and District Landcare Group. He also gave more than 50 years of service to the Whittlesea Agricultural Society, the Volunteers for Australian Football and the Doreen Rural Fire Brigade. Community service was important to Brock too. Brock, with his then partner Bev, established the Peter Brock Foundation in 1997, the year he retired from full-time V8 Supercar racing. The Foundation’s grants have included $100,000 towards the upgrade of a walking track in the Hurstbridge Parklands and other projects include a holiday house for the families of child cancer victims. Brother Lewis saw Brock as a spiritual person, who had a great affinity with people. He saw Brock as a role model of someone who could achieve their dreams. ‘The family didn’t have much money, yet that didn’t stop Peter realising his dreams. He was strong and didn’t let difficult times crush him.’ Despite his later successes, Brock’s most treasured trophy was for running 100 yards (91.4m)at his primary school in 1955, and he appreciated his head master Ted Griffiths’ encouragement of his sporting endeavours. At high school Brock became captain of Everard House. In his first year he bought a 1928 Austin 7 for £5. He cut the car into a box shape with an axe and enjoyed driving it – despite it having no brakes - at his grandparents’ farm at Nutfield. The turning point in Brock’s life came at age 23, when he built an Austin A30 in an old henhouse in Wattle Glen, using a Holden engine. He was laughed at until it won the Australian Sports Sedan Championship in 1968. Brock’s career then took off and he became a professional driver. Brock won Australian motor sport’s best-known event, the Bathurst 1000, nine times. Brock endured a bitter split from Holden in 1986 over control of his Holden-backed vehicle modification business and a car performance-enhancing device he called the ‘energy polariser’– despite it having no scientific evidence to support its claims. But Brock returned to Holden in 1994. Then in 1997, aged 52, Brock retired from fulltime V8 Supercar racing. However he continued to race at motor sport events. Brock won several awards, including an Order of Australia Medal in 1980, the Australian Sports Medal in 2000, and the Centenary Medal. On September 8, 2006, Brock died; after his car hit a tree during the Targa West Rally in Western Australia.This collection of almost 130 photos about places and people within the Shire of Nillumbik, an urban and rural municipality in Melbourne's north, contributes to an understanding of the history of the Shire. Published in 2008 immediately prior to the Black Saturday bushfires of February 7, 2009, it documents sites that were impacted, and in some cases destroyed by the fires. It includes photographs taken especially for the publication, creating a unique time capsule representing the Shire in the early 21st century. It remains the most recent comprehenesive publication devoted to the Shire's history connecting local residents to the past. nillumbik now and then (marshall-king) collection, ferguson's paddock, hurstbridge, peter brock memorial, peter brock

ES 56 Nymph Following the successful introduction of the ES 52 Kookaburra two-seater in mid-1954, Edmund Schneider Ltd designed a higher performance single seat sailplane of similar construction and with similar handling qualities. It was designated the ES 56 and became known as the ES56 “Nymph”. The ES56 Nymph was a success in that it delivered the anticipated performance and was found to have satisfactory flying characteristics. However, only the prototype (“Nymph -I”) and three production examples (“Nymph-II”) were built. Schneiders made some changes to the design before building the production version. The wing chord at the tip on the prototype measured 650 mm. This was reduced to 500 mm for subsequent builds. The explanation is that provision was made in the original design for the possible lengthening of the tapered wing to 13 metres. However, apparently it was decided to retain the 11.900 metre span which allowed the tip chord to be reduced slightly. Other changes included the installation of scissor type air brakes in the wing instead of simple hinged flap spoilers and the addition of a landing wheel behind the skid on the fuselage. On one of the Nymph-II a dorsal was added on top of the fuselage forward of the vertical fin when repairs were made rectifying damage incurred as a result of an accident at Benalla on 31 March 1963. Even before these ES56 gliders were finished, Edmund Schneider Ltd decided to offer a less expensive single seat design to cater in particular for newly solo pilots, the ES57 Kingfisher. With the Kingfisher, Schneiders reverted to a traditional airfoil (Gott 549) for the wing instead of the laminar flow section that was chosen for the Nymph in the pursuit of performance. As such, the Kingfisher was more appropriately characterised as a single seat version of the Kookaburra in comparison to the Nymph. Schneiders continued for a time to offer the ES56 Nymph as a high-performance sailplane. However, its place in the market was soon overtaken by imported designs with superior performance, such as the Schleicher KA6, which Schneiders also imported and built under license. Nymph-I was test flown in December 1955 and entered by Harry Schneider into the gliding championships held at Waikerie from 5th to 16th of that month. Harry finished 12th in the individual placing out of a field of approximately 24. The capabilities of the Nymph were further demonstrated by Harry Schneider in January 1956 with a Gold C flight of 193 miles from Gawler in South Australia to Walpeup in Victoria. Nymph-I was acquired by the Port Pirie Gliding Club in South Australia. It has been saved and restored and is a regular feature at vintage glider rallies in Victoria and New South Wales. See Museum Newsletter No 35 Winter Edition 2017 pages 3 -6, for that story. The Nymph-II production models were delivered by Edmund Schneider Ltd in October 1956 to the Gliding Club of Victoria, the Victorian Motorless Flight Group and the Royal Australian Navy Gliding Association. The VMFG flew its Nymph in the First National Gliding Championships at Tocumwal, NSW, in December 1956 and all three were flown at the Second National Gliding Championships at Benalla in 29th December 1958 to 8th January 1959, delivering competitive performances based on handicap. Nymph-I Serial Number 17 Original owner – Port Pirie Gliding Club, S.A. Registered VH-GHG on 20 August 1957 Re-registered VH-GHA on 11 October 2016 Currently Raywood, Victoria Believed airworthy Nymph-II Serial Number 20 Original owner – R.A.N. Gliding Association Registered VH-GDX on 20 May 1957 Currently Locksley, Victoria. In storage Nymph-II Serial Number 21 Original owner – Gliding Club of Victoria Registered VH-GHU on 27 August 1957 Currently Bendick Murrell, N.S.W. In storage Nymph-II Serial Number 22 Original owner – Victorian Motorless Flight Group Registered VH-GFE on 5 March 1957 Currently Bacchus Marsh, Victoria Under restoration for display. The Museum’s exhibit is the ES56, serial number 22, registered as VH-GFE. The glider was flown by the VMFG in Victoria until approximately September 1968. GFA records show that it was transferred to Queensland in 1968, and it passed through several owners until the mid-1970s. Information received indicates that it was flown by the Leichardt Soaring Club at Mount Isa in the (late?) 1960s. The history from then is not presently known except to say that it has been kept in dry storage for many years. It is not known when the glider was last flown. What is Significant? The Schneider ES 56 Nymph single seat sailplane, serial number 22, designed and built in 1955-1956, by Edmund Schneider Ltd in Adelaide. It was delivered to its original owner, the Victorian Motorless Flight Group, in October 1956, and registered as VH-GFE on 5 March 1957. How it is Significant? The ES56 Nymph is of historical, aesthetic, scientific and research, and social significance to the Australian gliding community. Why it is Significant? The ES56 is of historical significance as it was designed and built by Edmund and Harry Schneider. The Schneiders immigrated to Australia after the end of the second world war bringing with them considerable expertise in relation to glider design and construction. Over the following decades they maintained a close association with the Gliding Federation of Australia and the gliding clubs and through their glider production made a major contribution to the sport. The ES56 is part of that story. The ES56 in its design and construction exhibits the glider construction technology of the time, which principally consisted of lightweight wooden framework skinned with ply and doped fabric. It exbibits design innovation, notably the use of a laminar flow wing profile in pursuit of better glide performance. Also, considerable attention was given to simplifying the structure in order to keeping cost and the weight low. The ES56 played a useful role at gliding clubs where it was operated, especially the late 1950s and early 1960s and is remembered well by pilots who flew her. The glider is in the course of restoration and provides an insight into the skills and workmanship that were involved in design, building and maintenance of these wooden aircraft. It is of aesthetic and scientific and research significance. Glider airframe of a traditional wood and fabric covered constructionNoneglider, sailplane, edmund schneider, harry schneider, es56, nymph, es57, kingfisher, victorian motorless flight group, gliding club of victoria, ran gliding association, port pirie gliding club, leichardt soaring club.

Age (Melbourne, Vic. : 1854 - 1954), Monday 6 August 1928, page 9 ________________________________________ RINGWOOD WAR MEMORIAL CLOCK TOWER UNVEILED A CIVIC CEREMONY. The people of Ringwood have erected a beautiful stone clock tower at a cost of £1797, as a memorial to those who served in the war. The unveiling ceremony was performed by the mayor of Ringwood (Cr. W. Mackinlay) on Saturday. “Bleak conditions with showers intervening prevailed at Ringwood on Saturday afternoon, when the unveiling ceremony of the soldiers' memorial clock tower, performed by the mayor (Cr. W. Mackinlay) took place in the presence of a Iarge and representative gathering. The ceremony was solely a civic one. A majority of members of the local branch of the R.S.S.I.L.A. had wished that Sir John Monash be invited to take a prominent part in the proceedings, but the trustees elected otherwise. The Salvation Army band from Box Hill rendered suitable music, while Sergeant E. P. Taylor (37th Battalion, A.I.F) sounded the Reveille and The Last Post impressively. Among those present were Mr. Edgar, M.L.C., the vicar of Ringwood (Rev. E. E. Robinson), Rev. G. McLaren (Methodist), the memorial trustees (Cr. J. B. McAlpin, Messrs, J. W. Barrett, A. H. Locke, J. A. Williams and A. G. Ashley). The last two mentioned are president and honorary secretary respectively of the local branch of the R.S.A. Soldier delegates from Camberwell and Mitcham were also present. At the outset the mayor said a few words would not be amiss concerning why the memorial had been so long delayed in being erected. In September, 1919, a public committee was formed, with Mr. A. V. Greenwood as chairman, to consider the erection of a suitable memorial to the soldiers. Among the more important suggestions had been the building of a hall and clubrooms on land generously offered by Mr. R. W. Dawes. This project had been abandoned, also the proposed erection of a huge memorial building, at a cost of £5000, on the site of the present town hall. As two years had passed without anything of a definite nature eventuating it was decided to elect five trustees, comprising three citizens and the president and secretary of the Returned Soldiers' Association with full power to act. In all propositions the trustees had been faced with financial difficulties, but about the time of the completion of the plans of the memorial tower Ringwood became a borough, and the new council was appealed to, and provided £500 to make the erection of the memorial possible. The architect, (Mr. H. Norris) had refused to take anything beyond out-of-pocket expenses (£16), while the engineer (Mr. Lucas) had saved a goodly sum by supervising the work. The total funds at the disposal of the trustees, including the council's donation, was, in round figures £1807. The tower complete would cost £1690; honor roll, £77, and fees paid for various designs had amounted to £30. The total expenditure was £1797, leaving a credit balance of £10. Before the unveiling the mayor, in again addressing the citizens, said he deemed it a privilege to perform such a task in connection with so splendid a memorial. The citizens had erected it as an expression of heartfelt gratitude in memory, first of all, of those heroes who gave not only their services, but their lives, when the call came in the common cause of right and liberty, upon which the British Empire was built. This memorial was also the tribute of the citizens in a degree of appreciation to those men who so un-selfishly and ungrudgingly volunteered their services in the Great War. The memorial, while commemorating the glorious deeds of Australian manhood, was not intended, in any sense, as a glorification of war. The memorial would tend to bring to one's mind the blessing of peace in contrast to the curse of hostilities. They were gathered there that afternoon to do honor to all those who volunteered for service to the Great War, but they wished to assure the friends and relatives of those who paid the supreme sacrifice of their sincere sympathy and trust. If ever in the future this fair southern land of ours was threatened by an invader he felt sure that Australian manhood would not hesitate to rally to the call to duty and defend the freedom of their country. Following prayer by Rev. G. McLaren (Methodist), the memorial clock tower was unveiled, the acting mayoress (Mrs. Mackinlay) cutting the cord, after which the making over of the memorial to the borough council took place, the president of the local branch of the R.S.A. (Mr. J. A. Williams) stating he had pleasure in accepting the key on behalf of the trustees. As the council was the permanent governing body the key would be handed back to the mayor, the memorial being given into the safety and custody of the council. During the proceedings the hymns O God, Our Help in Ages Past and Lest We Forget were rendered, the choirs of various denominations joining in the singing. Benediction was pronounced by the vicar of Ringwood (Rev. E. E. Robinson).” Black and white photograph (2 copies- one original mounted on cardboard backing)Written on rear of backing of original: "Opening of clock tower by Mayor W. Mackinlay, 4.8.1928." Written on back of copy" "Mayor Mackinlay dedicating Ringwood clocktower in original position at end of Warrandyte Rd. 1928. Maroondah Hwy on right."

Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerPhotograph of a street art poster taken on the streets of Hong Kong during the protests against legislation to allow Hong Kong suspects to be extradited to mainland Chinese carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, poster art, posters

Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerSeven police officers stand guard in front of Hong Kong's main police headquarters on Arsenal Street in Wan Chai as an estimated one thousand protestors surround on 26 June 2019. Protestors take turns to step up and hurl abuse at the officers, in a protest lasting 6 hours before peacefully dispersing. The protesters chanted 'Release the martyrs' and 'Stop police violence' in reference to violent clashes with police in the days previous. ( https://www.scmp.com/news/hong-kong/politics/article/3016238/hong-kong-police-under-siege-again-protesters-surround)carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, protest, protestors, police, wan chai

Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerPhotograph crowds gathering on June 16 on the streets of Causeway Bay before an estimated 2 million people take part in march protesting the government's push for extradition laws to China and demanding an apology from the chief executrive Carrie Lam. Nearly 2 million’ people take to streets, forcing public apology from Hong Kong leader Carrie Lam as suspension of controversial extradition bill fails to appease protesters. (https://www.scmp.com/news/hong-kong/politics/article/3014737/nearly-2-million-people-take-streets-forcing-public-apology )carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, protest, protestors

Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerPhotograph of a crowd or protestors against proposed extradition laws gathering on the streets of Causeway Bay, Hong Kong, leading down to the gathering area. carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, protest, protestors

Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerPhotograph of a crowd on the streets of Hong Kong to protest against proposed extradition laws, heading towards Admiralty. carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, protest, protestors, admiralty

Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerCrowds mass on Queens Way in Hong Kong as an estimated 2 million people march in protest at the government's refusal to withdraw a controverisal law allowing people to be extradited to mainland China. Chants demanded the chief executive apologise and the legislation be withdrawn, while many held signs protesting police violence. Nearly 2 million protesters flooded the streets of Hong Kong on Sunday, organisers claimed, delivering a stunning repudiation of Chief Executive Carrie Lam Cheng Yuet-ngor’s governance and forcing a public apology out of the city’s leader over her campaign to bulldoze a controversial extradition bill through the legislature. A day after Lam suspended her push for the bill, expecting it to defuse a crisis that has seen violent clashes between mostly young protesters and police, the centre of Hong Kong was brought to a complete standstill as the masses marched to chastise her for refusing to withdraw the bill or apologise when first asked to, and declaring that nothing short of her resignation would satisfy them now. (https://www.scmp.com/news/hong-kong/politics/article/3014737/nearly-2-million-people-take-streets-forcing-public-apology ) carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, protest, protestors, admiralty