The Northern District School of Nursing opened in 1950 in to address the issues around nurse recruitment, training and education that had previously been hospital based. The residential school was to provide theoretical and in-house education and practical training over three years. The students would also receive practical hands-on training in the wards of associated hospitals. The Northern District School of Nursing operated from Lister House, Rowan Street, Bendigo. It was the first independent school of nursing in Victoria and continued until it closed in 1989.2 Black and White photos - 1 Nurse sitting 1 Nurse bending forward with medical instrument in her hand. Remaining nurse has syringe in her hand standing at table. Medical instruments and table and bottles in cupboard at back right hand side2 photos both have names and inscriptions on back of photosnurse training, nurses uniform, nursing history

Army Hut erected during building of new School. Black and white photograph of an "Army Hut erected during building of new School. Now functions as 1. PWD Store 2. Demonstration Room 3. Temporary Fruit Preserving Kitchen & Store." E M Gibson315/13army hut, e. m. gibson collection, construction administration building, crts classroom, pwd store, demonstration room, fruit preserving kitchen

The Northern District School of Nursing opened in 1950 in to address the issues around nurse recruitment, training and education that had previously been hospital based. The residential school was to provide theoretical and in-house education and practical training over three years. The students would also receive practical hands-on training in the wards of associated hospitals. The Northern District School of Nursing operated from Lister House, Rowan Street, Bendigo. It was the first independent school of nursing in Victoria and continued until it closed in 1989.B&W photograph of nursing demonstration. Lister House upstairs demonstration room, tutor Betty Miller. Two unnamed student nurses. From "Elmore Standard" Tuesday 22 October 1953. B&W photograph with borders. In the demonstration room Lister House. Tutor Betty Miller. "Elmore Standard" Tuesday 22 October 1953.ndsn, nursing

The Ballarat School of Mines was the first site of Technical Education in Australia. Initially it opened in 1870 and educated miners. Black and white photograph of the interior of the Ballarat School of Mines Physics Laboratory. Numerous pieces of equipment sit on benches. The image in the 1908 Ballarat School of Mines Calendar was title 'Physics Demonstration Room'.ballarat school of mines, laboratory, physics, scientific instruments, science, classroom, education

The Northern District School of Nursing opened in 1950 to address the issues around nurse recruitment, training and education that had previously been hospital based. The residential school was to provide theoretical and in-house education and practical training over three years. The students would also receive practical hands-on training in the wards of associated hospitals. The Northern District School of Nursing operated from Lister House, Rowan Street, Bendigo. It was the first independent school of nursing in Victoria and continued until it closed in 1989.School 64 From L-R: Tutor Mr Goodman, D. Arthur, Sue Tuofey, H. Cail (nee Byrne) in the Senior Demonstration Room. On rear of photo is BCV8 Bendigo, Vic.nurse training, ndsn, lister house, school 64

John Stanley Coltman attended Ballarat College 1913 - 1920; Son of W F Coltman of 208 Clarendon St, Brother of W Lawrie, Owen H & Gwenda. A high achieving student John went on to become Dux of College 1919, School Captain 1920, Captain of cricket 1920, tennis 1918, 1919, 1920, football 1919, 1920, athletics 1919 1920, Stroke of first crew 1919 and 1920. The Coltman Demonstration Room, part of the MacKinnon Wing First Floor, was named in honour of John (1919py) and Owen Coltman (1917). This book was donated back to the school library in 1985. A blackleather bound book with Ballarat College crest embossed in gold on front cover; gold lettering on spine; bookplate fixed to inside of front cover; library plate to right side of end pages;Bookplate: Ballarat College / Awarded to / J S Coltman / Form VIa / Special Prize for service as Prefect (Captain of School) / Pres. by Principal / A S Polson B A / Principal / Christmas 1919ballarat college, john-s-coltman, 1918

John Stanley Coltman attended Ballarat College 1913 - 1920; Son of W F Coltman of 208 Clarendon St, Brother of W Lawrie, Owen H & Gwenda. A high achieving student John went on to become Dux of College 1919, School Captain 1920, Captain of cricket 1920, tennis 1918, 1919, 1920, football 1919, 1920, athletics 1919 1920, Stroke of first crew 1919 and 1920. The Coltman Demonstration Room, part of the MacKinnon Wing First Floor, was named in honour of John (1919py) and Owen Coltman (1917). This book was donated back to the school library in 1985. Dark green leather bound set with Ballarat College crest and borders embossed in gold on front cover; gold lettering on spine; marbled endpages and page edges; bookplate fixed to inside of front cover; library plate to right side of end pages;Bookplate: Ballarat College / Awarded to / J S Coltman / Form VIa / Prize for Dux of College / "Snow" prize / A S M Polson B A / Principal / Christmas 1919ballarat college, john-s-coltman, 1919, dux

Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerPhotograph of a street art poster taken on the streets of Hong Kong during the protests against legislation to allow Hong Kong suspects to be extradited to mainland Chinese carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, poster art, posters

Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerMore than a thousand protestors surround Hong Kong's main police headquarters on Arsenal Street in Wan Chai on June 26th following a peaceful rally at Edinburgh Place in Central. Doors to the complex were barricaded by protestors, who left after a six hour siege in protest at police violence at a prtest held earlier on 12 June 2019. Protesters ended a six-hour siege of Hong Kong’s police headquarters – their second in a week over the now-suspended extradition bill – early on Thursday morning. More than 1,000 were involved at the height of the protest, which began after 10pm on Wednesday. Around 100 were left at the end and dispersed without a fight when officers with riot shields emerged from the building in Wan Chai at 4am on Thursday. After a peaceful rally attended by thousands earlier at Edinburgh Place in the Central business district, hundreds descended on Arsenal Street, blocking the junction with Lockhart Road to all traffic and sealing the entrances to the police base. (https://www.scmp.com/news/hong-kong/politics/article/3016238/hong-kong-police-under-siege-again-protesters-surround )carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, protest, protestors

Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerSeven police officers stand guard in front of Hong Kong's main police headquarters on Arsenal Street in Wan Chai as an estimated one thousand protestors surround on 26 June 2019. Protestors take turns to step up and hurl abuse at the officers, in a protest lasting 6 hours before peacefully dispersing. The protesters chanted 'Release the martyrs' and 'Stop police violence' in reference to violent clashes with police in the days previous. ( https://www.scmp.com/news/hong-kong/politics/article/3016238/hong-kong-police-under-siege-again-protesters-surround)carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, protest, protestors, police, wan chai

Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerPhotograph crowds gathering on June 16 on the streets of Causeway Bay before an estimated 2 million people take part in march protesting the government's push for extradition laws to China and demanding an apology from the chief executrive Carrie Lam. Nearly 2 million’ people take to streets, forcing public apology from Hong Kong leader Carrie Lam as suspension of controversial extradition bill fails to appease protesters. (https://www.scmp.com/news/hong-kong/politics/article/3014737/nearly-2-million-people-take-streets-forcing-public-apology )carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, protest, protestors

Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerPhotograph of a crowd or protestors against proposed extradition laws gathering on the streets of Causeway Bay, Hong Kong, leading down to the gathering area. carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, protest, protestors

Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerPhotograph of a crowd on the streets of Hong Kong to protest against proposed extradition laws, heading towards Admiralty. carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, protest, protestors, admiralty

Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerCrowds mass on Queens Way in Hong Kong as an estimated 2 million people march in protest at the government's refusal to withdraw a controverisal law allowing people to be extradited to mainland China. Chants demanded the chief executive apologise and the legislation be withdrawn, while many held signs protesting police violence. Nearly 2 million protesters flooded the streets of Hong Kong on Sunday, organisers claimed, delivering a stunning repudiation of Chief Executive Carrie Lam Cheng Yuet-ngor’s governance and forcing a public apology out of the city’s leader over her campaign to bulldoze a controversial extradition bill through the legislature. A day after Lam suspended her push for the bill, expecting it to defuse a crisis that has seen violent clashes between mostly young protesters and police, the centre of Hong Kong was brought to a complete standstill as the masses marched to chastise her for refusing to withdraw the bill or apologise when first asked to, and declaring that nothing short of her resignation would satisfy them now. (https://www.scmp.com/news/hong-kong/politics/article/3014737/nearly-2-million-people-take-streets-forcing-public-apology ) carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, protest, protestors, admiralty

This cottage-like dwelling has changed ownership several times since it was first built in the 1850s by local tanner John Pearson. The Living and Learning Centre as we know it today is the product of the energetic, reforming era of the Whitlam Government. Set up by the local council in 1974. Unedited amateur video (filmed by Vivienne?) with some voiceover and chatting with others. Significant VHS tape noise/flicker and colour pulsing. Opens with Living & Learning Centre sign on Main Road and “Open Day Here Today” attached to it. Views of entrance into carpark, dog obedience class demonstration near entrance, leadlight construction display in workshop, basket weaving, face painting, exterior garden landscape with herb garden, brick pottery shed, peppercorn tree, children’s activities, interior views showing artworks of life drawings, general engagement with other people (audio), candle room, pottery, children’s entertainer in garden, wool spinning, some attempts at engagement with Claire Fitzpatrick, Thai Chi demonstration, floral presentations, patchwork, needlepoint, knitting, some interior scenes very dark, weaving, cane basket weaving.VHS Video cassette (poor quality) Converted to MP4 file format 00:31:39; 746MBeltham living and learning centre, open day, dog obedience class, leadlight, basket weaving, face painting, artworks, life drawing, candle room, pottery, wool spinning, claire fitzpatrick, thai chi, patchwork, needlepoint, knitting, weaving, cane basket weaving, main road, eltham, video recording, shire of eltham archives

Poor quality reproduction of photo of Helen Lord. Below, copy of raffle ticket for Bendigo Easter Fair Society 1964, Pall Mall Popular Girl entrant, Miss Helen Lord. On bottom of page , Pall Mall Popular Girl, Miss Helen Lord invites you to attend hair styling demonstration and fashion parade at the Gold Room, City Family Hotel. March 20 1964. Admission 7/6. On back of sheet: poor quality reproduction of photo of 1983 Charity Princess Julie Dempsey.bendigo, bendigo easter fair, charity princess

X-Rays were first discovered on 8 November 1895. By 18 July 1896 staff members of the Ballarat School of Mines (SMB), were experimenting with the exciting new discovery. The history of x-rays began on 8 November 1895 at the University of Wurzburg in Bavaria. The discovery was officially announced on 25 December 1895. The first radiographs in Ballarat were taken at the School of Mines in July 1896 according to the Ballarat School of Mines (SMB) Annual Report. Frederick J. Martell, the Registrar of SMB arranged for the importation of tubes, while John M. Sutherland, an electrician, conducted most of the experiments giving 6 inch, 12 inch and 16 inch sparks respectively. In a short time brilliantly successful results were obtained, with some SMB Roentgen negatives taken at this time still in existence today. Samuel Ernest Figgis, H. R. W. Murphy, D. McDougall, and Frederick J. Martell carried out experiments at the SMB on Saturday evening 18 July 1896, producing 'perfect' negatives of a hand and wrist. A Roentgen Tube and an induction coil giving a two inch spark, the coil being sparked by the SMB's dynamo, were used to obtain these results. The Courier reported that 'the exposure of five minutes was ample' but concluded that 'the length of the exposure will be shortened as experiments proceed.' The Ballarat Courier reported on 20 July 1896 that: "Thanks to the energy of the staff of The School of Mines, Ballarat, and particularly to Messers F.J. Martell and D. McDougall, the assistance of Rontgen X-rays will soon be available, for the relief of suffering humanity, at this institution." Martell was an ardent amateur photographer, and Duncan McDougall's experience as an electrician has enabled the two gentlemen to carry their experiments on to a perfectly successful issue. At first these gentlemen, together with Professor Purdie and Mr W. Huey Steele, conducted a series of experiments by the aid of a Bonetti glass-plate induction machine which had been constructed by Mr McDougall. The results were very good, the various bones of the hand being distinctly visible. The following people were among those who witnessed the first X-ray experiments to be carried out in Ballarat. Andrew Anderson, President of the School of Mines, a large number of ladies and gentlemen, the medical profession Dr Edward Champion (1867-1929) Dr Gerald Eugene Cussen (1888-1943) Dr William Edward Davies (1868-1928) Dr Charles William Henry hardy (1861-1941) Dr Edward Kenneth Herring(1864-1922) Dr Joseph Lalor (1859-1907) Dr James Thomas Mitchell (1856-1945) Dr Edward Graham Ochiltree (1857-1896) Dr Robert Denham Pinnock (1849-1902) Dr Joseph Francis Usher (c1832-1909) Dr Grace Vale (nk-1933). The staff of SMB Professor Alfred Mica Smith Professor D. J. Dawbarn Mr. F. J. Martell. (http://guerin.ballarat.edu.au/aasp/is/library/collections/art_history/honour-roll/honourroll_X-Ray_pioneers.shtml)Two men, one seated, one standing standing in a room with early electrical equipment. They are conducting pioneer X-rays at the Ballarat School of Mines in 1896. Seated on the left is John Waters Sutherland.A bromide of this images states "Experimenting with X-rays, 1896"ballarat school of mines, x-ray, xray, john sutherland, sutherland, electricity, photography, foto, roentgen tube, medical

In September 1989, the Arthritis Foundation of Victoria held an Arthritis Self-Help Course at the Moridalloc Community Health Centre. The course was conducted by Arthritis Foundation of Victoria staff. In attendance was the Minister for Community Services, Victoria, Peter Spyker. In this photo, the Minister stands in position behind a chair, ready to try out some of the chair-based exercises. The event is briefly mentioned in an article titled, "Minister tries arthritis self help". It appears on page 6 of the Vol 2 No 4, November 1989 issue of the Arthritis Foundation of Victoria's quarterly magazine, Arthritis Update.B&W photo of a man standing behind a chair in a large room. He is holding onto the back of the chair with both hands while turning his head to face a long wood-panelled wall. Opposite and facing him, there are four chairs in a row. Pushed up against the wall are five milk crates stacked up on top of one another, a wooden coffee table, a long trestle table, and a radiator. There are various items on the coffee table and trestle table, including a board propped up on a small stool on top of the coffee table. There is a plastic basket beneath the trestle table. There are some cardboard signs with handwritten text on the wall.[On a yellow sticky note, handwritten in blue ink] The Hon. Mr Peter Spyker Minister for Community Services joins in an exercise demonstration at an Arthritis Self Help Course held at Mordialloc CHC in Sept '89; conducted by AFV staffarthritis foundation of victoria, afv, peter spyker, minister for community services, chair-based exercise, self-help course, self management, pain management, mordialloc, community health centre, arthritis update, 1989

In September 1989, the Arthritis Foundation of Victoria held an Arthritis Self-Help Course at the Moridalloc Community Health Centre. The course was conducted by Arthritis Foundation of Victoria staff. In attendance was the Minister for Community Services, Victoria, Peter Spyker. In this photo, the Minister joins a small group of women in trying out some of the chair-based exercises. The event is briefly mentioned in an article titled, "Minister tries arthritis self help". It appears on page 6 of the Vol 2 No 4, November 1989 issue of the Arthritis Foundation of Victoria's quarterly magazine, Arthritis Update.B&W photo of a man standing behind a chair in a large room. He is holding onto the back of the chair with both hands while lifting one leg behind him from the knee. Standing opposite him are four women. They are each standing behind a chair and holding onto the back of the chair with both hands. In the background, there is a window along one wall, and a wood-panelled wall along a perpendicular wall. Beneath the window, there are several stacked chairs. Pushed up against the wood-panelled wall are five milk crates stacked up on top of one another and a wooden coffee table. There are various items on the coffee table, including a board propped up on a small stool (partially obscured).[On a yellow sticky note, handwritten in blue ink] THE HON. MR. PETER SPYKER, MINISTER FOR COMMUNITY SERVICES JOINS IN AN EXERCISE DEMONSTRATION AT AN ARTHRITIS SELF HELP COURSE HELD AT MORDIALLOC C.H.C. (CONDUCTED BY AFV STAFF) 9/89arthritis foundation of victoria, afv, peter spyker, minister for community services, chair-based exercise, self-help course, self management, pain management, mordialloc, community health centre, arthritis update, 1989

In September 1989, the Arthritis Foundation of Victoria held an Arthritis Self-Help Course at the Moridalloc Community Health Centre. The course was conducted by Arthritis Foundation of Victoria staff. In attendance was the Minister for Community Services, Victoria, Peter Spyker. In this photo, the Minister and a small group of women are trying out some chair-based exercises. Standing beside the Minister and facing the women is another man who is giving them instructions. The event is briefly mentioned in an article titled, "Minister tries arthritis self help". It appears on page 6 of the Vol 2 No 4, November 1989 issue of the Arthritis Foundation of Victoria's quarterly magazine, Arthritis Update.B&W photo of a man standing behind a chair in a large room. He is holding onto the back of the chair with both hands while lifting one leg behind him from the knee. Standing opposite him are four women. They are each standing behind a chair and holding onto the back of the chair with both hands. There is another man standing beside him, facing the women and gesticulating with both hands. In the background, there is a window along one wall and a wood-panelled wall along a perpendicular wall. Beneath the window, there are several stacked chairs. Pushed up against the wood-panelled wall are five milk crates stacked up on top of one another and a wooden coffee table. There are various items on the coffee table, including a board propped up on a small stool.[On a yellow sticky note, handwritten in blue ink] THE HON. MR. PETER SPYKER, MINISTER FOR COMMUNITY SERVICES, JOINS IN AN EXERCISE DEMONSTRATION AT AN ARTHRITIS SELF HELP COURSE HELD AT MORDIALLOC C.H.C. (CONDUCTED BY AFV STAFF) 9/89arthritis foundation of victoria, afv, peter spyker, minister for community services, chair-based exercise, self-help course, self management, pain management, mordialloc, community health centre, arthritis update, 1989

A photo of two ladies sewing costumes for an Annual Demonstration, it featured in the July 1954 Newsletter. The caption states 'The sewing room is always a hive of activity. Here most of the costumes are made for the Annual Demonstrations. Mrs E Brown and Mrs M M Livingstone take a turn at the machines.' They are possibly mothers of the junior legatees, though sometimes the wives of legatees also helped. Costumes were extremely elaborate and were often reused in different years. The beautiful costumes were made by members of the Junior Legacy Mothers' Club and the Melbourne Legacy Wives' Association. Throughout the year Melbourne Legacy provided classes for Junior Legatees such as dancing, gymnastics and Eurythmics. The Demonstration was an annual event to showcase their skills. Melbourne Legacy conducted Annual Demonstrations / Parades from 1928 through to the 1980's, usually held at Melbourne Town Hall or Olympic Pool Stadium. A record of the ways costumes were prepared for junior legatees in the Annual Demonstration.Black and white photo of two ladies sewing costumes for an annual demonstration.annual demonstration, costumes, sewing, sewing machines

The Northern District School of Nursing opened in 1950 in to address the issues around nurse recruitment, training and education that had previously been hospital based. The residential school was to provide theoretical and in-house education and practical training over three years. The students would also receive practical hands-on training in the wards of associated hospitals. The Northern District School of Nursing operated from Lister House, Rowan Street, Bendigo. It was the first independent school of nursing in Victoria and continued until it closed in 1989.8592.18 Black and white photo. PTS School 94 two nurses and lecturer in Practice Room, practicing trolley demonstration.School 94 Fran Sheehan and Antoinette Driscolldemonstration, ndsn

A copy of note that was given to donors to thank them for their donations it was sent with their receipt. Was part of a folio of proforma stationery from the 1960s. The flyer gives some information about Legacy House. It mentions the facilities available for the benefit of widows and children. Including two large well equipped gymnasia which are attended by more than 700 junior legatees each week. A dental clinic were Junior Legatees under 17 years of age are able to receive free dental examinations and treatment. Free medical examinations are carried out here too. Meeting rooms for Junior Legacy Mothers' Club and Senior Widows Club (those over 50 years of age). When printed the Senior Widows Club numbered more than 5,200. It mentions room for fetes run by a number of auxiliaries to raise funds. Also a sewing room fitted with 5 electric sewing machines to make costumes for the Annual Demonstration. A well equipped library for use of the Junior Legatees. A ladies lounge and television room where widows may rest when visiting the city. Rooms for speech training and mathematics coaching classes. A maintenance workshop where all sporting and general equipment used by widows and children can be repaired and/or constructed. Sundry committee meeting rooms where members of Legacy meet to consider and find solutions for the many problems which arise in respect of the families they care for. Sundry equipment and costume storerooms. Office accommodation for permanent staff including welfare and pension officers. Was compiled in a folio of proforma stationery. A similar set of proformas are at 00338.A record of forms and items used in Legacy's business practices in the 1960s.Yellow brochure thanking donors and a flyer about Legacy pasted on brown paper from a folio of forms and brochures from the 1960s.Pencil mark '1960/1'.proformas, stationery, forms, dureau house

During National Healthy Bones Week 2003, the Arthritis Foundation of Victoria partnered with MONSU (Monash University Student Union) to present an informative and inspiring event promoting bone health. Titled "Strong Bones, Beautiful Body Breakfast", the event was very well attended. This photo depicts an AFV staff member addressing attendees at the Strong Bones, Beautiful Body Breakfast.COL photo of a large group of people standing around several large tables. One woman is standing in the centre of the frame, near a large freestanding blue and gold banner, some balloons, and a speaker on a tall stand. On top of the tables, there are cups and sauces and other miscellaneous items. In the background, there are several large windows along one wall. In the foreground, there are some balloons to the left of the frame, a Lavazzo branded barrier/room divider in the centre of the frame, and a large circular planter containing several potted plants to the right of the frame.arthritis foundation of victoria, afv, osteoporosis victoria, ov, monsu, monash university student union, national healthy bones week, nhbw, strong bones beautiful body, breakfast, healthy food, healthy diet, bone health, calcium, fractures, seminar, exercise demonstrations, weightlifting, weightlifters, gym, 2003

Gordon William Doak, was one of Sunshine's early known gay activist. He was a linesman, a builder and a Glengala Road Sunshine West resident. He built his two-story home himself including a gymnasium. Soon after his 1973 'coming out', he sold up and purchased a property in Moor St, Fitzroy, digging underground and setting up his own personal gym under the house for himself and his friends, Most people remember, even decades later, was the arrival of Gordon Doak at the Gay demonstration in the City Square, Melbourne. He decided, on hearing about the demonstration, that he wanted to be there. But not for him anything as mundane as catching a train. Rather he decided to run in to the city, and to carry a banner that he made for himself – 2 foot square, black letters on green canvas that read 'I am proud of my homosexuality. Please change the repression against homosexuals and let us live in peace'. As he ran the eight miles through the streets of Sunshine, Tottenham and Footscray,In 2019, the City of Melbourne Council installed this historic 1973 photo of Gordon in the “Yes” room in the Melbourne Town Hall for his historic role in campaigning for LGBTI acceptance.gordon william doak, lgbtqia+, glengala road, sunshine west, st. marks amateur athletic club