Saw, possibly Japanese or Chinese. Iron blade with teeth, backward pointing, along both sides of blade, and wooden handle with remnants of black paing. Inscription impressed into base of blade in Asian characters. Inscription on blade has not been translated.flagstaff hill, warrnambool, shipwrecked-coast, flagstaff-hill, flagstaff-hill-maritime-museum, maritime-museum, shipwreck-coast, flagstaff-hill-maritime-village, saw, two-edged saw, chinese saw, japanese saw

Ceramic bowl found in hut belonging to Georgie Ah Ling, who operated a market garden for about 70 years on the edge of the township of Donald. Hand-molded blue and white ceramic bowl. Outside of bowl has underglaze blue decoration of flowers, leaves and Chinese characters. Saw toothed decoration, with one line underneath, around outside rim. Half moon shape lines, with two lines through them, decorate inside rim. Two lines around inside base with one Chinese character in centre of inside base.One Chinese character on inside base of bowl. Four Chinese characters and five plant symbols on outside of bowl. ceramic, bowl, hut, georgie ah ling, market garden, donald

A Mathieson & Son History: In 1792 John Manners had set up a workshop making woodworking planes at 14 Saracens Lane Glasgow. He also had employed an apprentice Alexander Mathieson (1773-1851). But in the following year at Saracen's Lane, the 1841 census describes Alexander Mathieson as a master plane-maker now at 38 Saracen Lane with his son Thomas Adam working with him as a journeyman plane-maker. Presumably, Alexander must have taken over the premises and business of John Manners. Now that the business had Thomas Adam Mathieson working with his father it gradually grew and became more diversified, and it is recorded at the time by the Post-Office Glasgow Annual Directory that by 1847-1848 Alexander Mathieson was a “plane, brace, bit, auger & edge tool maker.” In 1849 the firm of James & William Stewart at 65 Nicolson Street, Edinburgh was taken over and Thomas was put in charge of the business, trading under the name Thomas A. Mathieson & Co. as plane and edge-tool makers. Thomas's company went on to acquire the Edinburgh edge-tool makers “Charles & Hugh McPherson” and took over their premises in Gilmore Street. In the Edinburgh directory of 1856/7, the business is recorded as being Alexander Mathieson & Son, plane and edge-tool makers at 48 Nicolson Street and Paul's Work, Gilmore Street Edinburgh. The 1851 census Alexander is recorded as working as a tool and plane-maker employing eight men. Later that year Alexander died and his son Thomas took over the business. Under the heading of an edge-tool maker in the 1852/3 Post-Office Glasgow Annual Directory the firm is now listed as Alexander Mathieson & Son, with further entries as "turning-lathe and vice manufacturers". By the early 1850s, the business had moved to 24 Saracen Lane. The directory for 1857/8 records that the firm had moved again only a few years later to East Campbell Street, off the Gallowgate area, and that through further diversification was also manufacturing coopers' and tinmen's tools. The ten-yearly censuses report the firm's growth in 1861 stating that Thomas was a tool manufacturer employing 95 men and 30 boys; in 1871 he had 200 men working for him and in 1881 300 men. By 1899 the firm had been incorporated as Alexander Mathieson & Sons Ltd, even though only Alexander's son Thomas appears ever to have joined the firm so the company was still in his fathers' name. In September 1868 Thomas Mathieson put a notice in the newspapers of the Sheffield & Rotherham Independent and the Sheffield Daily Telegraph stating that his firm had used the trade-mark of a crescent and star "for some time" and that "using or imitating the Mark would be proceeded against for infringement". The firm had acquired its interest in the crescent-and-star mark from the heirs of Charles Pickslay, the Sheffield cutler who had registered it with the Cutlers' Company in 1833 and had died in 1852. The year 1868 seems also to be the one in which the name Saracen Tool Works was first adopted; not only does it figure at the foot of the notice in the Sheffield press, it also makes its first appearance in the firm's entry in the Post-Office Glasgow Annual Directory in the 1868/9 edition. As Thomas Mathieson's business grew, so too did his involvement in local public life and philanthropy. One of the representatives of the third ward on the town council of Glasgow, he became a river bailie in 1868, a magistrate in 1870 and a preceptor of Hutcheson's Hospital in 1878. He had a passion for books and was an "ardent Ruskinian". He served on the committee handling the bequest for the setting up of the Mitchell Library in Glasgow. When he died at Coulter Maynes near Biggar in 1899, he left an estate worth £142,764.  Company's later years: Both Thomas's sons, James Harper and Thomas Ogilvie were involved in the continuing life of the firm. James followed in his father's footsteps in becoming a local public figure. He was appointed Deputy Lieutenant of the County of the City of Glasgow and was made a deacon of the Incorporation of the Hammermen of Glasgow in 1919. His brother Thomas Ogilvie was recorded as tool manufacturer and employer in the 1911 census. Thomas Ogilvie's son Thomas Alastair Sutherland Ogilvie Mathieson was born in 1908 took a rather different approach to engineering, however, by becoming a racing driver. In 1947 he wed the French film actress Mila Parély. The firm had won many awards at world fairs for their goods. At the Great Exhibition, London, 1851. Prize medal for joiners' tools in the class of Cutlery & Edge Tools, Great London Exposition, 1862. Prize medal honoris causa. International Exhibition, Melbourne, 1880. Gold medal International Exhibition of Industry, Science and Art, Edinburgh, 1886. Prize medal James Haworth & Sons History: James Haworth and Sons, of Broomspring Works, Bath-street Sheffield were among leading manufacturers of edge tools and joiners tools. The business was commenced in 1835, by James Haworth who was joined by his sons in 1863. Haworth manufacture light and heavy edge tools of all kinds, including a variety of joiners’ tools, hammers, skates, augers. The firm soon was extended and began exporting their products to the USA, Canada, Australia, China, and many other overseas destinations as well as to the home market. They were exhibitors at the London Exhibitions of 1851 and 1862, and Paris in 1855, receiving awards. Haworth was primarily operating from Sheffield. J Haworth & Sons produce goods of a very high class and were also engaged in the manufacture of steel, file, saw, and similar trades. Upon the death of James Haworth, the firm was managed by his four sons James, Samuel, Edwin, and John Haworth. The firm was discontinued in 1913, and its trademark was acquired by Robert Sorby and Sons in 1922.A significant tool made in the late 19th century by a known makers and sought after by collectors of vintage wood working tools.Smoothing Plane Coffin type. 2" stamped on one end and Tertius Keen & Co (plane maker.) Blade has James Haworth Warranted Cast Steel Sheffield (maker of blade only.)flagstaff hill, warrnambool, shipwrecked-coast, flagstaff-hill, flagstaff-hill-maritime-museum, maritime-museum, shipwreck-coast, flagstaff-hill-maritime-village

The Chinese Imperial Commissioner, Hwang How Cheng, visited Australia at the request of the Chinese Emperor for the purpose of establishing Chinese consulates in the Commonwealth. He visited Ballarat at the request of Ballarat’s Chinese community. The newspaper reported that it was hoped the Commissioner would visit the Ballarat School of Mines “where the knowledge he would get would probably be of the utmost usefulness in the development of the great resources of China.” The Commissioner was accompanied by interpreter Ah Ket (Melbourne barrister and solicitor), and met by members of Ballarat’s Chinese community, including Dr Wong Chock Son. Apparently the Chinese Commissioner wanted to visit SMB because of its international fame relating to education in mining. From the SMB Letter book (Cat. No. 436) comes the following which suggests the Commissioner was based in Adelaide) '17th November 1906 His Excellency, Hwang How Cheng Chinese Commission Adelaide May it please your Excellency By this post I have the pleasure in forwarding for your Excellency's kind acceptance (and one for Mr. When) copies of the photograph taken of your recent visit to the School of Mines. I trust they will serve a pleasing memento of what, I hope, was a pleasant visit to our Golden City. Yours Faithfully Fredk Martell Director' The visit was reported in the Ballarat Star in 14 November 1906:- The Chinese Imperial Commissioner, Hwang Hon Cheng, who recently arrived in Victoria on behalf of the Chinese Government, paid a visit to Ballarat last evening, and was entertained by his fellow countrymen at a dinner at the Bow Leong rooms, Main street. The commissioner, who came up by the express, was accompanied by his secretary and Mr Ah Ket, the well-known Chinese barrister, of Melbourne; but some disappointment was expressed by the fact that he did not wear his official robes, being attired in the more sombre European dress. Mr W. D. M’Kee presided at the dinner, on the invitation of the Bow Leong Society, and in addition to representative Chinese residents, three were also present the mayor of the city (Cr. J. J. Brokenshire), Crs. R. Pearse, G. Crocker (City), J. R. Elsworth, A. Mackenzie, J. A. M’Neil, A. Levy, G. Bunting, F. Penhalluriack (Town), Col. Williams, Mr. J. Gent, Messrs. F. J. Martell (director of the School of Mines), A. W. Hager (president of the Orphan Asylum), A. Kenny (superintendent), R. G. Fitzgerald (clerk of courts at Ballarat East), J. Trethowan, A. A. Buley, Serg Dalton, and others. Apologies were received from the mayor of the town Revs. J. West Lau, Dr Cairns, Hon. J. Y. M’Donald, L. Lederman, C. C. Shoppee and others. The gathering was a very cordial one, and the hospitality of the Chinese was greatly appreciated. After the loyal toasts, “The King” and “The Emperor of China,” had been honoured, the chairman extended a hearty welcome on behalf of the society and others to the commissioner. Mr M’Kee said he was privileged to speak in behalf of the Chinese. There was a warm feeling of friendship between them and himself, and his services were always at their command. If he were in China he would desire that a similar compliment would be extended to him. They were all pleased the Emperor of China had sent the commissioner to establish consulates in Australia with a view of the empire understanding the feelings of Australasia better than they did at present. He hoped the commissioner would have opportunity of visiting some of their industries, as they desired him to gain all the scientific and practical knowledge of those industries that he could. The toast of “The Commissioner” was proposed by Col. Williams who expressed pleasure at the visit of a gentleman of education and attainments to look into the condition of the scions of China in Australia. He hoped the commissioner would carry away a correct impression. In Australia they had nothing to conceal; they hoped to be understood. (Applause.) No intelligent man had the temerity to condescend to patronise China, one of the richest countries in the world, with a civilisation dating back thousands of years. In the matter of population alone it was equal to one-third of the world. They heard a lot about the “awakening of China.” They hoped it would be humane, just, and considerate if it had power. He hoped the commissioner would be satisfied with what he saw. The law of filial relation to the children was strictly observed in China, and he did not know whether it would not be a good thing if they had a little more of that religion here. It would be a fair thing to tell the commissioner that while he might inquire into the labour laws, the basis of these laws was not a desire to oppress but to enable every man to obtain the same conditions they expected from their own people. If he gained that impression he felt they would be fairly treated. (Applause.) Mayor Brokenshire supported the toast. They had, he said, in the Chinese a most law-abiding people. Their behaviour was an example to the British citizens. They were quiet, inoffensive men, and they toiled hard, even on Sundays. (Laughter.) Mr Ah Ket; That is what the government does with the railway employees. (Laughter.) The Commissioner replied through Mr Ah Ket, who in a graceful speech acknowledged the toast. The commissioner had, he said been delighted with what he had seen of the country – he believed it to be one of the finest in the world – and he greatly appreciated the hospitality extended to him. (Applause.) The Chairman proposed the toast of “The health of Mr Ah Ket,” and paid a tribute to his ability. It was satisfactory to see that he had risen to such a position, and it might be that in the future he would be asked to occupy a position on the bench. (Applause.) Mr Ah Ket, in response, said he had not come prepared to make a speech. He had come to Ballarat to have a quiet evening with his friends, and as soon as he arrived he had been whirled away in a motor car to a place where he found an aggregation of East and West. He was pleased to see them commingled at the festive board. That suggested the idea that East and West could meet together without friction. Misunderstandings arose only because men were superficial. If they threw off outer garments they would know each other better. He looked forward to the time when nations would understand each other. It was by an interchange of visits that such things could be accomplished, and nations would then live at peace with each other. (Applause.) Other toasts were also honored. Twelve men pose for a photograph on the stairs of a building at the Ballarat School of Mines. Back row left to right: A.D. Gilchrist (Prof. of Engineering), B. Whittington (Mathematics, Physics), Thomas S. Hart (Prof. of Geology and Mining), J.M. Sutherland (Electrical Engineering) Front row left to right: Dr Wong Chock Son (Ballarat), Fred. J. Martell, Alfred Mica Smith, Ah Ket esq (Melbourne Barrister), His Excellency Hwang How Cheng (Chinese Commissioner), Wen Esq (Secretary), Alderman Grase (mayor of Brisbane), Grase Esq (Ballarat).ballarat school of mines, alfred mica smith, fred martell, j m sutherland, a d gilchrist, b whittington, thomas hart, wong chock son, ah ket, hwang how cheng, chinese, chinese commissioner, international, new classrooms, administration building, a building

South Street competitions have been held in Ballarat since 1991.Official guide to the 1907 South Street competitions. Images include: Prince of Wales, Lord Northcote, W.D. Thomas, South Street Competition Executive Committee (W.H. Pearson, W.H. Chandler, A. Prichard, W.H. Richards, W.D. Hill, Col. Williams, W.D. Thomas, F. Besemeres, F.J. Martell, J.T. Morris. F.J. Williams, R. Maddern, R.J. Gribble), Sir John Madden, Lord Tennyson, W.D. Hill, Frederick Bevan, Ballarat (Sturt Street), Lake Wendouree (Yachts), J.W. Beswick, Lawrence Campbell, City of Ballarat Mayor and Councillor (Mayor Brawn, E. Williams, E. Morey. Cr Brokenshire, J. Whykes, J.M. Barker, G. Crocker, W.D. Hill, R. Pearse, T. Hollway), Ballarat East Mayor and Councillors (J. Gent, Cr Glendenning, J.N. Dunn, I. Pearce, C. Bunting, A. Levy, J. Ritchie, J. McNeil, A. McKenzie, Cr Penhalluriak), Sturt Street Looking West, Old Curiosity House, Entrance to the Ballarat Fine Art Gallery, Interior of the Ballarat Fine Art Gallery, Ballarat East Town Hall and Gardens, Lake Wendouree Ferry, W.E. Swenson, S.B. Swenson, J.G.M. Swenson, Rev. T. Flynn, Edwards' Pyrites, Lestor's Hotel, Sunshine Sheild, W to W Shield, Frank Herman, W.F. Coultman, Marks' Trophy, Lighthouse Port Fairy, R. Correll Music Seller, James Smith, Isaac Pitman, Arthur Brumfield, Hugh Leschen, John Robson, St Augustine's Band Geelong, Moorabool Falls, Kirks Dam, Ballarat Choral Society, Alfred Deakin, James Long, Hugh McKay Advertisements include: Huttons the Jewellers, Sam Jamieson, Sun Foundry, City Saw Mills, Blomeley Bros Iron and Brass Founders, G. Bongiorno- Railway Fruit Palace, Henry Brind & Co., Andrew Cant, Harrison's Foundry, Umbrella and Sunshade Emporium, Ballarat City Baths, Ballarat Coffee Palace, Irwin's Provincial Hotel, Victa Studio; D. Lem Chinese Medical Practitioner, Bosisto's Eucalyptus Oil, Ronaldson Bros & Tippett, Unicorn HOtel, Mrs F. Allen Caterer, Coles & Pullum, J.C. Dillon & Co., Surrey Tannery, Coulthard's Ballarat Business College, George Farmer, MrBride's Boots, L.J. Austin, Dyason's, Ballarat Brewing Company, Phoenix Brewery, Royal Standard Brewery, Edwards' Pyrites, Lestor's Hotel, Robson's College of Music, James A. Gear, Williams Shoemen, Tekardo Brothers, Powell & Co.south street competitions, eisteddfod, chinese herbalist, south street, r.b. lemmon, g. bongiorno, w.d. thomas, john madden, lord tennyson, w.d. hill, frederick bevan, j.w. beswick, lawrence campbell, boer war memorial, queen victoria statue, curiosity shop, m.b. john foundry, ballarat east town hall and gardens, sunshine shield, hugh victor mckay, w to w shield, w.j. coltman, frank herman, j. hutton-jones, t. downer, j. marks, hutton and co trophy, marks trophy, hugh leschen, john robson, st augustine's band, geelong, downer trophy, trekardo brothers, moorabool falls, kirks dam, ballarat choral society, alfred deakin, challenge cup, james long, grand national eisteddfod of australasia, ballarat east gardens, ballarat east town hall

William Marples junior joined his father's joinery making business in 1821. In 1860 William's sons joined him and the firm became William Marples and sons. Over the years they acquired John Moseley & Sons a London plane maker and Thomas Ibbotson & Co a Sheffield edge tool maker. Growing to become the most prolific and best known Sheffield tool maker. Their large factory was known as the Hibernia Works. Their trademark was a shamrock that appeared on some of their tools, in 1961 they had about 400 employees. In 1962 the record Tool Company and William Ridgway acquired a fifty percent interest in the company and in 1972 the companies merged with several others to form Ridgway Tools Ltd. After 116 years at its Hibernia Works, the company was moved to Dronfield. A 1982 takeover by A G Bahco of Sweden was short-lived and in 1985 Record Ridgway returned to British ownership first as Record Marples Woodworking Tools Ltd. In 1988 then as Record Holdings PLC in 1993. In 1998 the company accepted a bid from American Tool Corporation, subsequently trading as Record Irwin. The Irwin company itself was acquired by Newell Rubbermaid in 2002 and renamed Irwin Industrial Tool Co. Both the Marples and Record names were re-branded "Irwin" However the name has since been resurrected as Irwin/Marples and applied to wood chisels and table saw blades now made at their new facility in Udine, Italy. As a footnote, William Marples was the uncle of Robert Marples and Joseph Marples, both of whom established competing tool making businesses in Sheffield. The Robert Marples firm disappeared early in the 20th century. After several changes in the company's ownership tools are now made under the Ridgway name but in China.A tool made by a company with a long family history of tool making in Sheffield England, with a member of the Marples family, Joseph Marples establishing a competing tool company which continues today to manufacture quality products for the joinery and shipwrights trades.Socket chisel with 1/2" blade."Marples & Son" stamped on bladeflagstaff hill, warrnambool, flagstaff-hill, flagstaff-hill-maritime-museum, maritime-museum, shipwreck-coast, flagstaff-hill-maritime-village, hand tool, ward chisel, woodwork chisel, marples and sons, cabinet makers tools, william marples and sons

Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerPhotograph of a street art poster taken on the streets of Hong Kong during the protests against legislation to allow Hong Kong suspects to be extradited to mainland Chinese carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, poster art, posters

Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerMore than a thousand protestors surround Hong Kong's main police headquarters on Arsenal Street in Wan Chai on June 26th following a peaceful rally at Edinburgh Place in Central. Doors to the complex were barricaded by protestors, who left after a six hour siege in protest at police violence at a prtest held earlier on 12 June 2019. Protesters ended a six-hour siege of Hong Kong’s police headquarters – their second in a week over the now-suspended extradition bill – early on Thursday morning. More than 1,000 were involved at the height of the protest, which began after 10pm on Wednesday. Around 100 were left at the end and dispersed without a fight when officers with riot shields emerged from the building in Wan Chai at 4am on Thursday. After a peaceful rally attended by thousands earlier at Edinburgh Place in the Central business district, hundreds descended on Arsenal Street, blocking the junction with Lockhart Road to all traffic and sealing the entrances to the police base. (https://www.scmp.com/news/hong-kong/politics/article/3016238/hong-kong-police-under-siege-again-protesters-surround )carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, protest, protestors

Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerSeven police officers stand guard in front of Hong Kong's main police headquarters on Arsenal Street in Wan Chai as an estimated one thousand protestors surround on 26 June 2019. Protestors take turns to step up and hurl abuse at the officers, in a protest lasting 6 hours before peacefully dispersing. The protesters chanted 'Release the martyrs' and 'Stop police violence' in reference to violent clashes with police in the days previous. ( https://www.scmp.com/news/hong-kong/politics/article/3016238/hong-kong-police-under-siege-again-protesters-surround)carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, protest, protestors, police, wan chai

Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerPhotograph crowds gathering on June 16 on the streets of Causeway Bay before an estimated 2 million people take part in march protesting the government's push for extradition laws to China and demanding an apology from the chief executrive Carrie Lam. Nearly 2 million’ people take to streets, forcing public apology from Hong Kong leader Carrie Lam as suspension of controversial extradition bill fails to appease protesters. (https://www.scmp.com/news/hong-kong/politics/article/3014737/nearly-2-million-people-take-streets-forcing-public-apology )carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, protest, protestors

Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerPhotograph of a crowd or protestors against proposed extradition laws gathering on the streets of Causeway Bay, Hong Kong, leading down to the gathering area. carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, protest, protestors

Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerPhotograph of a crowd on the streets of Hong Kong to protest against proposed extradition laws, heading towards Admiralty. carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, protest, protestors, admiralty

Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerCrowds mass on Queens Way in Hong Kong as an estimated 2 million people march in protest at the government's refusal to withdraw a controverisal law allowing people to be extradited to mainland China. Chants demanded the chief executive apologise and the legislation be withdrawn, while many held signs protesting police violence. Nearly 2 million protesters flooded the streets of Hong Kong on Sunday, organisers claimed, delivering a stunning repudiation of Chief Executive Carrie Lam Cheng Yuet-ngor’s governance and forcing a public apology out of the city’s leader over her campaign to bulldoze a controversial extradition bill through the legislature. A day after Lam suspended her push for the bill, expecting it to defuse a crisis that has seen violent clashes between mostly young protesters and police, the centre of Hong Kong was brought to a complete standstill as the masses marched to chastise her for refusing to withdraw the bill or apologise when first asked to, and declaring that nothing short of her resignation would satisfy them now. (https://www.scmp.com/news/hong-kong/politics/article/3014737/nearly-2-million-people-take-streets-forcing-public-apology ) carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, protest, protestors, admiralty

These items were owned and used by Alice Pow (nee McWilliam), known as Maccie. Maccie was a nurse who came to Orbost in 1936. She was highly respected in Orbost for her nursing skills particularly during the 1938 outbreak of polio, Most patients were cared for in their homes and Miss McWilliam was sent out to care for them. Over 14 months she travelled 9560 miles supervising their treatments. She eventually married Mr Hec Pow who had been left to bring up his three daughters after his wife died.. The Pows lived in Orbost where Hec Pow was worked with his father Fred at the saw mill in Cabbage Tree. Maccie Pow was a member of the Orbost Bowling Club, Red Cross and Orbost Golf Club.Three vase shaped pottery shakers. Each has a cork stopper i n the base and sprinkle holes on the top. They are pale green coloured to half way and the rest is pale green with pink flowers. The surface is dimpled. On the base : ANDOVER Made in Japanchina tableware shakers pow-maccie mcwilliam-alice

This image shows an unknown location in the area of Beechworth that was possibly used as a sluicing mining site for gold during the Victorian Gold Rush. This era saw an influx of Chinese immigrants and Australian prospectors hoping to strike it rich on the fields. Many companies such as the Rocky Mountain Extended Gold Sluicing Company Ltd and the Cocks Pioneer Gold &Tin Sluicing Company also set up mines in the area. This site may be the location of one of these company's mines. The wooden logs are reminiscent of known sluicing operations in the era from that time. Sluicing involved the use of high-pressured hoses to clear away soil from earth that had been dug up by miners and was a popular method of excavation in the area, although it had severe impacts on the environment.The search for gold is ingrained into the history of Victoria and therefore, images like this one which portray an open cut sluicing site can reveal important information for society and technology for the date when the photograph was taken. This image is of important historical significance for its ability to convey information about sluicing and the methods used to find gold. It also shows a location where sluicing was undertook which provides insight into the impact of sluicing on the environment at a time when it was done.A colour rectangular photograph printed on glossy photographic paperReverse: 6855 /beechworth, gold rush, sluicing, mining

Caulking is the traditional technique used on wooden vessels built with butted or clinker-built planks to fill the gaps between these planks while still allowing the wood to flex and move. This involved driving the irons, hammered in with the mallet, deep into the seams to open them up. After this, spun yarn, oakum (hemp) or cotton was driven deep into the gaps. The hemp or cotton was soaked in creosote or pine tar to make the joins watertight. Caulking also played a structural role in tightening up the hull or deck by reducing the longitudinal movement of the neighbouring planks. William Marples junior joined his father's joinery making business in 1821. In 1860 William's sons joined him and the firm became William Marples and sons. Over the years they acquired John Moseley & Sons a London plane maker and Thomas Ibbotson & Co a Sheffield edge tool maker. Growing to become the most prolific and best known Sheffield tool maker. Their large factory was known as the Hibernia Works. Their trademark was a shamrock that appeared on some of their tools, in 1961 they had about 400 employees. In 1962 the record Tool Company and William Ridgway acquired a fifty percent interest in the company and in 1972 the companies merged with several others to form Ridgway Tools Ltd. After 116 years at its Hibernia Works, the company was moved to Dronfield. A 1982 takeover by A G Bahco of Sweden was short-lived and in 1985 Record Ridgway returned to British ownership first as Record Marples Woodworking Tools Ltd. In 1988 then as Record Holdings PLC in 1993. In 1998 the company accepted a bid from American Tool Corporation, subsequently trading as Record Irwin. The Irwin company itself was acquired by Newell Rubbermaid in 2002 and renamed Irwin Industrial Tool Co. Both the Marples and Record names were re-branded "Irwin" However the name has since been resurrected as Irwin/Marples and applied to wood chisels and table saw blades now made at their new facility in Udine, Italy. As a footnote, William Marples was the uncle of Robert Marples and Joseph Marples, both of whom established competing tool making businesses in Sheffield. The Robert Marples firm disappeared early in the 20th century. After several changes in the company's ownership tools are now made under the Ridgway name but in China. A tool made by a company with a long family history of tool making in Sheffield England, with a member of the Marples family, Joseph Marples establishing a competing tool company which continues today to manufacture quality products for the joinery and shipwrights trades.Caulking tool straight wide blade, Stamped "W Marples & Sons" & James S Steele tool box.flagstaff hill, warrnambool, shipwrecked coast, flagstaff hill maritime museum, maritime museum, shipwreck coast, flagstaff hill maritime village, great ocean road, caulking tool, caulking iron, james s steele

This low-lying northern-most tip of Queenscliff saw its physical origins in 1863 with allotments let to a burgeoning fishing community previously accommodated on the site of the current railway station and whose construction in 1879 necessitated eviction. Among this community, Chinese fishermen are thought to be of the first international settlers. The success of the fishermen’s settlement was due in part to commercial trading prospects the railway afforded and the size of catch available to those fishing in Bass Strait. Salmon, snapper and particularly barracouta led to the success of the local industry.Original Fishermans Cottage previously located at Swan Bay end of Bridge Street Queenscliff. Timber - Weatherboardfishermen's cottage, fishermen's flat, queenscliff

The Hotel Mansions was formerly the Grand Ozone Coffee Palace, erected in 1890 at a cost of around ten thousand pounds at the corner of Kepler and Koroit Streets by a group of local businessmen and leased out. Within 12 months of construction, it was granted a wine licence and was renamed the Ozone Hotel. Coffee Palaces were temperance hotels which were popular in the latter part of the 19th century. They offered recreation and superior accommodation. The Ozone Hotel operated until 1915 and was then closed before re-opening in 1920 as the Hotel Mansions. It had major renovations including a large theatre area. February 23rd 1929 saw the most spectacular fire in Warrnambool's history when the Hotel Mansions was burnt to the ground. Evelyn O'Brien was granted a temporary licence and in September 1930 she was given permission to rebuild. The new hotel, named Hotel Warrnambool was opened in March 1931. This piece of china is a relic from the fire.This piece of china is a small relic from the biggest fire ever to occur in Warrnambool and as such has strong historical significance.Fragment of burnt white, china plate from Hotel Mansions. There is a Hotel Mansions symbol etched inside an oval design on the front of the plate. The hotel side plate, heavily crazed and brown stained on both front and back.Stamp of "Ironstone Ch..." on back also an etched, sand blasted Hotel Mansions on front too faint to photograph effectively.warrnambool, ozone coffee palace warrnambool, grand ozone coffee palace, hotel mansions warrnambool, fire at the ozone, ozone hotel

Ill, p.64.non-fictionThe first virtually all-jet war, the conflict in Korea saw F-86 Sabres of the USAF take on MiG-15s of the North Korean and Chinese air forces. Although the Allied pilots were initially taken aback by the ability of the communist fighter in combat, sound training and skilful leadership soon enabled Sabre pilots to dominate the dogfights over the Yalu River. In all 39 F-86 pilots achieved ace status, and a number of these are profiled in this volume, as are notable pilots from the US Navy, Marine Corps and Royal Navy and, for the first time, the handful of MiG-15 aces.korean war 1950-1953 - history, korean war - aerial combat

Sandhurst Trustees Bendigo Easter Festival. The aim of The Bendigo Easter Festival is to increase awareness of, and attendance at the Bendigo Easter Festival amongst regional, intrastate, and interstate audiences by 2006. Bendigo Easter Festival - Australia's oldest festival ... .... .. Gold, gold, gold. The year of 1871 was a great year for Bendigo. Parks were laid out, trees lined the streets. Although acknowledged as starting in 1869 the Easter Festival was considered an annual event by 1871. Under brilliant illumination the whole of the Camp Reserve (now Rosalind Park) was filled with a bewildering variety of groups, exhibits and individuals all eager to be involved in such a worthwhile cause. There were sports meetings, theatricals, bazaars and instrumental items as well as dancing and carnival rides. On Easter Monday, as it is today, there was a grand procession that included a variety of bands. 1871 also marked the first year that the Chinese joined in the festivities. Originally the Chinese participated in the procession by dressing in richly embroidered costumes, and carrying colourful banners in all shapes and sizes, which were specially made for them in China. In 1889, the Chinese were given their traditional place in the Parade, the end. They created a wonderful spectacle with their colourful costumes, banners and flags, and in 1892, Loong, the dragon appeared. The Bendigo Easter Festival had been fortunate in that it bad such a lively Chinese community in its midst. At the time of course, Bendigo was known as Sandhurst, and it was not until twenty years after the first Easter Festival that the town was known as Bendigo. These days with sponsorship from the Sandburst Trustees, the Festival is known as the Sandhurst Trustees Bendigo Easter Festival. 132 years later, the Sandburst Trustees Bendigo Easter Festival has had many changes. But loyal followers have never been disappointed. This year people saw the traditions upheld with family entertainments and not Loong, but Sun Loong, meaning new dragon, a 100m long Imperial Dragon who was created to take the place of the aging Loong. Sandhurst Trustees Bendigo Easter Festival Administrative Documents, Logo, Constitution and Rules This Item includes the following Documents: 11213.1a1 Sandhurst Trustees Bendigo Easter Festival - Part of Logo 11213.1a2 Sandhurst Trustees Bendigo Easter Festival - Pamphlet Design 11213.1b This document outlines the constitution and rules of the Bendigo Easter Fair Society as adopted on November 4th, 1926. 11213.1c This document outlines the Current Focus as of 2003, and Target Market Festival Goals. The main aim is to increase awareness and attendance among regional, intrastate, and interstate audiences.Market InsightsRecent surveys provide a breakdown of the current audience and highlight the importance of the local market, as well as areas for further development. 11213.1d This document outlines the management agreement between the Greater Bendigo City Council and the Bendigo Easter Festival Committee of Management. It Establishes the roles and responsibilities of the Bendigo Easter Festival Committee under the authority of the Greater Bendigo City Council. It Operates pursuant to Section 86 of the Local Government Act 1989, which allows councils to delegate certain functions to committees. The Committee is formally recognized as responsible for managing the Bendigo Easter Festival, ensuring compliance with council policies and relevant legislation. It Sets out the structure for oversight, accountability, and reporting between the Committee and the Council.This agreement provides the foundation for the Committee’s authority and operational guidelines in managing the festival. 11213.1e1 CD Contains three banner files - this one is 900 x 900 eps 11213.1e2 CD Contains three banner files - this one is 1800 x 1800 eps 11213.1e3 CD Contains three banner files - this one is 1500 x 1000 epsbendigo easter festival, bendigo easter fair

Sandhurst Trustees Bendigo Easter Festival. The aim of The Bendigo Easter Festival is to increase awareness of, and attendance at the Bendigo Easter Festival amongst regional, intrastate, and interstate audiences by 2006. Bendigo Easter Festival - Australia's oldest festival ... .... .. Gold, gold, gold. The year of 1871 was a great year for Bendigo. Parks were laid out, trees lined the streets. Although acknowledged as starting in 1869 the Easter Festival was considered an annual event by 1871. Under brilliant illumination the whole of the Camp Reserve (now Rosalind Park) was filled with a bewildering variety of groups, exhibits and individuals all eager to be involved in such a worthwhile cause. There were sports meetings, theatricals, bazaars and instrumental items as well as dancing and carnival rides. On Easter Monday, as it is today, there was a grand procession that included a variety of bands. 1871 also marked the first year that the Chinese joined in the festivities. Originally the Chinese participated in the procession by dressing in richly embroidered costumes, and carrying colourful banners in all shapes and sizes, which were specially made for them in China. In 1889, the Chinese were given their traditional place in the Parade, the end. They created a wonderful spectacle with their colourful costumes, banners and flags, and in 1892, Loong, the dragon appeared. The Bendigo Easter Festival had been fortunate in that it bad such a lively Chinese community in its midst. At the time of course, Bendigo was known as Sandhurst, and it was not until twenty years after the first Easter Festival that the town was known as Bendigo. These days with sponsorship from the Sandburst Trustees, the Festival is known as the Sandhurst Trustees Bendigo Easter Festival. 132 years later, the Sandburst Trustees Bendigo Easter Festival has had many changes. But loyal followers have never been disappointed. This year people saw the traditions upheld with family entertainments and not Loong, but Sun Loong, meaning new dragon, a 100m long Imperial Dragon who was created to take the place of the aging Loong. Sandhurst Trustees Bendigo Easter Festival Administration Documents - Minutes of Meetings This Item includes the following Documents: 11213.2a1 Sandhurst Trustees Bendigo Easter Festival - Dragon Sun Loong 11213.2a2 Sandhurst Trustees Bendigo Easter Festival - Pamphlet Design 11213.2a3 Minutes of Meeting 28 Aug 1985 11213.2b Minutes of Committee of Management Thurs 18 July 2002 - Contact BHS for Details 11213.2c Minutes of Committee of Management Weds 31 July 2002 11213.2d Minutes of Committee of Management Thurs 15 August 2002 - Contact BHS for Details 11213.2e Minutes of Committee of Management Weds 28 August 2002 11213.2f Minutes of AGM Weds 4th Sept 2002 11213.2g Minutes of Committee of Management Tues 10th Sept 2002 11213.2h Minutes of Committee of Management Thurs 26th Sept 2002 11213.2i Minutes of Committee of Management Tues 10th Oct 2002 11213.2j Minutes of Committee of Management Thurs 7th Nov 2002 11213.2k Minutes of Committee of Management Thurs 12th Nov 2002 11213.2l Minutes of Committee of Management Thurs 28th Nov 2002 bendigo easter festival, bendigo easter fair

Sandhurst Trustees Bendigo Easter Festival. The aim of The Bendigo Easter Festival is to increase awareness of, and attendance at the Bendigo Easter Festival amongst regional, intrastate, and interstate audiences by 2006. Bendigo Easter Festival - Australia's oldest festival ... .... .. Gold, gold, gold. The year of 1871 was a great year for Bendigo. Parks were laid out, trees lined the streets. Although acknowledged as starting in 1869 the Easter Festival was considered an annual event by 1871. Under brilliant illumination the whole of the Camp Reserve (now Rosalind Park) was filled with a bewildering variety of groups, exhibits and individuals all eager to be involved in such a worthwhile cause. There were sports meetings, theatricals, bazaars and instrumental items as well as dancing and carnival rides. On Easter Monday, as it is today, there was a grand procession that included a variety of bands. 1871 also marked the first year that the Chinese joined in the festivities. Originally the Chinese participated in the procession by dressing in richly embroidered costumes, and carrying colourful banners in all shapes and sizes, which were specially made for them in China. In 1889, the Chinese were given their traditional place in the Parade, the end. They created a wonderful spectacle with their colourful costumes, banners and flags, and in 1892, Loong, the dragon appeared. The Bendigo Easter Festival had been fortunate in that it bad such a lively Chinese community in its midst. At the time of course, Bendigo was known as Sandhurst, and it was not until twenty years after the first Easter Festival that the town was known as Bendigo. These days with sponsorship from the Sandburst Trustees, the Festival is known as the Sandhurst Trustees Bendigo Easter Festival. 132 years later, the Sandburst Trustees Bendigo Easter Festival has had many changes. But loyal followers have never been disappointed. This year people saw the traditions upheld with family entertainments and not Loong, but Sun Loong, meaning new dragon, a 100m long Imperial Dragon who was created to take the place of the aging Loong. Sandhurst Trustees Bendigo Easter Festival Administration Documents - Minutes of Meetings 2003 This Item includes the following Documents: 11213.3a1 Sandhurst Trustees Bendigo Easter Festival - Fireworks 11213.3a2 Sandhurst Trustees Bendigo Easter Festival - Pamphlet Design 11213.3b Minutes of Committee of Management Thurs 16 Jan 2003 11213.3c Minutes of Committee of Management 30 Jan 2003 11213.3d Minutes of Committee of Management 13 Feb 2003 11213.3d1 Launch of the Bendigo Easter Festival Presentation 26 Feb 2003 11213.3e Minutes of Committee of Management 27 Feb 2003 11213.3f Minutes of Committee of Management Thurs 13 March 2003 11213.3g Minutes of Committee of Management 15 March 2003 11213.3h Minutes of Committee of Management 20 March 2003 11213.3i Minutes of Committee of Management 27 March 2003 11213.3j Minutes Special Meeting of Committee of Management 27 March 2003 11213.3k Minutes of Committee of Management 01 April 2003 11213.3l Minutes of Committee of Management 03 April 2003 11213.3m Minutes of Committee of Management 10 April 2003 11213.3n Minutes of Committee of Management 29 April 2003 11213.3o Minutes of Committee of Management 29 April 2003 11213.3p Minutes of Committee of Management 15 May 2003 11213.3q Minutes of Committee of Management 19 June 2003 11213.3r Minutes of Committee of Management 17 July 2003 11213.3s Minutes of Committee of Management 14 July 2003 - Contact BHS for details 11213.3s1 Special General Meeting Thurs 24 July 2003 11213.3t Minutes of Committee of Management 04 August 2003 11213.3u Minutes of Committee of Management 14 August 2003 11213.3v Minutes of Committee of Management 21 August 2003 11213.3v1 AGM 28 Aug 2003 11213.3w Minutes of Committee of Management 18 Sept 2003bendigo easter festival, bendigo easter fair

Sandhurst Trustees Bendigo Easter Festival. The aim of The Bendigo Easter Festival is to increase awareness of, and attendance at the Bendigo Easter Festival amongst regional, intrastate, and interstate audiences by 2006. Bendigo Easter Festival - Australia's oldest festival ... .... .. Gold, gold, gold. The year of 1871 was a great year for Bendigo. Parks were laid out, trees lined the streets. Although acknowledged as starting in 1869 the Easter Festival was considered an annual event by 1871. Under brilliant illumination the whole of the Camp Reserve (now Rosalind Park) was filled with a bewildering variety of groups, exhibits and individuals all eager to be involved in such a worthwhile cause. There were sports meetings, theatricals, bazaars and instrumental items as well as dancing and carnival rides. On Easter Monday, as it is today, there was a grand procession that included a variety of bands. 1871 also marked the first year that the Chinese joined in the festivities. Originally the Chinese participated in the procession by dressing in richly embroidered costumes, and carrying colourful banners in all shapes and sizes, which were specially made for them in China. In 1889, the Chinese were given their traditional place in the Parade, the end. They created a wonderful spectacle with their colourful costumes, banners and flags, and in 1892, Loong, the dragon appeared. The Bendigo Easter Festival had been fortunate in that it bad such a lively Chinese community in its midst. At the time of course, Bendigo was known as Sandhurst, and it was not until twenty years after the first Easter Festival that the town was known as Bendigo. These days with sponsorship from the Sandburst Trustees, the Festival is known as the Sandhurst Trustees Bendigo Easter Festival. 132 years later, the Sandburst Trustees Bendigo Easter Festival has had many changes. But loyal followers have never been disappointed. This year people saw the traditions upheld with family entertainments and not Loong, but Sun Loong, meaning new dragon, a 100m long Imperial Dragon who was created to take the place of the aging Loong. Sandhurst Trustees Bendigo Easter Festival Administration Documents - Annual Reports This Item includes the following Documents: 11213.5a1 2001-2003 Booklet Cover 11213.5a2 Annual Report Booklet 2001-2002 - 12 pages 11213.5b Annual Report 2003 - 16 pages 11213.5c Annual Report 2003-2004 - 16 pages 11213.5d Financial Management Report 2003-2004 - 8 pages 11213.5e Event Review 2003 11213.5f Parmalat Gala Parade Entrants and Commentary 15 pages 2003 11213.5g About the Bendigo Easter Fair Festival and Membership Drive for 2004-2005 11213.5h Marketing Plan November 2003 11213.5i The document outlines the planning for a Chinese Autumn Festival event at the Chinese Museum in Bendigo, designed to precede the Awakening of the Dragon ceremony during the Bendigo Easter Fair. Sunday 20th April 2003 11213.5j A summary of the relocation process, access logistics, and contact protocols for using the Bendigo Easter Festival storage at the Bendigo Advertiser Building in 2004 11213.5k Reports, feedback and requests for Sponsorships 2005 11213.5l This four page document outlines sponsorship opportunities for the Coliban Water Day at Lake during the Bendigo Easter Festival for 2005-2006. 11213.5m Bendigo Easter Fair 2003 Professional MC Plan - April bendigo easter festival, bendigo easter fair

Sandhurst Trustees Bendigo Easter Festival. The aim of The Bendigo Easter Festival is to increase awareness of, and attendance at the Bendigo Easter Festival amongst regional, intrastate, and interstate audiences by 2006. Bendigo Easter Festival - Australia's oldest festival ... .... .. Gold, gold, gold. The year of 1871 was a great year for Bendigo. Parks were laid out, trees lined the streets. Although acknowledged as starting in 1869 the Easter Festival was considered an annual event by 1871. Under brilliant illumination the whole of the Camp Reserve (now Rosalind Park) was filled with a bewildering variety of groups, exhibits and individuals all eager to be involved in such a worthwhile cause. There were sports meetings, theatricals, bazaars and instrumental items as well as dancing and carnival rides. On Easter Monday, as it is today, there was a grand procession that included a variety of bands. 1871 also marked the first year that the Chinese joined in the festivities. Originally the Chinese participated in the procession by dressing in richly embroidered costumes, and carrying colourful banners in all shapes and sizes, which were specially made for them in China. In 1889, the Chinese were given their traditional place in the Parade, the end. They created a wonderful spectacle with their colourful costumes, banners and flags, and in 1892, Loong, the dragon appeared. The Bendigo Easter Festival had been fortunate in that it bad such a lively Chinese community in its midst. At the time of course, Bendigo was known as Sandhurst, and it was not until twenty years after the first Easter Festival that the town was known as Bendigo. These days with sponsorship from the Sandburst Trustees, the Festival is known as the Sandhurst Trustees Bendigo Easter Festival. 132 years later, the Sandburst Trustees Bendigo Easter Festival has had many changes. But loyal followers have never been disappointed. This year people saw the traditions upheld with family entertainments and not Loong, but Sun Loong, meaning new dragon, a 100m long Imperial Dragon who was created to take the place of the aging Loong. Sandhurst Trustees Bendigo Easter Festival Administration Documents - Membership 2003 This Item includes the following Documents: 11213.6a1 Sandhurst Trustees Bendigo Easter Festival - Membership Form Front 11213.6a2 Sandhurst Trustees Bendigo Easter Festival - Membership Form Rear 11213.6b Bendigo Easter Festival Membership Application Form Layout and Membership Categories 11213.6c Bendigo Easter Festival Letters to members - Templates 11213.6d Bendigo Easter Festival Changes to Memberships and Guidleines for 2004 11213.6e Bendigo Easter Festival for 2004 - Two A3 Sheets showing events, and locations Feb 2005 11213.6f Bendigo Easter Festival New Members letters and contact details Aug 2003 - Contact BHS for Details 11213.6g Bendigo Easter Festival Member Tax Invoices and Remittances - Contact BHS for Details 11213.6h Bendigo Easter Festival Membership Expiry Flow Diagram 11213.6i Bendigo Easter Festival Newsletter Jan 2003 11213.6j Bendigo Easter Festival Membership Applications - Contact BHS for Details 11213.6k Handwritten letter from Diolee Myers Davey OAM nomination of Simon Mulqueen for life membership Jan 2003bendigo easter festival, bendigo easter fair

Sandhurst Trustees Bendigo Easter Festival. The aim of The Bendigo Easter Festival is to increase awareness of, and attendance at the Bendigo Easter Festival amongst regional, intrastate, and interstate audiences by 2006. Bendigo Easter Festival - Australia's oldest festival ... .... .. Gold, gold, gold. The year of 1871 was a great year for Bendigo. Parks were laid out, trees lined the streets. Although acknowledged as starting in 1869 the Easter Festival was considered an annual event by 1871. Under brilliant illumination the whole of the Camp Reserve (now Rosalind Park) was filled with a bewildering variety of groups, exhibits and individuals all eager to be involved in such a worthwhile cause. There were sports meetings, theatricals, bazaars and instrumental items as well as dancing and carnival rides. On Easter Monday, as it is today, there was a grand procession that included a variety of bands. 1871 also marked the first year that the Chinese joined in the festivities. Originally the Chinese participated in the procession by dressing in richly embroidered costumes, and carrying colourful banners in all shapes and sizes, which were specially made for them in China. In 1889, the Chinese were given their traditional place in the Parade, the end. They created a wonderful spectacle with their colourful costumes, banners and flags, and in 1892, Loong, the dragon appeared. The Bendigo Easter Festival had been fortunate in that it bad such a lively Chinese community in its midst. At the time of course, Bendigo was known as Sandhurst, and it was not until twenty years after the first Easter Festival that the town was known as Bendigo. These days with sponsorship from the Sandburst Trustees, the Festival is known as the Sandhurst Trustees Bendigo Easter Festival. 132 years later, the Sandburst Trustees Bendigo Easter Festival has had many changes. But loyal followers have never been disappointed. This year people saw the traditions upheld with family entertainments and not Loong, but Sun Loong, meaning new dragon, a 100m long Imperial Dragon who was created to take the place of the aging Loong. Sandhurst Trustees Bendigo Easter Festival Administration Documents - Legal and Insurance This Item includes the following Documents: 11213.7a Sandhurst Trustees Bendigo Easter Festival - Logo 2003 11213.7b Sub Lease Agreement between the Bendigo Easter Fair Inc and The Rotary club of Bendigo - Town Hall 2005-2006 - Contact the BHS for Details 11213.7c Certificate of Currency Jan 2003 - McCormick Harris and Associates PTY LTD - Contact the BHS for Details 11213.7d Schedule of Insurances Feb 2003 - McCormick Harris and Associates PTY LTD - Contact the BHS for Details 11213.7e This document from Russell Kennedy Solicitors addresses the legal liability, insurance, and risk management considerations for the Bendigo Easter Fair Committee (BEF) and its members. Contact the BHS for details. 11213.7f This letter from McCormick Harris Associates to Bendigo Easter Fair Inc. outlines several key points regarding the organization's insurance arrangements. Recommendation to Transition Insurance coverage to the City of Greater Bendigo March 2003 - Contact the BHS for details 11213.7g This document is a confirmation of insurance coverage provided by the Victorian Managed Insurance Authority (VMIA) for the Crown in right of the State of Victoria and associated entities; 30 June 2002 - Contact the BHS for Details 11213.7h Assorted tax invoices and statements - Contact the BHS for Details 11213.7i Insurance Documents May and June 2003 - Contact the BHS for Detailsbendigo easter festival, bendigo easter fair

Hand written notes on the fire at the Garden Gully United Mine 29/3/1911. Two reports from the Bendigo Advertiser 29 and 30 March 1911. First report battery watchman John Davey saw nothing unusual, then later saw the reflection of fire in the engine house. Second report mentions hose stretched over Mt Korong Rd being run over by Chinese market gardeners and others making the leaky hose leak all the more. Cages only travelled a short distance after the ropes broke. Unemployment after air compressors ruined by the fire. Written on the back: Some Facts and Figures - The Bendigo Goldfield has had its good and bad years. Yields ranged from 475, 857 ozs in 1852 and 451,588 ozs in 1856 to 168,990 ozs in 1878 and 148,700 -mine, gold, garden gully united mine, garden gully united mine, garden gully united fire, bendigo advertiser 29-30/3/1911, john davey

Typed and handwritten notes. Mentioned are: - Some Notes Concerning The Eaglehawk Logs, Damaging the Stormwater Channel, where some Chinese were digging away the Creek, the cutting down of the giant gum tree which gave One Tree Hill its name, How Anthony Trollope saw Bendigo in the 1870's, A Proposed Horse Tramway to Golden Square, Society’s' Trip to Bridgewater Flour Mill, A talk on a trip to Malaya by Mr D Hester, Society News and Happenings, Old Bendigonians and Safety Cages,document, various notes, eaglehawk logs, bendigo advertiser 19/10/1858, damaging the stormwater channel, bendigo advertiser 11/8/1872, harneys bridge, gas works, constable rogers, constable james bradley, joch, john o'c hattam, one tree hill, ryan, trollope's fabulous bendigo, anthony trollope, 'trollope’s australia', nelson press, alex h stone, bendigo advertiser 5/7/1897, mr peter ellis, cr hoskins, horse tramway, historical society, water wheel flour mill, june parry, mr pat wodetzki, mr leo wodetzki, neil murray, mr k hester, mr wes harry, mr i hendry, mr henry jackson, mr connelly, mr irons, mr harney, dr smith, dr hoyle, rev dr bachaus, rev dr nish, rev joseph dare, hon angus mackay, mr haverfield, mr j k robshaw, w p neal, mr george lansell, hon j h abbott, m l c, mr j casey, dr james boyd, dr atkinson, dr easie, mr t h henderson, old beehive, francis brothers, mr john crowley, mr jacob cohn, art gallery, mr hugh mcdevitt, mr alexander bayne, mr f sciallero, camp reserve, hon w i winter-irvine, mr george avery fletcher, great central goldfield of victoria, safety cages, bendigo advertiser, j h seymour, mr horwood, new chum and victoria tribute company, james watson, seymour's patent safety cage, londerry tribute, national show sandhurst, h banfield, mr a llewllyn, 'dear old bendigo', thomas bracken, mr william heffernan, mr edward (ned) ryan, mr samuel bastard, mr charles bird, mcpherson and co, fern hill club, mr george tolhurst, tolhurst brothers, union bank, mr lawrence ryan, mr shadrack jones, charley armstrong, armstrong brothers, mr abraham solomen, mr bladiere mr r t wheeler

Vietnam Fragments is a rare collection of impressions, reactions, feelings and fears - the often spell-bounding personal experiences of Australians who saw active service in the second Indo-China War. This was Australia's longest war. vietnam war, 1961-1975- personal narratives, australian army

Vietnam Fragments is a rare collection of impressions, reactions, feelings and fears - the often spell-bounding personal experiences of Australians who saw active service in the second Indo-China War. This was Australia's longest war.vietnam war, 1961-1975- personal narratives, australian, australian army, indochina