In 1829 London's first police department was founded. The billy club or baton was a tool used from that time as a weapon and a symbol of police authority; it was the only armament they carried for many decades. The billy was used against law offenders as well as a tool for breaking windows or to signal to other officers by knocking against fences and curbs. The billy club came in different sizes and some were purely a decorative symbol of the police. The billy club or baton has been replaced in more recent times by the TAZER and sprays.The billy club is significant as an example of early police control in Britain, Australia and America. Other less brutal means are used today for crowd control, such as sprays and TAZERs Russet coloured leather Police Billy. The Billy Club is wrapped in copper wire to prevent wear. The round end is filled with lead shot to a weight of 9 ounces (about 255 grams).flagstaff hill, warrnambool, maritime-museum, flagstaff hill maritime museum and village, great ocean road, shipwreck coast, police billy, police officer’s club, mace, truncheon, nightstick, baton, police equipment, crowd control, public order, police symbol

Railway Platform Barrier Crowd control on railway platforms was a necessity during peak times. At times it may have been necessary to direct passengers to a certain exit or from a certain entrance on a railway platform. Where able, on occasions, two trains may have to use the one platform to ensure trains depart efficiently. To ensure the public entrain on the correct train it could be necessary to divide the platform by using a platform barrier. The barriers made of wood and steel were easily moved by platform staff and provided a substantial barrier on the railway platform. Historic - Victorian Railways - Railway Platform BarrierRailway platform Barrier made of timber and steelLength Overall: 7' 6 9/16" ( 2300 mm ) Width: 2' 5 15/16" ( 760 mm ) Height: 4' 1 5/8" ( 1260 mm ) railway platform barrier, victorian railways, puffing billy

1 - Magazine - four pages - issue 2 of 19/11/2010 - Federation Square (Swanston St) crowd control, performance, depot visits by the CEO, Port Melbourne, Safety, Docklands works, Movember, Special events, new uniforms, the retirement of Des Davies, celebrating 125 years of Melbourne trams. 2 - four pages - issue 3 of 6/12/2019 - message from CEO, trackwork at Harbour Esplanade, Thierry Guinard, the Technology tram (measuring infrastructure), Janine Young Public Transport Ombudsman and Transport Advisory Group. 3 - six pages, one sheet, issue 4 of 21/12/2010 - performance, response units, fleet operations, Oprah Winfrey tram, Carlton Control, Preston Workshops, appeals, safety, a Golding cartoon of a tram on a curve, Keolis, telco agreement with VicTrack.Yields infomation about Yarra Trams in 2010Three copies of Yarra Trams internal newsletter "Update", All A4, printed in full colour.trams, tramways, yarra trams, traffic control, trackwork, spencer st, fund raising, carlton control, victrack, fleet operations, preston workshops, cartoons

Captain Albert Jacka, VC, 14 Bn, first VC in WW1.A set of seven black and white photos showing the funeral march for Captain Albert Jacka VC in Melbourne 1932. 1. & 2. Front of gun carriage team. 3 horses and 2 riders. 3. Party of armed soldiers, bayonets fixed, marching in formation. 4. Gun carriage and coffin stationary. 2 soldiers in WW1 fighting kit in Rest on Arms Reverse. Civilian clothed men, hats off. One drummer is marching past. 5. Group of eight senior Officers marching. Most are in uniform with swords. 6. Large group of marching men in civilian clothes. They hold their hats against their heart. A civilian policeman is standing as crowd control. 7. The gun carriage and coffin moving away. Men in civilian crowd have removed their headdress. There are two files of men either side of the coffin, marching beside it.1. "Jacka's Funeral" on rear. 2. Funeral Captain Jacka, Melbourne 1932. 3. "Albert Jacka's Funeral" on rear. 4. "Albert Jacka's Funeral" on rear. 5. "Members of Jacka's battalion at his funeral. Jan 1932." on rear. 6. "Funeral Capt Albert Jacka 'Australia's first VC'" on rear. 7. "Funeral Capt Albert Jacka, Melbourne 1931" on rear.albert jacka vc, funeral, melbourne

Yields information about the Royal Visit to Ballarat and the tram decorated for its visit along with other arrangements.Set of three eight digital images taken of Queen Elizabeth II to Ballarat 6/3/1954 by W. J. Llewelyn. .1 - Street view of Sturt St looking East at St Patrick's church, with No. 38 in the background and the wooden crowd control barriers stacked by the footpath. .2 - Crowd waiting at the intersection of Sturt and Lydiard St. .3 - Crowd waiting in Sturt St, with soldier's, outside Myers Store .4 - Crowd and guard of honour waiting at the station. .5 - The Queen and Duke in the official car in Sturt St. .6 - ditto with Myer Store in the background. .7 - Scottish unit marching at the intersection of Bridge St and Grenville St with he Bucks Head Hotel in the background. Note the sign on the hotel pointing to the Floral Carpet at the Alfred Hall. .8 - Band at the City Oval. Date obtained from http://wiki.prov.vic.gov.au/index.php/Royal_Visit_1954,_Locations_for_Visiting_Municipalities,_Ballarat (accessed 11-6-2017)trams, tramways, civic functions, royal visit, railway station, lydiard st, sturt st, city oval, myers, tram 38

Photographer notations on slide: "Unloading Timber at Wharves 1933 Age B5" Published: Age (Melbourne, Vic.: 1854- ), Tuesday 15 August 1933 MAHOGANY FROM MANILA. (1933, August 15). The Age (Melbourne, Vic. : 1854 - 1954), p. 11. Retrieved January 16, 2026, from http://nla.gov.au/nla.news-article204377024 Published title: MAHOGANY FROM MANILA Published Caption: Age Tue 15 Aug 1933 Caption: Unloading Mahogany Logs brought from Manila, Philippine Islands, by the steamer Taiping, which berthed yesterday at Victoria Dock. The vessel discharged twenty logs, each weighing three tons, the first shipment of this type of timber landed in Melbourne. Research by Project Volunteer, Louise McKenzie: This photograph in many ways epitomises Melbourne in the 1930s. It is a time of enormous growth, development and change. But before delving into that, the photo itself is very powerful. The huge mahogany logs being unloaded appear to be so heavy that the ship itself seems to list to port as they are craned over the side. They are being levered into a cart to which two large and sturdy Clydesdale horses are hitched. In contrast to the traditional horses, the wharf is crisscrossed with modern railway tracks. Unloading is both mechanical and manual, and the scene is one of intense interest to a young boy bystander. The ship appears to be squat and solid, but the whole image also gives a feeling of movement and intensity. The mahogany being delivered to Melbourne would be intended for high quality furniture. In the 1930s Australia actually had a growing timber industry, but much of the eucalyptus wood was being utilised for mass produced furniture, and much of this furniture would then have had a veneer applied to it. The fact that it was economic to import this timber from the “Philippine Islands” – not a traditional trading market for Australia – reflects a Victorian economy that was strong enough to support a growing demand for good quality furniture Mahogany was described as a classic, strong hardwood, often used for dark opulent furniture. In the 1930s the importation of timber from Manila (Philippines) to Australia was a notable trade, particularly in Philippine Lauan (often referred to as Philippine Mahogany), which was used as a cheaper alternative to other hardwoods. 1930s furniture, dominated by the art deco style, used a mix of luxurious exotic woods like mahogany, macassar and ebony for high-end pieces, often veneered over less expensive woods such as walnut, birch and poplar, and with plywood, chrome and lacquer also popular for more practical, streamlined designs during the Depression era. By the mid 1930s timber mills were being relocated away from the immediate dock area, but the fact that these logs were being transported by horse-drawn cart implies that the load would not have had to be taken too far for milling. 1885 the Melbourne Harbour Trust Commissioners had decided that land in or near the city was far too valuable to be used as timber yards. Furthermore, large stacks of timber posed a fire risk. The Trust asked the Victorian Government to reserve a site on the east side of the Yarra River opposite Yarraville and Spotswood. Here, in 1889, the Trust began building six jetties and a wharf specifically for the landing of timber. Clydesdale horses were initially brought to Victoria from Tasmania in the 1830s, and with the 1850s gold rush they were imported direct from Scotland. Melbourne was from its earliest years an important centre of horse-breeding from both imported and colonial-bred stock, providing the well-built draught horse for pulling heavily loaded wagons, the harness horse for delivery work and drawing coaches, and the saddle-horse used for riding. Stud breeding facilities were advertised from the early 1840s. By the 1870s the horse export trade was thriving, and the Port of Melbourne was the country's busiest exporter of horses to Indian, Asian and New Zealand markets. Kirk's Melbourne Horse and Carriage Bazaar in Bourke Street first advertised for business in 1840, and by the 1850s Bourke Street West was famed for its horse bazaars and saleyards. The Victorian Clydesdale Horse Society reports that Clydesdale working horses were a vital part of Melbourne's infrastructure and agricultural industry in the 1930s, when they reached the peak of their popularity despite the increasing competition from mechanization. Their main roles and usage at this time were: • City Delivery: Clydesdales were a common sight for metropolitan deliveries, particularly for breweries (such as Carlton & United Breweries), milk runs, and bread deliveries. • Industrial Work: They were heavily used for hauling cargo at the docks, in construction, and at specialized sites like the Truganina Explosives Reserve, where they pulled wagons. • Agriculture: In surrounding rural areas, they were the primary power source for ploughing and agricultural machinery. • Specialization: By the 1930s, the Clydesdale was smaller and more compact than the Shire or Percheron breeds, making them ideal for navigation in urban environments. After the 1930s their numbers decreased due to the onset of WWI and mechanisation. Wartime petrol rationing led to a brief revival for the working horse, as suburban tradesmen, now used to motor delivery, took their old jinkers out of mothballs. By 1947, however, only 1.5% of city traffic was horse-drawn. In 1952 the large horse cartage company A. Kellet Pty Ltd sold its 250 horses and converted its Richmond stables to storage. In the 1950s at Station and Princes piers, wharf labourers refused to work with the six draught horses still being used to haul trolleys and which were soon superseded by the fork lift, semi-trailer and mobile crane. Where carefully trained horses had once shunted trains in city goods yards, a few hundred a week were now being killed at the abattoirs for pet and human consumption. The last MCC dray horse was withdrawn from service in 1958, but some of the few remaining working animals are used by the mounted police for crowd control at demonstrations and football games. The death knell had also sounded for the associated trades of farrier, saddler and blacksmith. Our photo, therefore, showing the wharf with both the haulage Clydesdales and the rail lines, is a strong visual summary of the social and economic changes experienced in Victoria in the 1930s and on towards the 1950s. Our photo is located at Victoria Dock (also known as Victoria Harbour) which is still an active component of Melbourne’s port system. In 1892 the West Melbourne Dock (later Victoria Dock) was opened, downstream and immediately west of the Spencer Street railway shunting yards. It contained a swing basin for ships, replacing the one which had been provided on the south side of the river, later to be the Duke and Orr dry dock, west of the Charles Grimes Bridge. Further west was the South Wharf along the river bank. The history of Victoria Dock is extremely well described by Ashley Smith in his 2 March 2022 article in Docklands News, and its accompanying aerial photo of the Dock taken in 1934. He writes: "In the early 1930s Victoria Dock was one of the biggest sites for trade and export in Melbourne. A constant queue of ships sailed in, unloaded their cargo, recharged and reloaded, then left for the next port. Around the time this photo was taken (found in a 1934 photo book), the trapezium-shaped basin had been through some changes since its construction in the 1890s. The 497-metre-long Central Pier, finished in 1919, now featured six sheds to house the ever-increasing volume of cargo. The entrance had also been widened in the 1920s to allow better access. Some of the berths featured three-ton jib electric cranes to help with loading cargo and a rail network connected to the State Railway service. By the time construction was completed, the dock was 39 hectares and hailed as the second-largest dock in the world (behind Cavendish Dock, Barrow-in-Furness). To further save costs, excavations were dug to a more reasonable seven metres below low water, instead of British engineer Sir John Coode’s recommended 8.3 metres. Even then, the costs were still around £900,000. It was envisaged, with the extra wharfage, that around thirty 90-metre ships could berth inside. On March 22, 1892, Victoria Dock was opened by Victoria’s Governor, the Earl of Hopetoun (later Australia’s first Governor-General) who opened the sluice to let the Yarra in. It took six days to fill the basin with The Leader newspaper estimating that it would take another six months to completely fill (March 26, 1892). In the end, it took nearly a year before the first ship was allowed to enter on February 20, 1893, when the steamer Hubbuck sailed in to unload 1200 tonnes of cargo in 15 hours. The Argus (February 23, 1893) reported that the ship’s captain, J. R. Brodie, called the Yarra “better than the Thames”, and compared Victoria Dock favourably to the Albert Dock (Liverpool)." This would be a good time to move our focus on to the Taiping, which is the transporter of these giant mahogany logs. The Taiping was a steel-hulled, single-screw passenger-cargo Chinese steamer, which today has the dubious legacy of being involved in a collision headlined as “The Chinese Titanic”. It was constructed by the Hong Kong and Shampoa Dock Company at its facility in Hong Kong, with completion in 1926 for service under the Australia Oriental Line. Her gross register tonnage measured 4,324 tons, reflecting her design for inter-island and coastal trade routes, accommodating both passengers and freight. She operated routes connecting Australian ports with East Asian destinations. As World War II approached, Taiping continued predominantly working the trade routes between China and Australia, until December 1941, when she evacuated women and children from Hong Kong to Manila just before Japanese forces overran the region. She then safely reached Australia despite enemy air raids. Taiping was then requisitioned by the Royal Navy and repurposed as a victualling stores issuing ship for the Eastern Fleet, supporting logistical needs in the Pacific and Indian oceans. Returned to the Australian Oriental Line in 1947, she underwent refitting and by mid-1948 was chartered to the Shanghai Shipping Company, and modified for greater passenger accommodation – approximately 500 passengers. In 1948/49 the Chinese Civil War took place. The Taiping departed Shanghai on 26 January 1949 as one of the final vessels evacuating civilians from to Keelung Harbour in Taiwan. Reports indicate that the Taiping carried double the rated capacity of passengers i.e. 1000. The ship carried families, military personnel, civilians, carrying personal belongings, gold and valuables in hope of resettlement in Nationalist Taiwan. It also held heavy cargo in the form of silver and gold bullion loaded by the Central Bank of China. Because of the risk of patrols, and to conserve fuel, the Captain took the ship away from the usual open-sea passage, and instead navigated along the coast. He also extinguished navigation lights to avoid detection. Shortly after midnight on 27 January 1949 the Taiping collided with the smaller cargo steamer Chien Yuan in the East China Sea near the Zhoushan Archipelago. The Chien Yuan was also operating in darkness. The subsequent collision was catastrophic. The Chien Yuan sank with in 5 minutes, with the loss of 72 of its 74 crew. The Taiping sustained severe structural compromise from the broadside strike and initially remained afloat, then made a swift descent into the freezing water, with no attempt at an organised evacuation. No formal recovery process was instigated, however a distress signal went out. 32 survivors were picked up by the Australian destroyer HMAS Warramunga (on patrol nearby), a passing US vessel found 2 more, and local Zhoushan fishermen retrieved others. In the end, only 37 people survived. The event is remembered as a poignant moment in the mass migration to Taiwan, with families tragically separated. A memorial to the disaster exists at the Keelung Harbour naval base on Taiwan. With its total of over 1,500 deaths, it constituted one of the worst peacetime maritime losses. It is sometimes referred to as the “Oriental Titanic” because of the similarly large loss of life and speed of demise with the RMS Titanic in 1912. A fictional depiction of this event appears in the John Woo movies “The Crossing (Part 1) (2014), and The Crossing II (2015), known in Chinese as “Taiping Wheel”. The narrative weaves a story around pre-disaster romances and wartime turmoil among passengers, culminating in the ship’s rapid sinking. “The production, a high-budget Sino-Taiwanese-Hong Kong co-effort, portrays the event as a microcosm of the 1940s Sino-Japanese and civil war legacies, though critics noted the melodramatic style prioritizing spectacle over historical precision.” In conclusion, it is nice to return to our photo, and observe the people involved in this moment. The dockworkers are, so typical of the 1930s, dressed in what looks to us like formal clothing – dark suits or coats, white shirts, and black hats. I am particularly drawn to the young boy, bare-headed, arms crossed, and so intent on the unloading process. He too is wearing a white shirt, black trousers and jacket, and black shoes. This is 1933 Melbourne – but the haircut he is sporting is now very “hipster” and modern in 2026 Melbourne. References: MAHOGANY FROM MANILA. (1933, August 15). The Age (Melbourne, Vic. : 1854 - 1954), p. 11. Retrieved January 30, 2026, from http://nla.gov.au/nla.news-article204377024 Wikipedia, Taiping steamer, https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Taiping_(steamer) Wikipedia, Victoria Dock, https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Victoria_Dock_(Melbourne) Docklands News, Ashley Smith, 2 Mar 2022, https://www.docklandsnews.com.au/victoria-dock/ Living Histories: Heritage Council of Victoria, Jill Barnard, 2008, Jetties and Piers, https://livinghistories.net.au/wp-content/uploads/2015/11/Jetties-ONL-intro_Part-1.pdf eMelbourne, Wharves and Docks, https://www.emelbourne.net.au/biogs/EM01612b.htm Australian Academy of Technological Sciences – Harvesting Wood, https://www.austehc.unimelb.edu.au/tia/225.html Old Treasury Building, On the Water – The Docks, https://tinyurl.com/3wkbk66m Old Treasury Building, On The Road, https://tinyurl.com/dw44yr3t Port of Melbourne, Victorian Places, https://www.victorianplaces.com.au/port-of-melbourne Docklands Heritage Study - Environmental History, https://mvga-prod-files.s3.ap-southeast-4.amazonaws.com/public/2024-05/docklands-heritage-review-thematic-environmental-history-1991.pdf eMelbourne, Horses, https://www.emelbourne.net.au/biogs/EM00723b.htm Victorian Clydesdale Horse Society, https://www.clydesdalesvic.org.au/history The Crossing, https://letterboxd.com/film/the-crossing-i/Photographer notations on slide: "Unloading Timber at Wharves 1933 Age B5"ships, shipping, timber industry, shipwrecks, horses, docks, wharves, 1930-1939, wars, docklands

Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerPhotograph crowds gathering on June 16 on the streets of Causeway Bay before an estimated 2 million people take part in march protesting the government's push for extradition laws to China and demanding an apology from the chief executrive Carrie Lam. Nearly 2 million’ people take to streets, forcing public apology from Hong Kong leader Carrie Lam as suspension of controversial extradition bill fails to appease protesters. (https://www.scmp.com/news/hong-kong/politics/article/3014737/nearly-2-million-people-take-streets-forcing-public-apology )carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, protest, protestors

Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerPhotograph of a crowd or protestors against proposed extradition laws gathering on the streets of Causeway Bay, Hong Kong, leading down to the gathering area. carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, protest, protestors

Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerPhotograph of a crowd on the streets of Hong Kong to protest against proposed extradition laws, heading towards Admiralty. carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, protest, protestors, admiralty

Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerCrowds mass on Queens Way in Hong Kong as an estimated 2 million people march in protest at the government's refusal to withdraw a controverisal law allowing people to be extradited to mainland China. Chants demanded the chief executive apologise and the legislation be withdrawn, while many held signs protesting police violence. Nearly 2 million protesters flooded the streets of Hong Kong on Sunday, organisers claimed, delivering a stunning repudiation of Chief Executive Carrie Lam Cheng Yuet-ngor’s governance and forcing a public apology out of the city’s leader over her campaign to bulldoze a controversial extradition bill through the legislature. A day after Lam suspended her push for the bill, expecting it to defuse a crisis that has seen violent clashes between mostly young protesters and police, the centre of Hong Kong was brought to a complete standstill as the masses marched to chastise her for refusing to withdraw the bill or apologise when first asked to, and declaring that nothing short of her resignation would satisfy them now. (https://www.scmp.com/news/hong-kong/politics/article/3014737/nearly-2-million-people-take-streets-forcing-public-apology ) carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, protest, protestors, admiralty

AGOS INFO, Bendigo. Australian Gallery of Sport. Information Pamphlet No. 1 April 1987. Photo of cup awarded to the Sanhurst Football Club for their victory over Bendigo Football Club, 4th July 1883. (Purchased 1987). Extract from Bendigo Advertiser, 4th July 1883 advertising Match between Sandhurst and Bendigo. Admission - Sixpence. Members of Sanhurst & Bendigo Football Clubs and BUCC admitted free on production of tickets. Extract of Bendigo Advertiser, 5th July 1883, FOOTBALL Sandhurst v. Bendigo. (remainder of print too small to read. Sandhurst. Bendigo July 4th 1883 The match played between Sandhurst and Bendigo provides a rare insight into the Australian game at a crucial stage of its development.. . Trophy presented by local jeweler, Mr Joseph Moody. .. Football was relatively weaker in Bendigo than in the comparable city of Ballarat. This can be explained by the high migrant proportion of the Bendigo population, its economic difficulties in the 1880s and by its distance from Melbourne. .. Football overtook cricket by the end of the decade as the most popular sport. .. A regular Saturday competition was played, with matches also played on Wednesdays. These matches were a legacy of the earliest ''scratch'' matches, suggesting a relatively strong union movement which had won concessions for weekend work. Matches started at 3pm. ..The best player on the ground was a contractor and the captain an accountant. .. Transition. The predominance of the ''little mark'' the participation of sometimes frightened junior teams against adults and the division of the game into halves rather than quarters represents an era that has disappeared. Complaints of rough play, poor losers, the problems posed by children. .. An issue, was seen as a blight on the game in 1883. The greatest offender, alleged by ''Drop-Kick'' in The Bendigo Advertiser, was Sheldon of Sandhurst, an ancestor of current day player Ken Sheldon of St Kilda. .. Fundamental issue about the place of sport in society. .. The reason for this is that the Bendigo club was in dispute with the Bendgio Union Cricket Club over control of the Back Creek Ground. If they had been refused the ground, as it was feared, then the whole association would have been forced to disband. Only last minute negotiations resolved the dispute. .. Reflects the values of society, .. Broader conflicts about power and the control of resources within that society. 2000 turned out. The crowd cheered lustily and the players exhibited similar excitement and were urged on by their captains to play up and kick the ball. In the eventual Sanhurst victory, amongst the best players was Edward Cordner, a forerunner of the renowned Cordner family of the Melbourne Football Clubs. Shane Cahill. Sources: Fahey, James C. Wealth and Social Mobility In Bendigo and North Central Victoria, 1868-1891. Mackay, G. The Annals of Bendigo 1868-1891 (Bendigo 1914). Mackay, G. Bendigo The Golden City of the South (Bendigo 1893) Mackay, G. The History of Bendigo (Melbourne 1891). Sandercock, L.. And Turner, I. Up Where Cazaly? The Great Australian Game (St Albans Herts. 1981) Sanhurst Districts' Directory for 1875-6 (Sandhurst 1875) Wise's Victoria Post Office Directory 1884-5 (Melbourne 1886). Australian Gallery Of Sport at the MCG, cnr Joliment St. & Joliment Trc. East Melbourne, Phone 654 8922.clubs and associations, football, agos, agos info, bendigo. australian gallery of sport. information pamphlet no. 1 april 1987. photo cup awarded sanhurst football club for victory bendigo football club, 4th july 1883. (purchased 1987). advertiser, 4th july 1883 match between sandhurst v. bendigo. admission - sixpence. members sanhurst & bendigo football clubs and bucc free. extract, 5th july 1883, football sandhurst v. bendigo. sandhurst. bendigo july 4th 1883 sandhurst and bendigo provides insight into the australian stage development.. . trophy local jeweler, mr joseph moody. .. football weaker in bendigo than in ballarat. explained by the migrant proportion bendigo population, its economic difficulties 1880s distance from melbourne.. football overtook cricket by end decade the popular sport.. saturday competition played, matches also wednesdays. legacy of the earliest ''scratch'' matches, strong union movement concessions for weekend work. matches started at 3pm.. best player on the ground a contractor the captain accountant. .. transition. predominance ''little mark'' participation frightened junior teams adults game halves rather than quarters represents an era disappeared. complaints rough play, poor losers, problems posed children., a blight 1883. offender, ''drop-kick'', sheldon, ancestor ken sheldon of st kilda...bendigo club was in dispute bendgio union cricket club control of the back creek ground. refused, as it was feared, association forced to disband. negotiations resolved dispute..values of society.. conflicts power control resources. 2000 turned out. crowd cheered players exhibited similar excitement captains. edward cordner. cordner family melbourne football clubs. shane cahill. sources: fahey, james c. wealth and social mobility in bendigo and north central victoria, 1868-1891. mackay, g. the annals of bendigo 1868-1891 (bendigo 1914). mackay, g. bendigo the golden city of the south (bendigo 1893) mackay, g. the history of bendigo (melbourne 1891). sandercock, l.. and turner, i. up where cazaly? the great australian game (st albans herts. 1981) sanhurst districts' directory for 1875-6 (sandhurst 1875) wise's victoria post office directory 1884-5 (melbourne 1886). australian gallery of sport at the mcg, cnr joliment st. & joliment trc. east melbourne, phone 654 8922.

The ticket documents a Royal Concert held during the 1963 visit of the British monarch and consort to Australia, organised by the Government of Victoria with the Australian Broadcasting Commission, reflecting its civic and national significance. Hosted at Melbourne’s Sidney Myer Music Bowl, the event required large-scale crowd management, evidenced by the printed access map on the ticket. The named bearer and fixed, non-transferable seating indicate controlled attendance and heightened security appropriate to a royal event.This item has local historic significance for Broadmeadows and Campbellfield, providing primary evidence of major industrial development and civic engagement in Victoria during the 1960s.This item is of historic and social significance as tangible evidence of civic life, monarchy-related public events, and state-organised cultural programming in Victoria during the early 1960s. It documents public engagement with royal visits and the ceremonial relationship between Australia and the British Crown in the mid 20th century.Single sheet of pale pink paper, printed in black ink, folded vertically. The recto contains formal event text and seat information. The verso contains a printed location map and directional diagram.Recto (front): “In the presence/of Her Majesty The Queen and His Royal Highness/The Duke of Edinburgh”/“Royal Concert”/“arranged by/the Government of Victoria”/“in association with the Australian Broadcasting Commission”/“at the Sidney Myer Music Bowl”/“on Sunday, 24th February, 1963”/“at 2.30 o’clock p.m.”/“Admit… Mr C. Mutton” / “This Ticket is issued to the bearer and is not transferable”/“SECTION 3”/“ROW X”/“SEAT 69” Verso (back): “From Linlithgow Ave”/“King George V Memorial”/“Swan St Bridge”/“Alexandra Ave”/“To Sections 2 & 3”/ Hand-applied label: “WI-4242” royal visit, royal concert, 1963, sidney myer music bowl, victoria government, australian broadcasting commission, queen elizabeth ii, duke of edinburgh, melbourne, souvenir, admission ticket, civic ceremony, crowd management, seated allocation, cultural event

Fire at the Cathedral Hotel! Bird’s eye view These firemen on the roof of the Cathedral Hotel are very bold in their approach to firefighting! One heroically aims a firehose at the roof while another holds onto the flagpole with one hand as he walks around the narrow edge, three storeys up! Onlookers from adjacent buildings make the most of their front row view, and The Age reported that on street level, hundreds of people gathered to watch, enthralled by “a thrilling spectacle when three firemen walked along the stone coping on the top floor of the building and, despite the clouds of smoke and sheets of flame which shot through the roof they ripped off the hot slate tiles and provided an outlet for the flames”. The Cathedral Hotel was built in 1883 and demolished in 1966 to make way for the City Square. Featured in "Newsworthy: Melbourne in photographs 1933-1936" exhibition at East Melbourne Library, October to December 2023. Exhibition caption by project volunteer, Louise McKenzie. Photographer notations on slide: "Fire at Cathedral Hotel Swanston St City March 1936 B104" Description: View looking down on roof of the Cathedral Hotel showing 16 firefighters battling a fire. There is smoke coming through the roof. Onlookers watch from adjoining buildings, not perturbed by the proximity of the fire. The firemen look bold and impressive in their brass helmets. Research by project volunteer, Louise McKenzie: The Age reported on 4 March 1936 that the fire broke out in rubbish between the roof space and wooden ceiling of the Cathedral Hotel at 4.30 pm. “The Eastern Hill fire brigade was notified by telephone, and an almost simultaneous call was also received at fire brigade headquarters from a street alarm.” These red fire alarm call boxes were typically installed on street corners, and when the knob was turned, a pulsed electric signal corresponding to the box’s number was received at fire headquarters. A large detachment of firemen with full fire-fighting equipment, including two large extension ladders, were quickly on the scene, pouring vast quantities of water into the hotel, causing several hundred pounds of damage to hotel and guest property, but quickly bringing the fire under control. Lengths of hose had to be carried through the front entrance and up several flights of stairs. On street level hundreds of people gathered to watch, but were controlled by police in order to keep them at a safe distance and ensure that tram and motor traffic was not seriously disorganised. The crowd were enthralled by “a thrilling spectacle when three firemen walked along the stone coping on the top floor of the building and, despite the clouds of smoke and sheets of flame which shot through the roof, they ripped off the hot slate tiles and provided an outlet for the flames”. The firemen are noteworthy for their highly polished brass helmets, known as Merryweather helmets, based on those of French sapeurs-pompiers and introduced to the British Metropolitan Fire Brigade in London in 1868. Metal helmets are conductive, a safety issue as the use of electricity became widespread, so a composite cork and rubber helmet was introduced in London from 1936. In Queensland, traditional brass helmets remained in service until 1970. The firemen are very bold in their actions – one heroically aiming a fire hose at the roof of the building, another holding onto the flagpole with one hand as he walks around the narrow top edge of the roof, three storeys up! The onlookers from adjoining buildings are interested in the spectacle, rather than dismayed by the fire. Lettering around the building exterior reads "Cathedral Hotel - Erected 1883". Prominent signage for “Richardson’s whisky, brandy, gin & rum" sits along the edge of the roof. The Cathedral Hotel was located on the corner of Swanston Street and Flinders Lane. It was built in 1883, and its name derived from St Paul’s Cathedral on the south side of Flinders Lane. It was demolished in 1966 as Melbourne City Council wished to create a City Square. Robyn Annear notes that at the time, the development was referred to as “Whelan’s Square” due to the large number of buildings which needed to be demolished to create the Square. Ironically the Hotel had been the victim of a previous fire in 1917, when its then licensee, also named Whelan, was charged with two failed arson attempts. References: No title (1936, March 4). The Age (Melbourne, Vic. : 1854 - 1954), p. 13. Retrieved February 5, 2024, from http://nla.gov.au/nla.news-article205256255 FIRE AT A CITY HOTEL. (1936, March 4). The Age (Melbourne, Vic. : 1854 - 1954), p. 12. Retrieved February 5, 2024, from http://nla.gov.au/nla.news-article205256231 FIRE IN ROOF OF CITY HOTEL (1936, March 4). The Argus (Melbourne, Vic. : 1848 - 1957), p. 8. Retrieved February 5, 2024, from http://nla.gov.au/nla.news-article11018696 Hotel Roof Fire Draws Crowd (1936, March 4). Examiner (Launceston, Tas. : 1900 - 1954), p. 8 (DAILY). Retrieved February 5, 2024, from http://nla.gov.au/nla.news-article52000751 'Flinders Lane Melbourne 1966', Peter Andrew Barrett, Facebook, 12 June 2020, https://www.facebook.com/120943481324886/photos/a.512123662206864/3025002490918956/?type=3 Fire Alarm Call Box, Wikipedia, https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Fire_alarm_call_box Research notes, 'A city lost and found', Robyn Annear, https://robynannear.com/docs/whelan-the-wrecker-notes.pdfPhotographer notations on slide: "Fire at Cathedral Hotel Swanston St City March 1936 B104".fires, hotels, 1930-1939

Depicts the original quadrangle building, decked out with celebratory flags. A large crowd listens to the dignitaries as the school is officially opened. The English flag can be seen in the crowd.2 copies: 1 copy of a black and white photograph of the original 1867 building mounted on board. 1 laminated copy of photograph. Accompanied by 2 captions. See also: 32.11 - original sepia photograph.Official opening of school from High Tide 1915. Caption 1 reads: In 1914 control passed to the education Department. Buildings were renovated and plans executed for two pre-fabricated buildings as a temporary measure. Caption 2 reads: In 1867 the Williamstown Borough Grammar Achool was situated on the corner of Pasco Street and Verdon Street Williamstown. Back of original sepia photograph: Official opening of the school 1921. (see photograph above.)williamstown high school, 1915, school opening

Set of 8 A4 photocopies of various newspaper articles or letters to the Editor about the introduction of the Metcard ticketing system onto Public transport in Victoria during 1998. .1 - "Revenge fantasies inspired by the ticket machines from hell" - The Age - 16-4-1998 - written by Garry Linnell about ticket machines, passengers, Metcards and ticket inspectors. .2 - :Dangerous Prank" - The Age - 12-6-1998 - about children riding backs of trams and lack of conductors. .3 - "Tram conduct deserves reward" - Herald Sun - 5/6/1998 - about assisting elderly passengers with Metcard. .4 - "Victim of those machines" - The Age - 22/6/1998 - about a man being injured on the tram while trying to buy a ticket from a machine. Also has Tender adverts for a Central Control building for train management - Bayside trains and Redevelopment of Flinders St station - Hillside trains. .5 - "Trouble on the Tracks" - The Age - 14-2-1998, written by Virginia Trioli - re removal of tram conductors, fare evasion and ticket machines. .6 - "A day it was on for young and old on a city tram" - The Age - 13-7-1998 - written by Nicole Brady about loud music on trams. .7 - "Trams roll, crowds boo, Jeff's Jukebox plays on" - The Age - 30-7-1998 - David Austin about ticket machines and issues - notes Sheffield and removal of ticket machines from shelters. .8 - "A sudden stop" - The Age - 3-8-1998 about an accident on a tram.trams, tramways, ptc, metcard, trams, railways, ticket inspectors, conductors, one man trams, accidents, passengers

Radio transcript - 10 foolscap sheets, typed, titled "Wireless address 3LO by Mr Alex Cameron, Chairman MMTB 12 Jan 1930 - 745pm - Our Trams and Safety". Introduction refers to a request from the Safety Council of Australia, about safety around trams. Notes braking systems, tramcar maintenance, Preston Workshops, training, medical examinations, accident statistics, cable trams, more accidents with cable cars, knock downs mainly in the city, step accidents, crowding on trams, passengers knocked down by motor cars, tram stops, safety zones, traffic regulation, motor traffic, motor vehicle licencing, parking, and lane markings. Has a lists of don't for motorists, pedestrians and passengers.trams, tramways, radio stations, accidents, behaviour, driver training, brakes, safety, medical, cable trams, statistics, motor vehicles, traffic control

Newspaper clipping - set of three cuttings - from the Southern Cross, 18/10/1995 titled "Tram in a jam" with a photo of W6 983 outbound in Toorak Road. Looks at the performance of the tram route and the issues of timekeeping, over crowding and traffic. Story by Bruce Atherton, photo Linda Tanner. Quotes Peter Batchelor Opposition transport spokesman, MLA Robert Doyle, and Transport and PTC Spokesman Ray Wilson. Also has quotes from five tram patrons.trams, tramways, route 8, toorak rd, passengers, traffic control, timetables

Photograph 1 shows a line of many decorated north-bound single truck tramcars with drivers at controls stopped behind a ceremonial ribbon as a woman reaches upward to cut it. Crowds of adults and children dressed in heavy coats and hats stand behind and in front of barriers. To the right in a lighter coloured overcoat is the chairman of the Prahran and Malvern Tramways Trust (PMTT), Mr Alexander Cameron. The Malvern Town Hall is shown at left with its clock showing 2.30pm on Friday 30 May 1913, the day before the federal election in which the Labor government was defeated by the Liberal Party by one seat. Federal Parliament sat in Melbourne until 1927. This ceremony officially opened the new double track electric line along Glenferrie Road from the Town Hall at High Street, Malvern to Cotham Road, Kew. Two further ceremonies occurred at Gardeners Creek and Barkers Road, the boundaries between three municipalities. Negotiations between the three municipalities had taken much effort to reach an agreement. At Cotham Road, the track branched west to the Kew Post Office at High Street and east to Burke Road. Services were then provided from both these termini to St Kilda Beach via Glenferrie Road, Hawthorn Road and Balaclava Road. Photograph 2 shows a larger crowd in front of and hanging from an electric tramcar stationary on double track at the corner of Glenferrie Road and Cotham Road, Kew. The 400 guests in fine attire included state government ministers, spouses, local municipal mayors and councillors and the Prahran and Malvern Tramways Trust (PMTT) Board, including Chairman Alexander Cameron, at right in a lighter coloured overcoat. The well dressed woman out front may be Councillor Mrs Wood, the Mayoress of Hawthorn. Yields information about early Glenferrie Road electric line to Kew and PMTT.Two black and white photographs mounted on cardboard with no notes attachedglenferrie road, electric trams, ceremonial ribbon, heavy coats, chairman, pmtt, malvern town hall, 30 may 1913, cotham road, kew, kew post office, burke road, st kilda beach, balaclava road, federal election, hawthorn road, alexander cameron, mayoress of hawthorn, gardeners creek, barkers road, prahran and malvern tramways trust