Information from Norman F. Dalton: Ballarat had a reticulated DC supply in the early part of last century and in 1905 had sufficient generating capacity to enable the trams to be changed from horse drawn to DC electricity. The use of electricity increased with the main power station located on Wendouree Parade, near Webster Street, under the ownership of The Electric Supply Company of Victoria. AC generating plant was installed in 1925 and conversion to AC proceeded. In 1934 the company was taken over by the State Electricity Commission Victoria (SECV) and more AC generation was installed and the changeover of customers was accelerated. This is around the time that the Synchronome Frequency Checking Mast Clock was installed at the Wendouree Parade Power Station. The SECV Annual Report of 1921 states: ::Section 11 of the act directed the COmmission to enquire into the question of securing the adoption of such standards of plant and equipment of a system, frequency and pressure for the generation and distribution of electricity as will admit of the efficient interconnection of undertakings throughout the State. In 1934 when the SECV took over the Ballarat operations the question of linking with the State grid had been a planned operation for some years but due to financial considerations had hindered it and in fact would continue to do so for a further 10 years. So while the need for close frequency control for interconnection was hardly an issue, the need to keep electric clocks correct was important, particularly as this item was a frequent sales point to cover the inconvenience and sometimes expense of converting from DC to AC. The clock is a very accurate pendulum clock with provision for varying effective length during operation for precise time regulation. There are two normal time dials and one is controlled by the pendulum and the other is operated by the system frequency. When the clock was in use it was installed by the MEter and Tests Laboratory and the time was checked daily by radio time signals. The two dials were repeated in the operators control panel in the Power Station. A maximum deviation between the two dials was set in the operating instructions (eg 5 seconds) and the operator would correct this when necessary by remote manual alteration of the turbine governor set point. The clock was used to drive and regulate a system of "slave" clocks which were used to display the time in various locations around the power station. A slave clock is a simple clock which is driven by a small electric motor, its accuracy is regulated by the master clock every 30 seconds to ensure that it and all the other slave clocks in the station are on exactly the right time; slave clocks were placed in various locations, from common rooms to workshops. A master clock could potentially run thousands of slave clocks at one plant. The clock also contains a rectifier. A rectifier is a device that is used to convert AC power to more stable DC current.Two clocks in a timber case. Both are electric, one is powered by the main pendulum mechanism, the other is a self contained electric clock. The main mechanism is of the gravity arm and roller type, which sends an impulse to the slave clocks every 30 seconds. The This Synchronome Frequency Checking Master Clock was used at the Ballarat Power Station. Below the main section of the case is a smaller cabinet containing a rectifier to provide consistent DC power for the clock. The rectifier was made by the Victorian company Hilco, which was located in Burwood. There is a high chance this is not the original rectifier from this clock as there appears to be brackets to hold a larger device in the space the rectifier occupies.Front below main clock face on front of case: "Patented Sychronome Brisbane" Lower left-hand clock face: "Frequency time" Lower right-hand clock face: "Standard Seconds" Synchronous electric clock mechanism on door (Frequency time clock): >200/250 V. 50~ >"Synchronomains" Made in England >Direction indicator for clock starting switch >"To start move lever in direction of arrow and release" >"Patent applied for" Mechanism for "standard seconds" clock: >"English Made" >"Patented" >Serial number "321" >0 above right-hand pillar on front-plate Mechanism for "standard seconds" clock: >"English Made" >"Patented" >Serial number "321" >0 above right-hand pillar on front-plate Mechanism for main clock face: >"English Made" >"Patented" >Serial number "8751" >0 above right-hand pillar on front-plate Inside case, back panel, top enamel plate: >Seconds Battery + Pos. > Battery Common or - Neg. >1/2 min dials Inside case, back panel, bottom enamel plate: external seconds dial Inside case, right hand side, electrical knobs: two switches, both "A.C. mains" Pendulum rod, below suspension spring: Serial number (?) 0000005 Rectifier in bottom cabinet: >"Hilco Rectifier" >"A.C. Volts 230/240" >"Model 1060/S" >"A.C. Amperes" >"Serial No. 1060/S >"Phases 1" >"D.C. Volts 6" >"C.P.S. 50" >"D.C. Amperes 1" >"Made in Australia by Hilco Transformers McIntyre St., Burwood, Victoria." Bakelite electrical plug: makers mark Lower cabinet, RH side panel, pressed tin plate: "AC" (upside down) Brass speed adjustment, outer right RH side: "S" and "F" Ivory and wood pendulum beat ruler: >Ruler, with 0 in centre and numbers 1-5 in ascending order from centre on left and right. > "Synchronome Patent." Steel plate, back panel, inside case, right hand side: >N R A" (descending) >"2191" serial number/part number Face of main clock: "Synchronome Electric" synchronome frequency checking master clock, electricity, state electricity commission, wendouree parade power station, secv, clock, time, pendulum, electric supply company of victoria, norman f. dalton, ballarat power station, rectifier, slave clock

.1) Pages 7 to 10 of the Ballarat Courier, 10 July 1923. Page 7 includes the article 'Cheap electricity' and poses questions such as 'should Ballarat look to Morwell for cheap power?', and should an independent power plant be installed at Crockers, Arnolds, Harry Hall, Ewins, Harry Davies, Fred Halls, The London Drapery there. Page 9 includes articles on Ripon's roads, Mount Cole Springs; Soldier Settlement Rates Beaufort; Creswick brass band Officers; Daylesford Road Deviation to Hepburn Springs; Dereel Public Telephone; State Electricity Supply for Beaufort; Newlyn Valedictory to Mr and Mrs W. E. Bennett Page 9 - Racing at Ascot; Avoca Golf Tournament, Chinese Herbalists Page 10 - Auctions and house sales Advertisements include Harry Davies; Fred Halls; C. Marks and Co., London Drapery, Creer the Cashman; Chamberlain's Cough Remedy; Cornell's Little Liver Pills; Paynes; W. Fley Chemist; Bickart and Dawson; Rivers; Allchin Bros; J. Bartam & Son .2) Ballarat Courier, 30 July 1937, page 1 and 2 Page 1 reports Lal Lal's Iron Ore Company being formed. Page 2 reports the Prospectus of the lal lal Iron and Steel Blast Furnaces Mining Company, No Liability; Mining News - Wattle Gully; Commercial News Advertisements include Crockers, Arnolds, Harry Hall, Ewins, Harry Davies, Fred Halls, The London Drapery electricity, lal lal, lal lal iron, lal lal coalfield, morwell, gippsland, crockers, arnolds, harry hall, ewins, harry davies, fred halls, the london drapery, lal lal brown coal, ripon's roads, mount cole springs, soldier settlement rates beaufort, creswick brass band officers, daylesford road deviation to hepburn springs, dereel public telephone, state electricity supply for beaufort, newlyn, w.e. bennett, ascot, avoca golf tournament, chinese herbalists, c. marks and co., london drapery, creer the cashman, chamberlain's cough remedy, cornell's little liver pills, paynes, w. fley chemist, bickart and dawson, rivers, allchin bros, j. bartam & son, lal lal iron and steel blast furnaces mining company, wattle gully

The Display Board of Konts was handmade in Kings Lynn, Devon, England, by Tom Long DSM, who is a member of the International Guild of Knot Tyers. This display board shows the knots and joins used in ropework performed by a sailmaker and other skilled ropeworkers. It demonstrates the uses of some of the knots, such as for knobs and handles, suspending lengths of wood, reinforcing spliced rope and even for decorative work. The sailmakers travelling as part of the ship’s crew stored their tool kit in a canvas ditty bag. It contained needles, awls, a sailmaker’s leather palmed glove with a heavily reinforced palm - a shuttle to mend and make nets, fids, knives, mallets, brushes, rulers, and rope gauges. Sailmakers used their ropework and knot-making skills for various purposes and chose the type of rope fibre for its particular properties. For example, Italian hemp rope was preferred for the light line used in shore-to-ship rescues because it was lightweight, not easily knotted, and absorbed less water. A supply of various types of rope was a commodity on board a ship and on land in the new colonies. It was flexible, easily stored, and could be worked to create an endless variety of objects on its own or with other materials like wood. An example is a simple rope ladder. Lengths could be combined to make various thicknesses and pieces could be skilfully joined together by splicing. The importance of knots in seafaring cannot be overestimated. When ships relied on only the wind for power and speed, there were a huge number of various ropes in use, particularly with regard to the sails and rigging. Seafarers would be judged on their ability to tie knots speedily and correctly. A mounted display of authentic seaman's knots is on a board covered in blue fabric. Various rope grades and fibres were used to work numerous knots and splices. Some of the uses are familiar, such as the toggle, the pineapple knot, and the Turk’s head. A selection of rope grades and fibres were used to work numerous knots and splices. Some of the uses are familiar, such as the toggle, the pineapple knot, and the Turk’s head. The name or purpose of the knot is on the label below it. Labels below each knot give its name or use.flagstaff hill, warrnambool, maritime museum, maritime village, great ocean road, shipwreck coast, knot display, knot making, ropework, marine technology, sailmaker's work, sailor's knots, ship's rigging, seamen's knots, handmade, rope craft, knots, splices

The lathe-making business incorporated in 1902 as Drummond Bros Ltd originated in the fertile mind of Mr Arthur Drummond, said to have been living at that time at Pinks Hill, on the southern edge of Broad Street Common, west of Guildford. Mr Drummond, whose accomplishments included several pictures hung in the Royal Academy, was unable to find a lathe suitable for use in model engineering. In 1896 he designed for himself a ‘small centre lathe … which had a compound slide rest with feed-screws and adjustable slides’. He also designed and built ‘lathes of 4.5 inch and 5 inch centre height, which had beds of a special form whereby the use of a gap piece was eliminated but the advantages of a gap-bed lathe were retained’. Assisted by his brother, Mr Frank Drummond, who had served an apprenticeship to an engineering firm at Tunbridge Wells, the first lathes were made in a workshop adjoining Arthur Drummond’s house. The demand that speedily built up led to the decision to form a company and manufacture the lathes for sale commercially. Land was acquired nearby, at Rydes Hill, and the first factory built. The enterprise was a success, and the company quickly established ‘a high reputation in this country and abroad for multi-tool and copying lathes, and gear-cutting machines’. Other lathes were added to the range, including the first of the ’round bed’ machines for which the firm became widely known. A Drummond 3.5 inch lathe was among the equipment of Captain Scott’s 1912 expedition to the South Pole, and large numbers of 3.5 inch and 4 inch designs were exported to Australia, Canada and India. By the outbreak of war in 1914, 5 inch, 6 inch and 7 inch screw cutting lathes, arranged for power drive, were on sale. Large orders were received from the government for 3.5 inch lathes, for use in destroyers and submarines, and 5 inch lathes for the mechanised section of the Army Service Corps. The latter were used in mobile workshops. The factory worked night and day to supply the forces’ needs, until production was disrupted by a fire which destroyed a large part of the works in May 1915. As soon as rebuilding was complete work restarted. At the end of the war the entire production was being taken by the Government departments, a special feature being a precision screw lathe, bought by the Ministry of Munitions in 1918. Between the wars Drummond Bros Ltd introduced new machines for the motor vehicle, and later the aircraft industry, and the works were extended on many occasions to fulfill the increasing orders. The Maxicut multi-tool lathe (1925), designed for high-production turning operations, was one of the first machines of this type to be built in England. It was followed (1928) by an hydraulic version for turning gear blanks, and similar work. Further developments provided machines which, during the Second World War, turned all the crankshafts and propeller shafts for Bristol engines. Others, ordered by the Ministry of Supply were employed in turning shells, and many other specific needs of vehicle and aircraft manufacture were catered for by new types of Drummond lathes. Production of the small centre lathes ceased during the war when the company needed to concentrate on building multi-tool lathes and gear shapers. After the war a completely new Maxicut range was introduced, replacing the older versions, and fully automatic. The types were continually developed, and new versions manufactured until the end of the company’s life in 1980. The disappearance from the scene of Mr Arthur Drummond in 1946, and the end of the company’s autonomous existence in 1953 when the company was acquired by William Asquith Ltd, which was in turn bought by Staveley in 1966, meant that the factory at Rydes Hill became one – albeit very effective – part of a large national engineering company. Achievements at the Guildford works during its last years included the development of automated Maxicut gear-shapers in what was ‘probably the most fully automated gear shop in the country’, while a machine from Guildford was sent to the Osaka Fair in 1962. In 1963 an agreement was signed with Hindustan Machine Tools for the manufacture of Maxicut gear-shapers in state owned factories in Bangalore and Chandigarh. During 1963 the two largest multi-tool lathes ever made in the UK were installed in Ambrose Shardlow’s works in Sheffield for handling cranks up to 14 foot long. In 1976 Drummond lathes were included in Staveley’s £14,000,000 installation in Moscow of an automated production line for Zil motor cars. Up to the end invention continued at Guildford: a new Drummond Multi-turn memory-controlled machine was shown at the International Machine Tool Exhibition in 1977. This could not save the works from the pressures of the late 1970s, and Staveley Industries closed its Guildford site in 1980.An early example of a lathe that was designed primarily for the hobbyist model maker. It is in good condition and sought today by collectors as many of it's attributes were innovative at the time and lead to further development and incorporation of some of its features into more industrial models of production machinery. Lathe, round bed, treadle powered lathe, Drummond Type A, Serial number and maker's inscription. 1920-1923, Made by Drummond Brothers in Guildford, Surrey, England. Lathe is complete with Chuck, Tool post and Tail Stock in situ (30 extra parts)"MADE BY DRUMMOND BROTHERS LIMITED - PATENT TEES - RYDE'S HILL n GUILDFORD SURREY", "Serial Number 01470," "L44" or "L45 " flagstaff hill, warrnambool, shipwrecked coast, flagstaff hill maritime museum, maritime museum, shipwreck coast, flagstaff hill maritime village, great ocean road, lathe 1920-1923, round bed lathe, treadle lathe, drummond type a, guildford surrey, drummond brothers guildford surrey england, tread'e

Establishment and Functions Prior to 1860, the Chief Secretary's Department had been responsible for the administration of the gold fields and associated mining activities. In November 1860 a Commissioner of Mines was appointed and a Department was established under his administration. For the period November 1861 to June 1863, the Postmaster General was responsible for the Mining Department. A Minister of Mines was again appointed in 1863. Responsibilities of the Department of Mines were: 1. Regulation of mining and related public works activities through the issue of miners rights, business and residence licences, mining leases, mineral and other prospecting licences 2. Superintendence of the activities of mining surveyors, registrars, wardens and Mining Boards. 3. Investigation of the state's geological structure, mineral wealth and underground water resources 4. Development of the mining industry 5. Supervision of the safe working of mines, machinery and quarries including checking the credential of mine managers, inspectors and operators 6. Regulation of the disposal of sludge and other waste products 7. Administration of the Victorian Mining Accident Relief Fund. Arising from its initial responsibility for the supply of water on the gold fields, the Department became responsible for rural water supply from the mid 1860s. Statutory responsibility for rural water works during this period rested with the Board of Land and Works. In 1865 the Waterworks Act gave the Board power to construct waterworks, purchase land, levy charges and lease or sell works, while the Public Loans Act 1865 empowered it to provide loans to local water trusts for waterworks. The actual administration of these statutory provisions was undertaken by the Victorian Water Supply Department which operated from 1865 to 1889 as a sub-department of the Department of Mines, from 1889 as a department in its own right, and from 1895 to 1909 as a sub-department of the Department of Mines and Water Supply. For a brief period from 1891 to 1893 the Department of Mines was also responsible for forests and, until 1880, for the Schools of Mines subsequently transferred to the Education Department. In 1895 the Department of Mines and the Victorian Water Supply Department were amalgamated to form the Department of Mines and Water Supply. A snapshot into social history around the 1930s when the Department of works and the Mines Departments were still linkedReceipt Book for the Department of Works; Mines. Receipt No 2801 - 3000. 1st receipt Number 2801, "18th July 1936, for Rent of Cottage: 14 days for 2 pounds, 2 shillings. The inscription on the back is signed by J F Condau in 13-3-33Printed on spine "GENERAL RECEIPTS / 15 / 2801 / TO 3000" Printed on each receipt 'DEPARTMENT OF / PUBLIC WORKS. / MINES." Fill in using ink pen "(DATE) 18th July 1936 / (TO) - - - shields' / BEING) Rent of / Cottage: 14 days / (TO) 17th July / @ (symbol for pound) 1-1. p. week / . (symbol for pound) 2:2:-"Inside cover there is some red pencil writing, words and figures unreadable. Handwritten on back cover "Numbers checked / and found corredt / J S Coudou (?) / 13-3-33" One some receipts "Wharfage / S.S. Koonara"flagstaff hill, warrnambool, shipwrecked coast, flagstaff hill maritime museum, maritime museum, shipwreck coast, flagstaff hill maritime village, great ocean road, department of works: mines, receipt book, rent 1936, imperial currency, living costs 1936, department of works, department of mines, j f condou, 1933, 13-3-33

This small Adana letterpress was based on a larger press. It was intended for printing stationery such as business cards, visitor’s cards, shop price cards and notepaper headers, Used for letterpress printing, and advertised as “Virtually indestructible”. Used for hobby printing, schools, and similar uses. When donated to Flagstaff Hill the chase still had letter type in it, which was printed out "THE SHADOWS / apahc / the aauage / shaboogie ". Currently, the machine is used by the Flagstaff Hill "Examiner" office to make business cards for use by some of the Volunteers in the Village. HISTORY Donald Aspinall, born in London in 1899, suffered shell shock while serving in World War 1. During his recovery, while still a teenager, he worked his hobby, the design of a small flatbed printing press, then advertised it in The Model Engineer’ in 1918 and received an overwhelming response of orders. In 1922 Aspinall founded the Adana Agency, in Twickenham. His had great success in his sales of flatbed, self-inking wooden presses to hobby printing enthusiasts. Over the years Adana made a variety of machines; flatbed, lever, treadle and powered presses Adana cast its own type in 1925 and has a number of patents for press parts. In the 1980’s the company wound down, and was purchased by Caslon, who still service and supply part for the Adana machines. Printing press; hand operated small letterpress machine made by Adana. Tiny platen style. Model Five-Three (5 inch x 3 inch). Cast metal base and lever handle with rounded end, both painted dark red, rounded red metal lever handle. C. 1934 Marks on foot of stand " REG. NO. / ISIL 46 & S00575 / PATENTS PENDING" and "REG. TRADE MARK / ADANA"flagstaff hill, warrnambool, shipwrecked coast, flagstaff hill maritime museum, maritime museum, shipwreck coast, flagstaff hill maritime village, great ocean road, adana letterpress, adana model three-five, mini letterpress, printing machine, donald aspinall

Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerPhotograph of a street art poster taken on the streets of Hong Kong during the protests against legislation to allow Hong Kong suspects to be extradited to mainland Chinese carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, poster art, posters

Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerMore than a thousand protestors surround Hong Kong's main police headquarters on Arsenal Street in Wan Chai on June 26th following a peaceful rally at Edinburgh Place in Central. Doors to the complex were barricaded by protestors, who left after a six hour siege in protest at police violence at a prtest held earlier on 12 June 2019. Protesters ended a six-hour siege of Hong Kong’s police headquarters – their second in a week over the now-suspended extradition bill – early on Thursday morning. More than 1,000 were involved at the height of the protest, which began after 10pm on Wednesday. Around 100 were left at the end and dispersed without a fight when officers with riot shields emerged from the building in Wan Chai at 4am on Thursday. After a peaceful rally attended by thousands earlier at Edinburgh Place in the Central business district, hundreds descended on Arsenal Street, blocking the junction with Lockhart Road to all traffic and sealing the entrances to the police base. (https://www.scmp.com/news/hong-kong/politics/article/3016238/hong-kong-police-under-siege-again-protesters-surround )carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, protest, protestors

Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerSeven police officers stand guard in front of Hong Kong's main police headquarters on Arsenal Street in Wan Chai as an estimated one thousand protestors surround on 26 June 2019. Protestors take turns to step up and hurl abuse at the officers, in a protest lasting 6 hours before peacefully dispersing. The protesters chanted 'Release the martyrs' and 'Stop police violence' in reference to violent clashes with police in the days previous. ( https://www.scmp.com/news/hong-kong/politics/article/3016238/hong-kong-police-under-siege-again-protesters-surround)carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, protest, protestors, police, wan chai

Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerPhotograph crowds gathering on June 16 on the streets of Causeway Bay before an estimated 2 million people take part in march protesting the government's push for extradition laws to China and demanding an apology from the chief executrive Carrie Lam. Nearly 2 million’ people take to streets, forcing public apology from Hong Kong leader Carrie Lam as suspension of controversial extradition bill fails to appease protesters. (https://www.scmp.com/news/hong-kong/politics/article/3014737/nearly-2-million-people-take-streets-forcing-public-apology )carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, protest, protestors

Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerPhotograph of a crowd or protestors against proposed extradition laws gathering on the streets of Causeway Bay, Hong Kong, leading down to the gathering area. carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, protest, protestors

Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerPhotograph of a crowd on the streets of Hong Kong to protest against proposed extradition laws, heading towards Admiralty. carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, protest, protestors, admiralty

Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerCrowds mass on Queens Way in Hong Kong as an estimated 2 million people march in protest at the government's refusal to withdraw a controverisal law allowing people to be extradited to mainland China. Chants demanded the chief executive apologise and the legislation be withdrawn, while many held signs protesting police violence. Nearly 2 million protesters flooded the streets of Hong Kong on Sunday, organisers claimed, delivering a stunning repudiation of Chief Executive Carrie Lam Cheng Yuet-ngor’s governance and forcing a public apology out of the city’s leader over her campaign to bulldoze a controversial extradition bill through the legislature. A day after Lam suspended her push for the bill, expecting it to defuse a crisis that has seen violent clashes between mostly young protesters and police, the centre of Hong Kong was brought to a complete standstill as the masses marched to chastise her for refusing to withdraw the bill or apologise when first asked to, and declaring that nothing short of her resignation would satisfy them now. (https://www.scmp.com/news/hong-kong/politics/article/3014737/nearly-2-million-people-take-streets-forcing-public-apology ) carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, protest, protestors, admiralty

This generator is associated with James Oddie, and possibly Henry Sutton. Early Grey generatorelectricity generator, ballarat power station, ballarat electricity supply

Graham Beanland's logbooks for the Electrical Branch Hydro-Design Section. Beanland was later the Principal of the Ballarat School of Mines. Four foolscap books with handwritten notes. .1) includes Richmond Power Station, Midworth Statino Load Indicator Transmitter, Thomastown Experimental Line (220v), The story of Richmond, Power factor curves, dryout of 6.6. KV motor, etc .2) Pressure Tests at Mt Waverly Pump Station, Shunt capacitor Bank for Bendigo, Shepparton Main Substation, Boronia Level Crossing - Supply continuity. commissioning Warragul Main Sunstatin, Tests carried out on Sedgewick installation, Bendigo Main Substation, MMBW Instalation at McVeighs, The South-Western Story, etc .3) History of Kiewa Hydro Scheme, Kiewa Scheme Layout Plan, Kiewa No. 4 Main Transformers, Motor operatied Power-Station lift, etc (included flyers "Power From Kiewa" and "White Coal", etc .4) Newport B and C Power Station, Yarraville Maintenance Workshops, Richmond and Brusnwick Terminal Stations, Rubicon-Eildon Area, Kiewa No.3 Power Station, etc.graham beanland, electricity, kiewa power station, newport power station, yarraville, richmond terminal station, brunswick terminal station, white coal, coal, boronia level crossing lights

This is the Bridge Section of a ship’s telegraph and is a Duplex Gong model, made by Chadburn & Son of Liverpool. This duplex gong model would sound two signals whenever the navigational commands were given by the ship’s pilot to change the speed or direction. The ship’s telegraph was installed on Flagstaff Hill’s exhibit of the 1909 Hobart, Tasmania, ferry “SS Rowitta” installed in 1975 and enjoyed for more than 40 years. Communication between the ship’s pilot and the engine room in the late 19th century to the mid-20th-century was made with a system called an Engine Order Telegraph (E.O.T.) or ship’s telegraph. The equipment has two parts, the Bridge Section and the Engine Room Section. The Bridge Section is usually mounted onto a pedestal, and the Engine Room Section is attached to a vertical surface. The standard marine commands are printed or stamped around the face of the dial and indicated by a pointer or arrow that is usually moved by a rotating brass section or handle. The ship’s pilot stationed on the Bridge of a vessel sends his Orders for speed and direction to the Engine Room with the E.O.T. He moves the lever or levers, depending on the number of engines the ship has, to change the indicator on the Bridge Section’s dial to point in the new direction and speed of travel. This change causes the Orders to be duplicated on the Engine Room Section’s dial and a bell or bells to signal the change at the same time. The engineer then adjusts the ship’s engines and steering equipment to follow the pilot’s Order. CHADBURN & SON, Liverpool- Chadburn Brothers, William and C.H., were joint inventors and well-established makers of optical and scientific instruments and marine gauges. The firm was granted the Prince Albert Royal Warrant in the late 19th century. In 1870 William Chadburn applied for a patent for his navigational communication device for use on ships. By 1875 Chadburn & Son was producing the brass Engine Order Telegraph in its plant at 71 Lord Street, Liverpool. In 1911 the ship RMS Titanic was launched, fitted with Chadburn & Sons E.O.T. The Chadburn Ship Telegraph Company Limited was registered in 1898 to take over Chadburn & Sons. In 1903 a large factory at Bootle, near Liverpool, and their products were being sold overseas. In 1920 electric-powered telegraphs were developed. In 1944 the name changed to Chadburn’s (Liverpool) Limited. In 1968 the company became Chadburn Bloctube Ltd. In 2000 the company, now Bloctube Marine Limited, was still manufacturing ship telegraphs. SS ROWITTA: - The 1909 steam ferry, SS Rowitta, was installed as an exhibit at Flagstaff Hill in 1975 and was enjoyed by many visitors for 40 years. Rowitta was a timber steam ferry built in Hobart in 1909 using planks of Huon and Karri wood. It was a favourite of sightseeing passengers along Tasmania’s Tamar and Derwent rivers for 30 years. Rowitta was also known as Tarkarri and Sorrento and had worked as a coastal trading vessel between Devonport and Melbourne, and Melbourne Queenscliff and Sorrento. In 1974 Rowitta was purchased by Flagstaff Hilt to convert into a representation of the Speculant, a historic and locally significant sailing ship listed on the Victorian Heritage Database. (The Speculant was built in Scotland in 1895 and traded timber between the United Kingdom and Russia. Warrnambool’s P J McGennan & Co. then bought the vessel to trade pine timber from New Zealand to Victorian ports and cargo to Melbourne. It was the largest ship registered with Warrnambool as her home port, playing a key role in the early 1900s in the Port of Warrnambool. In 1911, on her way to Melbourne, it was wrecked near Cape Otway. None of the nine crew lost their lives.) The promised funds for converting Rowitta into the Speculant were no longer available, so it was restored back to its original configuration. The vessel represented the importance of coastal traders to transport, trade and communication in Australia times before rail and motor vehicles. Sadly, in 2015 the time had come to demolish the Rowitta due to her excessive deterioration and the high cost of ongoing repairs. The vessel had given over 100 years of service and pleasure to those who knew her. This Bridge section of a ship’s Engine Order Telegraph, used with an Engine Room section, represents late-19th century change and progress in communication and navigation at sea. This type of equipment was still in use in the mid-20th century. The object is significant for its association with its maker, Chadburn & Son, of Liverpool, a well-known marine instrument maker whose work was recognised by English Royalty, and whose products were selected to supply similar equipment for use on the RMS Titanic. This ship’s telegraph is connected to the history of the Rowitta, which was a large exhibit on display at Flagstaff Hill Maritime Village from the museum’s early beginnings until the vessel’s end of life 40 years later. The display was used as an aid to maritime education. The Rowitta represents the importance of coastal traders to transport, trade and communication along the coast of Victoria, between states, and in Australia before rail and motor vehicles. The vessel was an example of a ferry built in the early 20th century that served many different roles over its lifetime of over 100 years. Bridge section of a Ship’s Telegraph or Engine Order Telegraph (E.O.T.). The round double-sided, painted glass dial is contained within a brass case behind glass. It is fitted onto an outward tapering brass pedestal with a round base. The brass indicator arrows between the handles point simultaneously to both sides of the dial when moved. An oval brass maker’s plate is attached to the top of the case. The dial’s faces have inscriptions that indicate speed and direction, and the front face and plate include the maker’s details. A serial number is stamped on the collar where the dial is fitted to the pedestal. The ship’s telegraph is a Duplex Gong model, made by Chadburn & Son of Liverpool. Dial, maker’s details: “PATENT “DUPLEX GONG” TELEGRAPH / CHADBURN & SON / TELEGRAPH WORKS / PATENTEES & MANUFACTURERS / 11 WATERLOO ROAD / LIVERPOOL” LONDON / 105 FENCHURCH STREET” “NEWCASTLE / 85 QUAY + SIDE” “GLASGOW / 69 ANDERSON QUAY” “PATENT” Dial instructions: “FULL / HALF/ SLOW / FINISHED WITH ENGINES / STOP STAND BY / SLOW / HALF / FULL / ASTERN / AHEAD” Maker’s plate: “CHADBURN / & SON / PATENT / LIVERPOOL” Serial number: “22073”flagstaff hill, warrnambool, maritime village, maritime museum, shipwreck coast, great ocean road, engine order telegraph, e.o.t., navigational instrument, communication device, ship’s telegraph, engine room section, bridge section, rms titanic, chadburn & son, chadburn brothers, william chadburn, chadburn ship telegraph company, chadburns, duplex gong, liverpool, ss rowitta, navigation, marine technology, pilot’s orders, steam power, hobart, tasmania, devonport, tasmanian-built, ferry, steam ferry, steamer, 1909, early 20th century vessel, passenger vessel, tamar trading company, launceston, george town, sorrento, tarkarri, speculant, peter mcgennan, p j mcgennan & co. port phillip ferries pty ltd, melbourne, coastal trader, timber steamer, huon, karri, freighter, supply ship, charter ferry, floating restaurant, prawn boat, lakes entrance

City of Bendigo Purchase Requisition, dated from 22/7/1988 to 17/7/1989. Numbered from 62301 to 62400. Book has a blue and white crocodile skin pattern on the cover and has Sale yards written in red pen at the top of the front cover The spine is bound with tan coloured tape. Pages are white with a blue carbon copy. A blue card attached to the back cover is used between each requisition. Purchases and repairs were authorised by J Richmond and J M Criminis. Purchase Requisitions were used for repairs, stationary, purchase of small equipment and tools.bendigo, council, cattle markets, bendigo saleyards collection - purchase requisition book, debbie smart, alan ritchie, city of bendigo, j richmond, brb electrics, n harris, hume & user, bolton's, fletcher & sons ballarat, w buries, bendigo mower service, bolts and fasteners, all ball?, cig, dalgety farmers, bendigo stainless steel, cattleguard, bp, robot plant, golden square small engines, sandhurst machinery power tools, cambridge press, sandhurst hire, all bull cattle colour, w d mason, data land, rover grip industries, charlie mason, northern seed supply, j m crimmins, beaurepaires, golden triangle, telecom, awm electrical, bendigo bearings, repco, tubemakers, mcilwraith, abbotts, holls electrical, midland irrigation, h j reece, moss electric, bruce's discount house, v comer, paul postema, andrew rosen, peter berens, golden triangle, bbc hardware, all bull, ocean action pty ltd, beth or gill wedmore, compare australia, data land, bendigo computer co, bendigo data processing, j redmond, dalgety, repco

Typed article titled Bendigo, The Heart of Victoria. Items mentioned are Location, Area of Bendigo, The People, Work Force, Industrial Base, natural Resources, Agriculture and Livestock, Minerals, Forests, Rail and Road, Sea and Air, Power and Water, Electricity, Natural Gas, Water, Sewerage, Industrial Land, Services, Community Services and Facilities, Educational Facilities, Hospitals, Culture and Tourism and Media.document, bendigo - the heart of victoria, city of bendigo, borough of eaglehawk, shire of huntly, shire of marong, shire of strathfieldsaye, bendigo development committee, department of agriculture, department of state development decentralization and tourism, state electricity commission, gas & fuel corporation of victoria, state rivers & water supply commission, bendigo sewerage authority, the bendigo college of advanced education, home and hospital for the aged, home for the blind, northern school of nursing, art gallery, historical society, dudley house, sun loong, central deborah gold mine, the vintage talking trams and transport museum, bcv8, the bendigo advertiser, golden city gazette, 3bo, 3cv, mr a j kelly

Photocopied plan of power points for a recreational area, possibly Eppalock foreshore recreational area?. No title, and undated. With other Eppalock documents.state infrastructure, water supply, coliban system, state rivers and water supply commission. coliban system. eppalock.

Newspaper clipping. Bendigo Advertiser. Saturday October 14, 1961. Early Railway Picnics Recalled. Article includes photo of souvenir tram ticket number 3588. Springtime, 1905 was Railway picnic time. And what a time it was - with packed trains from the metropolis and country towns, and Bendigo, thronged with the crowds of gay holiday-makers. Souvenir ticket belongs to rear Mrs. A. Bolitho, 5 Webster Street, Bendigo, issued by Electric Supply Coy. Of Victoria Ltd., Bendigo Tramways. Railway Picnic September 16, 1905. The ticket belong to Mrs Bolitho's father, the late Mr J H P Ellis, who lived in McIntyre Street. Post card size, printed in sepia on cream, bears photographs of the power house, engine room, a tram (we presume one of the first models) and the boiler room. Down the sides are listed cemetery, railway station, Rodney St, Charing Cross, through to California Gully Bridge and Eaglehawk. The fare was 2d. On the back a Beehive advertisement. 'Half-Century With Trams' is a history as remembered by Mr W J Evans of Mt. Korong Road, California Gully. 'Boisterous' is a history as remembered by Mr W Bolton of the firm of Bolton Bros. recalled the early picnics as 'boisterous' affairs. 'riff-raff' used to gather at Spencer St Station, arriving in Bendigo-after having spent the night drinking. The picnicers certainly had a right royal time in those early days. Railway Picnic was also boronia time, Mr Bolton said - and bunches of fragrant West Australian borania were sold on the streets. Bolton Bros always printed the tram tickets in Bendigo in those early years. A report in the 'Bendigonian' of the 1903 Railway Picnic period told that 20 special trams came to Bendigo on Saturday morning, September 15, 1903. Railway Picnic Committee: J Southern, Mrs Tait, Mrs Hudson, Mrs Fitzpatrick, Cr J H Curnow, Sir John Quick and many members of parliament. Fare from Melbourne costing 5/ for a day return, or 7/6 for the week.organization, business, bendigo trams

Page 3 of Ray Pearson's Photo Album. Brown card page with two metallic look postcards (landscape format) placed on page using clear plastic photo corners. Both postcard images depict trams in Ballarat. The bottom postcard has come loose of two of it's photo corners (top and bottom on the right) and is not secure on the page. A hand written inscription is written in pencil behind the bottom photograph.Hand written inscription in pencil behind postcard at base of page: W.4. Printed text to left of image on bottom postcard: BALLARAT TRAMS / 1887 to 1971 / A series of four postcards. / NO. 3 LATER ELECTRIC TRAM SYSTEM / In 1934 the State Electricity / Commission took over the Bal- / larat trams from the Electric / Supply Company of Victoria. / During 1935-37 the whole sys- / tem was reconditioned by the / Commission. / For the Coronation of King / George VI, No. 28 was decor- / ated for the occasion. It ran / for three days – 12th, 13th / and 14th May, 1937, and was / painted red and cream. / During the Coronation cele- / brations of Queen Elizabeth II, / the trams carried two flags / mounted vertically fore and aft / on the roof. / Some huge loads were / carried during the second / World War period and owing / to man power shortages, con- / doctresses were employed / from September, 1942 to July, 1946. At one time, the total / reached 23. Printed text to back of bottom postcard: BALLARAT TRAMS / 1887 to 1971 / A series of four postcards. / In the early fifties, loading / on the trams was heavy. When / the lag in housing was over- / taken, however, breadwinners / started to leave the trams and / travel to work in cars. Increas- / ing affluence in the sixties ac- / centuated the trend. Soon the / trams were running with mount- / ing annual losses. Most of the / passengers travelling in these / times were concession holders: / students, pensioners, deserted / wives and T.P.I.'s A fine printed vertical line runs down the centre of the blank writing space to the left of the body text. Above is written: POSTCARD postcard, coronation, ray pearson, vintage trams, ballarat tramway, tram postcard, female conductors, suttons, ballarat tram

Copy of a Bendigo Advertiser Feature, dated April 13, 1972 titled Bendigo says Good-bye to the Trams. Article mentions the battery, steam and electrical powered trams. The main article mentions the history of the trams in Bendigo, the farewell Bendigo had for the trams and some happenings along the routes. There are some photos of trams on the page. There is also a poem titled 'The Trammies" by R. L. Harrowfield.bendigo, history, long gully history group, the long gully history group - good-bye to the trams, bendigo advertiser 13 april 1972, the electric supply company of victoria, state electricity commission of victoria, bendigo cemetery, cr d e elliott, city council, bendigo trust, sandhurst and eaglehawk tramway company, bendigo tramway company, r l harrowfield

Although Lee DeForest invented the triode vacuum  in 1906, it was not employed in hearing aids until 1921. The first hearing aid using a vacuum tube was purported to have been made by Earl C. Hanson. He called his hearing aid the Vactuphone. It used one small peanut tube (below right) to amplify the output of a carbon hearing aid. The Globe Hearing Aid Company and Western Electric collaborated to manufacture the Vactuphone. By the early 1940s, Raytheon had developed miniature vacuum tubes. It was these miniature vacuum tubes that made body-worn hearing aids a reality. Unfortunately, the power requirements of these aids made it necessary to use two relatively large batteries—an "A" battery to power the filaments of the vacuum tubes and a "B" battery to supply the high-voltage for the plate current. The batteries were worn external to the hearing aid itself and the name "Two-piece" hearing aid was used to describe them. Until about 1945 "Two-piece" hearing aids were the norm. However, improved vacuum tube design reduced current requirements. As a result, battery manufacturers were able to reduce the size of the batteries used in hearing aids. At the same time, electronic components were also being miniaturized. This allowed the hearing aid manufacturers to design hearing aids with internal batteries. After 1945, these "One-piece" hearing aids quickly replaced the more cumbersome "Two-piece" hearing aids. With continuing improvements in both batteries and components, hearing aids continued to reduce in size until 1953 when the vacuum tube was suddenly supplanted by the transistor.Fawn plastic hearing aid with metal clip on back and wires leading from the bottom. Made in the USA, sold by Angus & Coote as the Sole Australian Agents. The Model is the Sonotone 700. Two dials one on each of the top corners."ANGUS & COOTE/Sole Australian/Agents/C D C" Printed in black on the back, top left hand corner. "SONOTONE/700/SERIAL NO/843218/MAD IN U.S.A./SEE PATENT NOTICE/IN INSTRUCTION BOOK" imprinted on back, centre middle.deaf children australia, hearing aid, sonotone hearing aid, sonotone 700, angus & coote

Malcolm Moore No. 1015 One of a Batch of 92 such rail tractors built. Builders Number 1015. Built for the Australian Army in 1943 Built for the Australian army - delivered to Army on the 3 March 1944 and was sold to the State Rivers and Water Supply Commission at Red Cliffs, Victoria. - used at the Red Cliffs Power station to haul briquettes from the rail siding Red Cliffs to the Red Cliffs Power Station and also used for shunting and some haulage from the Red Cliffs siding.. This rail tractor was originally powered by a Ford side valve V8 petrol engine. It arrived at the Museum from Red Cliffs in 1977 and is operational. Originally equipped with a Ford side valve V8 Later replaced by a Fordson Major diesel tractor engine.Historic - Narrow Gauge Industrial Railway - used by the Australian Army, and the State Rivers and Water Supply Commission at Redcliffs, Victoria, AustraliaMalcolm Moore No.1015 - Malcolm Moore Rail Tractor 0-4-0 Malcolm Moore Rail Tractor - Steel (Painted)Malcolm Moore Rail Tractor 0-4-0 Malcolm Moore 2' Gauge 1015puffing billy, malcolm moore, ford v8, rail tractor, fordson, australian army, state rivers and water supply commission, 2' gauge, industrial narrow gauge railway

Electric Clock - Smiths Setric Clock From 1937 the trademark "Sectric" appears on their synchronous models.Usually on the dial but sometimes also on the back cover. Early clocks had a prominent "T" in sectric. Smiths English Clocks 1931 Smiths, then called S. Smith and Sons (Motor Accessories) Ltd, entered the domestic clock market and formed a new company, Smiths English Clocks Ltd, as the Clock and Watch division with Cricklewood as the main factory. Smiths were one of the first companies to produce synchronous electric clocks. These were put on the market towards the end of 1931. Smiths formed a subsidiary company called Synchronous Electric Clocks to produce these clocks as the first models carry this name. 1932 Smiths purchased English Clock and Watch Manufacturers of Coventry, and acquired the trade names Astral and Empire. 1934 Smiths produced a synchronous alarm clock which they named the Callboy. 1934 They bought the Enfield Clock Co. The Smith's 8 day Calotte clock made its debut at the British Industries Fair in 1934. Prior to this date calottes had been exclusively of foreign manufacture. Also that year, Smiths introduced the Batriclock which was intended for areas where the synchronous clock could not be used. 1935 They introduced the Synfinity, which Smiths described as "the clock that never stops". They said it was "the remarkable combination of a synchronous electric movement with the essential elements of a fine precision lever escapement". If the electric supply failed the clock would run for up to six hours and rewind when the power returned. Apparently the synchronous motor also corrected the mechanical time train at intervals. Smiths produced a synchronous electric chiming clock. 1937 The trade name Sectric appears on Smiths electric clocks. Also the introduction by Smith's of a calotte clock with an alarm movement.Historic - Smiths English Setric Electric Clock Electric Clock - Smiths Setric Clock It is round with the numbers one to twelve, three hands with a white face. Smiths Sectricpuffing billy, clock, time, smiths sectric

Portable Compound Engine - Marshall & Son's. Builders Number 48317 Built by Marshall Sons & Co., Ltd., Gainsborough, England (Builder’s Number 48317 of approximately 1908/1909), to the order of Robison Brothers, Engineers, South Melbourne. It was used for operating a pump to supply irrigation water at Robinvale in Northern Victoria. Robison Bros & Co. P/L was founded by James McFarlane Robison and his brothers in 1854, initially as plumbers and coppersmiths, the firm expanded into general engineering, boiler-making and brass, iron and steel founders and became one of Melbourne's most important engineering firms. They constructed railway bridges, gold mining equipment, railway locomotives, pumping stations, brewing vessels, abattoir machinery, amongst much else and including the first turnstiles at the Melbourne Cricket Ground. A portable engine is either a steam engine or an internal combustion engine, that remains in one place while operating (providing power to machinery), and can be easily moved from one work site to another. Mounted on wheels or sometimes skids, it is required to be towed between work sites.Historic - Industrial Portable Compound Engine - steam engine - Marshall & Son's. Marshall & Son's Portable Compound Engine - Builders Number 48317 made of steel Marshall & Son's. Builders Number 48317puffing billy, state rivers and water supply commission of victoria, portable compound engine - marshall & son's., portable compound engine, marshall sons & co., ltd., robison bros & co. p/l

D21 - Diesel Mechanical locomotive Date built - 1968 Original owner - TGR Original gauge - 1067mm Withdrawn - 1983 Built to 3'6" gauge in 1968 by the Tasmanian Government Railways and numbered V12, ownership of this Diesel Mechanical locomotive was transferred to Australian National Railways (Tas.) in 1978. It was withdrawn and sold to the E.T.R.B. in 1983 1968 - D21 ex-Tasmanian Government Railways (TGR) V class No.12, built by the TGR Launceston Workshops in 1968 to a design of Vulcan-Drewry (England). Tasmanian Government Railways V class The V class were the first diesel locomotives operated by the Tasmanian Government Railways (TGR) with four delivered by the Vulcan Foundry in 1948 to a design by the Drewry Car Co. They were a narrow gauge version of the British Rail Class 04. In 1951 a fellow two were delivered followed by another two in 1955. Between 1959 and 1968 the TGR built a further four at its Launceston Workshops. Two identical locomotives were purchased by the Mount Lyell Mining and Railway Company in 1953. When it closed in 1963, 2405 was sold to the Emu Bay Railway as number 22, while 2406 went to the TGR as V13. All the TGR units were withdrawn between 1983 and 1987 while the Emu Bay unit remained in service until 2000. Ten have been preserved: V1 by the Bellarine Peninsula Railway, Victoria V2 by the Don River Railway V4 by the Hotham Valley Railway, Western Australia V5 by the Hotham Valley Railway, Western Australia V7 by the Derwent Valley Railway V8 by the Bellarine Peninsula Railway, Victoria V9 by the West Coast Wilderness Railway V12 by the Puffing Billy Railway, Victoria (regauged to 760 mm gauge and numbered D21) V13 by the Zig Zag Railway, New South Wales, sold to the West Coast Wilderness Railway, renumbered D2 22 by the West Coast Wilderness Railway, renumbered D1 Tasmanian Government Railways V class Manufacturer Vulcan Foundry Tasmanian Government Railways Entered service 1948 Number built 14 Number preserved 10 Fleet numbers TGR: V1-V13 Emu Bay: 22 Power: 152kW (204hp) or 114kW (153hp) Motor: Gardner 8L3 (V) or Gardner 6L3 (VA) Wheel Arrangement: - C - Weight: 25.6t Allowable load on 1:40 grade: 170t Length over headstocks: 6.8m (22ft 6in) Introduced: 1948 Built By: Vulcan Foundry, England; TGR Workshops, Launceston; Using parts supplied by Drewry Car Co (UK) Number Preserved: 10 Number In Service: 0 Total Number Built: 14Historic - Tasmanian Government Railways - Diesel Mechanical locomotive - V12 / Puffing Billy Railway Diesel Mechanical locomotive D21D21 - Diesel Mechanical locomotive made of steel D21diesel mechanical locomotive, puffing billy, d21, v12 diesel mechanical locomotive, d21 diesel mechanical locomotive, tasmanian government railways