In 1829 London's first police department was founded. The billy club or baton was a tool used from that time as a weapon and a symbol of police authority; it was the only armament they carried for many decades. The billy was used against law offenders as well as a tool for breaking windows or to signal to other officers by knocking against fences and curbs. The billy club came in different sizes and some were purely a decorative symbol of the police. The billy club or baton has been replaced in more recent times by the TAZER and sprays.The billy club is significant as an example of early police control in Britain, Australia and America. Other less brutal means are used today for crowd control, such as sprays and TAZERs Russet coloured leather Police Billy. The Billy Club is wrapped in copper wire to prevent wear. The round end is filled with lead shot to a weight of 9 ounces (about 255 grams).flagstaff hill, warrnambool, maritime-museum, flagstaff hill maritime museum and village, great ocean road, shipwreck coast, police billy, police officer’s club, mace, truncheon, nightstick, baton, police equipment, crowd control, public order, police symbol

Railway Platform Barrier Crowd control on railway platforms was a necessity during peak times. At times it may have been necessary to direct passengers to a certain exit or from a certain entrance on a railway platform. Where able, on occasions, two trains may have to use the one platform to ensure trains depart efficiently. To ensure the public entrain on the correct train it could be necessary to divide the platform by using a platform barrier. The barriers made of wood and steel were easily moved by platform staff and provided a substantial barrier on the railway platform. Historic - Victorian Railways - Railway Platform BarrierRailway platform Barrier made of timber and steelLength Overall: 7' 6 9/16" ( 2300 mm ) Width: 2' 5 15/16" ( 760 mm ) Height: 4' 1 5/8" ( 1260 mm ) railway platform barrier, victorian railways, puffing billy

Two copies of Yarra Trams internal newsletter "Update", All A4, printed in full colour. .1 - Magazine - four pages - issue 2 of 19/11/2010 - Federation Square (Swanston St) crowd control, performance, depot visits by the CEO, Port Melbourne, Safety, Docklands works, Movember, Special events, new uniforms, the retirement of Des Davies, celebrating 125 years of Melbourne trams. .2 - six pages, one sheet, issue 4 of 21/12/2010 - performance, response units, fleet operations, Oprah Winfrey tram, Carlton Control, Preston Workshops, appeals, safety, a Golding cartoon of a tram on a curve, Keolis, telco agreement with VicTrack.trams, tramways, yarra trams, traffic control, trackwork, spencer st, fund raising, carlton control, victrack, fleet operations, preston workshops, cartoons

Captain Albert Jacka, VC, 14 Bn, first VC in WW1.A set of seven black and white photos showing the funeral march for Captain Albert Jacka VC in Melbourne 1932. 1. & 2. Front of gun carriage team. 3 horses and 2 riders. 3. Party of armed soldiers, bayonets fixed, marching in formation. 4. Gun carriage and coffin stationary. 2 soldiers in WW1 fighting kit in Rest on Arms Reverse. Civilian clothed men, hats off. One drummer is marching past. 5. Group of eight senior Officers marching. Most are in uniform with swords. 6. Large group of marching men in civilian clothes. They hold their hats against their heart. A civilian policeman is standing as crowd control. 7. The gun carriage and coffin moving away. Men in civilian crowd have removed their headdress. There are two files of men either side of the coffin, marching beside it.1. "Jacka's Funeral" on rear. 2. Funeral Captain Jacka, Melbourne 1932. 3. "Albert Jacka's Funeral" on rear. 4. "Albert Jacka's Funeral" on rear. 5. "Members of Jacka's battalion at his funeral. Jan 1932." on rear. 6. "Funeral Capt Albert Jacka 'Australia's first VC'" on rear. 7. "Funeral Capt Albert Jacka, Melbourne 1931" on rear.albert jacka vc, funeral, melbourne

Yields information about the Royal Visit to Ballarat and the tram decorated for its visit along with other arrangements.Set of three eight digital images taken of Queen Elizabeth II to Ballarat 6/3/1954 by W. J. Llewelyn. .1 - Street view of Sturt St looking East at St Patrick's church, with No. 38 in the background and the wooden crowd control barriers stacked by the footpath. .2 - Crowd waiting at the intersection of Sturt and Lydiard St. .3 - Crowd waiting in Sturt St, with soldier's, outside Myers Store .4 - Crowd and guard of honour waiting at the station. .5 - The Queen and Duke in the official car in Sturt St. .6 - ditto with Myer Store in the background. .7 - Scottish unit marching at the intersection of Bridge St and Grenville St with he Bucks Head Hotel in the background. Note the sign on the hotel pointing to the Floral Carpet at the Alfred Hall. .8 - Band at the City Oval. Date obtained from http://wiki.prov.vic.gov.au/index.php/Royal_Visit_1954,_Locations_for_Visiting_Municipalities,_Ballarat (accessed 11-6-2017)trams, tramways, civic functions, royal visit, railway station, lydiard st, sturt st, city oval, myers, tram 38

Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerPhotograph crowds gathering on June 16 on the streets of Causeway Bay before an estimated 2 million people take part in march protesting the government's push for extradition laws to China and demanding an apology from the chief executrive Carrie Lam. Nearly 2 million’ people take to streets, forcing public apology from Hong Kong leader Carrie Lam as suspension of controversial extradition bill fails to appease protesters. (https://www.scmp.com/news/hong-kong/politics/article/3014737/nearly-2-million-people-take-streets-forcing-public-apology )carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, protest, protestors

Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerPhotograph of a crowd or protestors against proposed extradition laws gathering on the streets of Causeway Bay, Hong Kong, leading down to the gathering area. carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, protest, protestors

Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerPhotograph of a crowd on the streets of Hong Kong to protest against proposed extradition laws, heading towards Admiralty. carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, protest, protestors, admiralty

Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerCrowds mass on Queens Way in Hong Kong as an estimated 2 million people march in protest at the government's refusal to withdraw a controverisal law allowing people to be extradited to mainland China. Chants demanded the chief executive apologise and the legislation be withdrawn, while many held signs protesting police violence. Nearly 2 million protesters flooded the streets of Hong Kong on Sunday, organisers claimed, delivering a stunning repudiation of Chief Executive Carrie Lam Cheng Yuet-ngor’s governance and forcing a public apology out of the city’s leader over her campaign to bulldoze a controversial extradition bill through the legislature. A day after Lam suspended her push for the bill, expecting it to defuse a crisis that has seen violent clashes between mostly young protesters and police, the centre of Hong Kong was brought to a complete standstill as the masses marched to chastise her for refusing to withdraw the bill or apologise when first asked to, and declaring that nothing short of her resignation would satisfy them now. (https://www.scmp.com/news/hong-kong/politics/article/3014737/nearly-2-million-people-take-streets-forcing-public-apology ) carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, protest, protestors, admiralty

AGOS INFO, Bendigo. Australian Gallery of Sport. Information Pamphlet No. 1 April 1987. Photo of cup awarded to the Sanhurst Football Club for their victory over Bendigo Football Club, 4th July 1883. (Purchased 1987). Extract from Bendigo Advertiser, 4th July 1883 advertising Match between Sandhurst and Bendigo. Admission - Sixpence. Members of Sanhurst & Bendigo Football Clubs and BUCC admitted free on production of tickets. Extract of Bendigo Advertiser, 5th July 1883, FOOTBALL Sandhurst v. Bendigo. (remainder of print too small to read. Sandhurst. Bendigo July 4th 1883 The match played between Sandhurst and Bendigo provides a rare insight into the Australian game at a crucial stage of its development.. . Trophy presented by local jeweler, Mr Joseph Moody. .. Football was relatively weaker in Bendigo than in the comparable city of Ballarat. This can be explained by the high migrant proportion of the Bendigo population, its economic difficulties in the 1880s and by its distance from Melbourne. .. Football overtook cricket by the end of the decade as the most popular sport. .. A regular Saturday competition was played, with matches also played on Wednesdays. These matches were a legacy of the earliest ''scratch'' matches, suggesting a relatively strong union movement which had won concessions for weekend work. Matches started at 3pm. ..The best player on the ground was a contractor and the captain an accountant. .. Transition. The predominance of the ''little mark'' the participation of sometimes frightened junior teams against adults and the division of the game into halves rather than quarters represents an era that has disappeared. Complaints of rough play, poor losers, the problems posed by children. .. An issue, was seen as a blight on the game in 1883. The greatest offender, alleged by ''Drop-Kick'' in The Bendigo Advertiser, was Sheldon of Sandhurst, an ancestor of current day player Ken Sheldon of St Kilda. .. Fundamental issue about the place of sport in society. .. The reason for this is that the Bendigo club was in dispute with the Bendgio Union Cricket Club over control of the Back Creek Ground. If they had been refused the ground, as it was feared, then the whole association would have been forced to disband. Only last minute negotiations resolved the dispute. .. Reflects the values of society, .. Broader conflicts about power and the control of resources within that society. 2000 turned out. The crowd cheered lustily and the players exhibited similar excitement and were urged on by their captains to play up and kick the ball. In the eventual Sanhurst victory, amongst the best players was Edward Cordner, a forerunner of the renowned Cordner family of the Melbourne Football Clubs. Shane Cahill. Sources: Fahey, James C. Wealth and Social Mobility In Bendigo and North Central Victoria, 1868-1891. Mackay, G. The Annals of Bendigo 1868-1891 (Bendigo 1914). Mackay, G. Bendigo The Golden City of the South (Bendigo 1893) Mackay, G. The History of Bendigo (Melbourne 1891). Sandercock, L.. And Turner, I. Up Where Cazaly? The Great Australian Game (St Albans Herts. 1981) Sanhurst Districts' Directory for 1875-6 (Sandhurst 1875) Wise's Victoria Post Office Directory 1884-5 (Melbourne 1886). Australian Gallery Of Sport at the MCG, cnr Joliment St. & Joliment Trc. East Melbourne, Phone 654 8922.clubs and associations, football, agos, agos info, bendigo. australian gallery of sport. information pamphlet no. 1 april 1987. photo cup awarded sanhurst football club for victory bendigo football club, 4th july 1883. (purchased 1987). advertiser, 4th july 1883 match between sandhurst v. bendigo. admission - sixpence. members sanhurst & bendigo football clubs and bucc free. extract, 5th july 1883, football sandhurst v. bendigo. sandhurst. bendigo july 4th 1883 sandhurst and bendigo provides insight into the australian stage development.. . trophy local jeweler, mr joseph moody. .. football weaker in bendigo than in ballarat. explained by the migrant proportion bendigo population, its economic difficulties 1880s distance from melbourne.. football overtook cricket by end decade the popular sport.. saturday competition played, matches also wednesdays. legacy of the earliest ''scratch'' matches, strong union movement concessions for weekend work. matches started at 3pm.. best player on the ground a contractor the captain accountant. .. transition. predominance ''little mark'' participation frightened junior teams adults game halves rather than quarters represents an era disappeared. complaints rough play, poor losers, problems posed children., a blight 1883. offender, ''drop-kick'', sheldon, ancestor ken sheldon of st kilda...bendigo club was in dispute bendgio union cricket club control of the back creek ground. refused, as it was feared, association forced to disband. negotiations resolved dispute..values of society.. conflicts power control resources. 2000 turned out. crowd cheered players exhibited similar excitement captains. edward cordner. cordner family melbourne football clubs. shane cahill. sources: fahey, james c. wealth and social mobility in bendigo and north central victoria, 1868-1891. mackay, g. the annals of bendigo 1868-1891 (bendigo 1914). mackay, g. bendigo the golden city of the south (bendigo 1893) mackay, g. the history of bendigo (melbourne 1891). sandercock, l.. and turner, i. up where cazaly? the great australian game (st albans herts. 1981) sanhurst districts' directory for 1875-6 (sandhurst 1875) wise's victoria post office directory 1884-5 (melbourne 1886). australian gallery of sport at the mcg, cnr joliment st. & joliment trc. east melbourne, phone 654 8922.

Depicts the original quadrangle building, decked out with celebratory flags. A large crowd listens to the dignitaries as the school is officially opened. The English flag can be seen in the crowd.2 copies: 1 copy of a black and white photograph of the original 1867 building mounted on board. 1 laminated copy of photograph. Accompanied by 2 captions. See also: 32.11 - original sepia photograph.Official opening of school from High Tide 1915. Caption 1 reads: In 1914 control passed to the education Department. Buildings were renovated and plans executed for two pre-fabricated buildings as a temporary measure. Caption 2 reads: In 1867 the Williamstown Borough Grammar Achool was situated on the corner of Pasco Street and Verdon Street Williamstown. Back of original sepia photograph: Official opening of the school 1921. (see photograph above.)williamstown high school, 1915, school opening

Set of 8 A4 photocopies of various newspaper articles or letters to the Editor about the introduction of the Metcard ticketing system onto Public transport in Victoria during 1998. .1 - "Revenge fantasies inspired by the ticket machines from hell" - The Age - 16-4-1998 - written by Garry Linnell about ticket machines, passengers, Metcards and ticket inspectors. .2 - :Dangerous Prank" - The Age - 12-6-1998 - about children riding backs of trams and lack of conductors. .3 - "Tram conduct deserves reward" - Herald Sun - 5/6/1998 - about assisting elderly passengers with Metcard. .4 - "Victim of those machines" - The Age - 22/6/1998 - about a man being injured on the tram while trying to buy a ticket from a machine. Also has Tender adverts for a Central Control building for train management - Bayside trains and Redevelopment of Flinders St station - Hillside trains. .5 - "Trouble on the Tracks" - The Age - 14-2-1998, written by Virginia Trioli - re removal of tram conductors, fare evasion and ticket machines. .6 - "A day it was on for young and old on a city tram" - The Age - 13-7-1998 - written by Nicole Brady about loud music on trams. .7 - "Trams roll, crowds boo, Jeff's Jukebox plays on" - The Age - 30-7-1998 - David Austin about ticket machines and issues - notes Sheffield and removal of ticket machines from shelters. .8 - "A sudden stop" - The Age - 3-8-1998 about an accident on a tram.trams, tramways, ptc, metcard, trams, railways, ticket inspectors, conductors, one man trams, accidents, passengers

Radio transcript - 10 foolscap sheets, typed, titled "Wireless address 3LO by Mr Alex Cameron, Chairman MMTB 12 Jan 1930 - 745pm - Our Trams and Safety". Introduction refers to a request from the Safety Council of Australia, about safety around trams. Notes braking systems, tramcar maintenance, Preston Workshops, training, medical examinations, accident statistics, cable trams, more accidents with cable cars, knock downs mainly in the city, step accidents, crowding on trams, passengers knocked down by motor cars, tram stops, safety zones, traffic regulation, motor traffic, motor vehicle licencing, parking, and lane markings. Has a lists of don't for motorists, pedestrians and passengers.trams, tramways, radio stations, accidents, behaviour, driver training, brakes, safety, medical, cable trams, statistics, motor vehicles, traffic control

Newspaper clipping - set of three cuttings - from the Southern Cross, 18/10/1995 titled "Tram in a jam" with a photo of W6 983 outbound in Toorak Road. Looks at the performance of the tram route and the issues of timekeeping, over crowding and traffic. Story by Bruce Atherton, photo Linda Tanner. Quotes Peter Batchelor Opposition transport spokesman, MLA Robert Doyle, and Transport and PTC Spokesman Ray Wilson. Also has quotes from five tram patrons.trams, tramways, route 8, toorak rd, passengers, traffic control, timetables