During World War II, following the Fall of Singapore in February 1942, the Japanese military detained about 3,000 civilians in Changi Prison, which was built to house only 600 prisoners. The Japanese used the British Army's Selarang Barracks, near the prison, as a prisoner of war camp, holding some 50,000 Allied—predominantly British and Australian—soldiers.[1] Although POWs were rarely, if ever, held in the civilian prison, the name Changi became synonymous in the UK, Australia, and elsewhere with the POW camp. About 850 POWs died during their internment in Changi during the Japanese Occupation of Singapore,[2] a relatively low rate compared to the overall death rate of 27% for POWs in Japanese camps.[3] However, many more prisoners died after being transferred from Changi to various labour camps outside Singapore, including the Burma Railway and the Sandakan airfield.this item is of historical significance because it is supposedly one of the few surving keys to Changi Jail and donated by Mr.Robertson . Changi is significant as it was a major prison camp during WWII Changi Jail Key. Blackened metal key, Wooden tag attached with Japanese print on it. Kanji Characters read Middle Gatechangi, fall of singapore, key, p.o.w.

The photograph is associated with Harry Holmes who was a member of the Australian Imperial Force based in Egypt at the time. Egypt was a major base for the AIF from December 1914. A number of campaigns were fought in this theatre. There were two campaigns involving the AIF. Note that not all the fighting was actually geographically in Egypt. (http://www.aif.adfa.edu.au:8888/about3.html) Image of two uniformed Australian soldiers guarding a temporary gaol at Metra during World War One.Verso: 'Clink or jail at Metra. Gordon [Spittle] in the centre and Jim and George Hobill on guard.chatham family archive, chatham, holmes, world war, world war 1, world war i, world war one, france, hobill, metras, egypt

This photograph was taken of an avenuw of acacias on Sydney Rd, Beechworth. Picture on the left hand-side is a row of Liquidamber trees also known as American storax, hazel pine, bilsted, redgum, satin-walnut, star-leaved gum, alligatorwood, or simply sweetgum. On the right is a row of English Oak trees commonly known as common oak, pedunculate oak, or European oak. Behind the English oaks is Old Beechworth Goal. Many of the trees in the Beechworth township were planted in the 1860's and today have exceptional historical, botanical or cultural value. Their place within the built environment reflects the importance in the Victorian era of town planning for a community, wealthy in gold and civic pride.Black and white rectangular photograph. The image is printed on gloss photographic paper and mounted on cardboard. Obverse: NO INSCRIPTION Reverse: 7760 The old Acacia Avenue alongside the jail. Sydney Road Beechworth Gardens & Parks beechworth, acacia avenue, gaol, sydney road, burke museum, photograph, post card, english oak, liquidambar

Found in a cupboard in the Port Fairy Police station. Presumably used by the Local police for restraining difficult prisoners.An item of significance to the precinct that the museum and archives occupies. A glimpse into the not so pleasant part of being a policeman or prisoner in the late 1800's to early 1900's.Canvas straight jacket with eyelet holes in back for lacing jacket closed appears to have been made by a sailmaker - has patch on left front breast - various brown stainslocal history, essential services, police, restraint, jail, prison

These handcuffs are Darby style handcuffs used in the 19th and 20th century. They are non adjustable, one size fits all. Handcuffs are used as a means of restraint for prisoners in custody. This is on loan to the Beechworth Historic Court House as part of the Robert Simpson policing and legal history collection.Two metal cuffs attached together by a metal ring on each cuff, linked with a swivel in the center to join both ends together. One cuff has a metal key inserted in lock. Key unscrews.Serial number on the end of of the cuff locking cylinder is 21C 243. Serial number RCS 1951 on the second cuff end locking cylinder. One government arrow shaped marking above the numbers. Around the edge of the cylinder end Y shape markings. handcuffs, jail, goal, darby, convicts, beechworth historical court house, prisoners, restraints

These handcuffs are 19th English Handcuffs.These handcuffs used a key screwing lock and were hinged. Handcuffs are used as a means of restraint for prisoners in custody. This is on loan to the Beechworth Historic Court House as part of the Robert Simpson policing and legal history collection.Two metal cuffs attached together by a metal ring on each cuff, linked with a swivel in the center to join both ends together. One cuff has a metal key inserted in lock. Key unscrews.Key Number M 5 on opposite side number XX stamped over 32 Dot engraving around the outside of the rounded top of locking barrels.handcuffs, jail, goal, darby, convicts, beechworth historical court house, prisoners, restraints

These handcuffs are 19th English Handcuffs.These handcuffs used a key screwing lock and were hinged. Handcuffs are used as a means of restraint for prisoners in custody. This is on loan to the Beechworth Historic Court House as part of the Robert Simpson policing and legal history collection.Two metal cuffs attached together by a metal ring on each cuff, linked with a swivel in the center to join both ends together. One cuff has a metal key inserted in lock. Key unscrews. 66 engraved on side of key top and on outside of non keyed cuff Dot engraving around the outside of the rounded tops of locking barrels.handcuffs, jail, goal, darby, convicts, beechworth historical court house, prisoners, restraints, punishment

Leg irons are used as a means of restraint for prisoners in custody. This type of leg iron likely dates to the 19th Century. This is on loan to the Beechworth Historic Court House as part of the Robert Simpson policing and legal history collection. This type of leg iron was used to restrain prisoners during the 19th century. Two rings attached by a 24 linked chain. Each rings are hinged to open out. At the end of each ring is a circular hole.leg irons, metal, prisoner, beechworth historical court house, jail, goal, convicts, restraints, punishment

This item was used by the State Electricity Commission of Victoria in their mess rooms for their workers during the construction of the Kiewa Hydro Electricity Scheme. The imprint of the year "1921" was to identify the year that the SECV was formed and relieved the private VHEC (Victorian Hydro-Electric Company). As the scheme was of such a huge, isolated and time consuming nature the feeding of its workers was quite demanding of cutlery and crockery. The use of sturdy English cups and saucers was essential. The period of construction and the isolation of the Kiewa Valley area placed heavy demand for "solid" crockery that could wear abusive handling. This period in time was one when crockery, whether for domestic or commercial use, was imported from "mother" England. This scenario was more so for governmental bodies such as rail, jails and electricity providers than domestic users. The influx of cheaper Asian crockery had not yet begun.This type of crockery item was used by the thousands of SEC Victorian staff and construction workers involved in the building of the Kiewa Hydro Electricity Scheme, over the extensive period (1938 to 1961). This was a period when Government bodies and other semi- government organisations were still tied to the "establishments" of "mother" England. It was a period in Australia's development when the Asian influence was very weak and the established ties to England and Europe was still very strong. The majority of heavy equipment and machinery was either made in England or Europe. Local/European expertise in dam construction and water management in alpine terrain came from migrants or specially recruited English and Europe specialists. The quality of workmanship from big steel manufacturing plants in England and Europe could not be matched from anywhere else in the developed world.This item is a white ceramic State Electricity Commission Of Victoria saucer (tea /coffee). It is made in England and is of strong and durable ceramic. The bottom cup indent is for either tea or coffee cups of a similar ceramic structure. The 5mm thickness of the ceramic suggests this saucer belongs to a commercial kitchen environment and not domestic. The indent bottom of the saucer is 5mm deep with a side curvature ratio of 2:5. The ceramic is glazed to a commercial standard (worker's mess). See also KVHS 0128 (B to D)The seal of the State Electricity Commission Of Victoria is imprinted on the top inside rim within a curved scroll. Snuggled within the borders of the scroll is a banner with the five stars of the southern cross and an arm with a closed fist projecting from the top with five lightning bolts projecting outwards. On the underside "Vitrified sold by Cafe & Hotel Supplies Pty Ltd Dunn Bennett & Co. Ltd. Burslem Made in England"saucer, plate, secv, state electricity commission of victoria, crockery, mt beauty chalet, bogong mess hall

This item was used by the State Electricity Commission of Victoria in their mess rooms for their workers during the construction of the Kiewa Hydro Electricity Scheme. The imprint of the year "1921" was to identify the year that the SECV was formed and relieved the private VHEC(Victorian Hydro-Electric Company). As the scheme was of such a huge, isolated and time consuming nature the feeding of its workers was quite demanding of cutlery and crockery. The use of sturdy English cups and saucers was essential. The period of construction and the isolation of the Kiewa Valley area placed heavy demand for "solid" crockery that could wear abusive handling. This period in time was one when crockery, whether for domestic or commercial use, was imported from "mother" England. This scenario was more so for governmental bodies such as rail, jails and electricity providers than domestic users. The influx of cheaper Asian crockery had not yet begun.This type of crockery item was used by the thousands of SEC Victorian staff and construction workers involved in the building of the Kiewa Hydro Electricity Scheme, over the extensive period (1938 to 1961). This was a period when Government bodies and other semi- government organisations were still tied to the "establishments" of "mother" England. It was a period in Australia's development when the Asian influence was very weak and the established ties to England and Europe was still very strong. The majority of heavy equipment and machinery was either made in England or Europe. Local/European expertise in dam construction and water management in alpine terrain came from migrants or English and European specialist. The quality of workmanship from big steel manufacturing plants in England and Europe could not be matched from anywhere else in the developed world.This item is a white ceramic saucer (tea /coffee). It is made in England and is of strong and durable ceramic. The bottom cup indent is for either tea or coffee cups of a similar ceramic structure. The 5mm thickness of the ceramic suggests this saucer belongs to a commercial kitchen environment and not domestic. The indent bottom of the saucer is 5mm deep with a side curvature ratio of 2:5. The ceramic is glazed to a commercial standard (worker's mess). See also KVHS 0128 (A,C and D) The seal of the State Electricity Commission Of Victoria is imprinted on the top inside rim within a curved scroll. Snuggled within the borders of the scroll is a banner with the five stars of the southern cross and an arm with a closed fist projecting from the top with five lightning bolts projecting outwards. On the underside "Vitrified sold by Cafe & Hotel Supplies Pty Ltd Dunn Bennett & Co. Ltd. Burslem Made in England"saucer, plate, secv, state electricity commission of victoria, crockery, mt beauty chalet, bogong mess hall

This item was used by the State Electricity Commission of Victoria in their mess rooms for their workers during the construction of the Kiewa Hydro Electricity Scheme. The imprint of the year "1921" was to identify the year that the SECV was formed and relieved the private VHEC (Victorian Hydro-Electric Company). As the scheme was of such a huge, isolated and time consuming nature the feeding of its workers was quite demanding of cutlery and crockery. The use of sturdy English cups and saucers was essential. The period of construction and the isolation of the Kiewa Valley area placed heavy demand for "solid" crockery that could wear abusive handling. This period in time was one when crockery, whether for domestic or commercial use, was imported from "mother" England. This scenario was more so for governmental bodies such as rail, jails and electricity providers than domestic users. The influx of cheaper Asian crockery had not yet begun.This type of crockery item was used by the thousands of SEC Victorian staff and construction workers involved in the building of the Kiewa Hydro Electricity Scheme, over the extensive period (1938 to 1961). This was a period when Government bodies and other semi- government organisations were still tied to the "establishments" of "mother" England. It was a period in Australia's development when the Asian influence was very weak and the established ties to England and Europe was still very strong. The majority of heavy equipment and machinery was either made in England or Europe. Local/European expertise in dam construction and water management in alpine terrain came from migrants and specialist recruited from England and Europe. The quality of workmanship from big steel manufacturing plants in England and Europe could not be matched from anywhere else in the developed world.This item is a white ceramic saucer (tea /coffee). It is made in England and is of strong and durable ceramic. The bottom cup indent is for either tea or coffee cups of a similar ceramic structure. The 5mm thickness of the ceramic suggests this saucer belongs to a commercial kitchen environment and not domestic. The indent bottom of the saucer is 5mm deep with a side curvature ratio of 2:5. The ceramic is glazed to a commercial standard (worker's mess). See also KVHS 0128 ( A,B&D)The seal of the State Electricity Commission Of Victoria is imprinted on the top inside rim within a curved scroll. Snuggled within the borders of the scroll is a banner with the five stars of the southern cross and an arm with a closed fist projecting from the top with five lightning bolts projecting outwards. On the underside "Vitrified sold by Cafe & Hotel Supplies Pty Ltd Dunn Bennett & Co. Ltd. Burslem Made in England"saucer, plate, secv, state electricity commission of victoria, crockery, mt beauty chalet, bogong mess hall

This item was used by the State Electricity Commission of Victoria in their mess rooms for their workers during the construction of the Kiewa Hydro Electricity Scheme. The imprint of the year "1921" was to identify the year that the SECV was formed and relieved the private VHEC (Victorian Hydro-Electric Company). As the scheme was of such a huge, isolated and time consuming nature the feeding of its workers was quite demanding of cutlery and crockery. The use of sturdy English cups and saucers was essential. The period of construction and the isolation of the Kiewa Valley area placed heavy demand for "solid" crockery that could wear abusive handling. This period in time was one when crockery, whether for domestic or commercial use, was imported from "mother" England. This scenario was more so for governmental bodies such as rail, jails and electricity providers than domestic users. The influx of cheaper Asian crockery had not yet begun.This type of crockery item was used by the thousands of SEC Victorian staff and construction workers involved in the building of the Kiewa Hydro Electricity Scheme, over the extensive period (1938 to 1961). This was a period when Government bodies and other semi- government organisations were still tide to the "establishments" of "mother" England. It was a period in Australia's development when the Asian influence was very weak and the established ties to England and Europe was still very strong. The majority of heavy equipment and machinery was either made in England or Europe. Local expertise in dam construction and water management in alpine terrain came from migrants for England and Europe. The quality of workmanship from big steel manufacturing plants in England and Europe could not be matched from anywhere else in the developed world.This item is a white ceramic plate (bread & butter). It is made in England and is of strong and durable ceramic. The bottom of the plate is flat with edges sloping out (to position the bread) and the extended rim is to catch any spillages. The 5mm thickness of the ceramic suggests this plate belongs to a commercial kitchen/eating establishment (mess) and not a domestic dining room. The indent bottom of the plate is 5mm deep with a side curvature ratio of 2:5. The ceramic is glazed to a commercial standard (see KVHS 0128 for its saucer part of a dinner set.The seal of the State Electricity Commission Of Victoria is imprinted on the top inside rim within a curved scroll. Snuggled within the borders of the scroll is a banner with the five stars of the southern cross and an arm with a closed fist projecting from the top with five lightning bolts projecting outwards. On the underside "Vitrified sold by Cafe & Hotel Supplies Pty Ltd Dunn Bennett & Co. Ltd. Burslem Made in England"saucer, plate, secv, state electricity commission of victoria, crockery

This item was used by the State Electricity Commission of Victoria in their mess huts/rooms for their workers during the construction of the Kiewa Hydro Electricity Scheme. The imprint of the year "1921" was to identify the year that the SECV was formed and relieved the private VHEC (Victorian Hydro-Electric Company). As the scheme was of such a huge, isolated and time consuming nature the feeding of its workers was quite demanding of cutlery and crockery. The use of sturdy English cups and saucers was essential. The period of construction and the isolation of the Kiewa Valley area placed heavy demand for "solid" crockery that could wear abusive handling. This period in time was one when crockery, whether for domestic or commercial use, was imported from "mother" England. This scenario was more so for governmental bodies such as rail, jails and electricity providers than domestic users. The influx of cheaper Asian crockery had not yet begun.This type of crockery item was used by the thousands of SEC Victorian staff and construction workers involved in the building of the Kiewa Hydro Electricity Scheme, over the extensive period (1938 to 1961). This was a period when Government bodies and other semi- government organisations were still tied to the "establishments" of "mother" England. It was a period in Australia's development when the Asian influence was very weak and the established ties to England and Europe was still very strong. The majority of heavy equipment and machinery was either made in England or Europe. Local and European expertise in dam construction and water management in alpine terrain came from migrants for England and Europe. The quality of workmanship from big steel manufacturing plants in England and Europe could not be matched from anywhere else in the developed world. These saucers were used in the mess huts including later in the Bogong mess hall and the Mount Beauty Chalet.This item is a white ceramic saucer (tea /coffee). It is made in England and is of strong and durable ceramic. The bottom cup indent is for either tea or coffee cups of a similar ceramic structure. The 5mm thickness of the ceramic suggests this saucer belongs to a commercial kitchen environment and not domestic. The indent bottom of the saucer is 5mm deep with a side curvature ratio of 2:5. The ceramic is glazed to a commercial standard (worker's mess). See also KVHS 0128 (A to C)The seal of the State Electricity Commission Of Victoria is imprinted on the top inside rim within a curved scroll. Snuggled within the borders of the scroll is a banner with the five stars of the southern cross and an arm with a closed fist projecting from the top with five lightning bolts projecting outwards. On the underside "Vitrified sold by Cafe & Hotel Supplies Pty Ltd Dunn Bennett & Co. Ltd. Burslem Made in England"saucer, plate, secv, state electricity commission of victoria, crockery, mt beauty chalet, bogong mess hall

This bowl was used by the State Electricity Commission of Victoria in their mess rooms for their workers during the construction of the Kiewa Hydro Electric Scheme. The imprint of the year "1921" was to identify the year that the SECV was formed which relieved the private VHEC (Victorian Hydro-Electric Company). As the scheme was of such a huge scope, isolated and time consuming nature, the feeding of its workers was quite demanding of cutlery and crockery. The use of sturdy English cups and saucers was essential. The period of construction and the isolation of the Kiewa Valley area placed heavy demand for "solid" crockery that could wear abusive handling. This period in time was one when crockery, whether for domestic or commercial use, was imported from "mother" England. This scenario was more so for governmental bodies such as rail, jails and electricity providers than domestic users. The influx of cheaper Asian crockery had not yet begun.This type of crockery item was used by the thousands of SEC Victorian staff and construction workers involved in the building of the Kiewa Hydro Electricity Scheme, over the extensive period (1938 to 1961). This was a period when Government bodies and other semi- government organisations were still tied to the "establishments" of "mother" England. It was a period in Australia's development when the Asian influence was very weak and the established ties to England and Europe was still very strong. The majority of heavy equipment and machinery was either made in England or Europe. Local/European expertise in dam construction and water management in alpine terrain came from migrants and specialist recruited from England and Europe. The quality of workmanship from big steel manufacturing plants in England and Europe could not be matched from anywhere else in the developed world.This item is a white ceramic State Electricity Commission of Victoria bowl. It is made in England and is of strong and durable ceramic. The 5mm thickness of the ceramic suggests this bowl (cereal/soup) belongs to a commercial kitchen environment and not domestic. The indent bottom of the bowl is 5mm deep with a side curvature ratio of 2:5. The ceramic is glazed to a commercial standard (worker's mess). See also KVHS 0128 (B to D) for other ceramic crockery. The seal of the State Electricity Commission of Victoria is imprinted on the top outside rim within a curved scroll and a raised fist with electrical "charges" extending out.. Snuggled within the borders of the scroll is a banner with the five stars of the Southern Cross . On the underside "Vitrified sold by Cafe & Hotel Supplies Pty Ltd Dunn Bennett & Co. Ltd. Burslem Made in England"ceramic crockery, plate, secv, state electricity commission of victoria, crockery, mt beauty chalet, bogong mess hall

This portable lock up is not original to the site. The date of construction is unknown. It is a pre-fabricated design and each of the timber panels are individually numbered on the inside surfaces. It is amongst a large group of portable locks up, categorised as 'Portable Lock Up - Timber - Later' and also known as the "Casterton style", based on the only known plan for portable lock ups, built for the Casterton Police Station, in 1907. The later portables have been in use since the 1880s. It is not known how many lock ups of this type have been constructed in Victoria. At least 50 examples have been documented around the state. Of these, 42 are known to be extant. This lockup used to be located at the Police Station in Pryor Street and was then stored in Youth Road before being acquired for the Local History Centre in 2001. Lock-up No. 17 taken on the ocassion of the opening of the newly refurbished Eltham Local History Centre Open Day, 4 March 2017, Celebrating 50 years of the Society 1967-2017.Born Digitalactivities, eltham district historical society, local history centre, main road, eltham, 50th anniversary, open day, lock up, lock-up, gaol, jail

Kees HOS In 1956 Kees and his wife Tina made a new life with their two children in the arts community of New Zealand. In Australia Kees established the art school at Gippsland College of Advanced Education in 1971 with a radical multidisciplinary approach to art education. He generously delivered encouragement and opportunities to many people including lecturers, visiting artists and students. His small team literally built an art school from zero. Temporary accommodation in an old factory and service station in Morwell moved to three student-built studios on the Gippsland Campus. His highest recognition was 1997 when the names of Kees and Albertine Hos were added to the Wall of Honour in the Garden of the Righteous at Yad Vasheem in Jerusalem along with many others who put their lives on the line against the biggest killing machine the world had known. The ‘hiding-place’ in Kees and Tina’s home was discovered but Tina managed to rescue a baby as her own while the Jewish parents were transported to Auschwitz and Dachau. Kees was on the run using his printmaking skills to forge passports but was eventually captured and jailed, the war’s end saving his life. Gippsland Director's Collection, Acquired 1973.Signed and dated lower right in pencil "Kees Hos '64"artist, artwork, kees hos, gippsland campus, gippsland director's collection, printmaking, wall of honour in the garden of the righteous

The Easter Uprising took place in April 1916 in Dublin and is one of the pivotal events in modern Irish history. At the end of the Easter Uprising, 15 men identified as leaders were executed at Kilmainham Jail. To some, these men were traitors, to others they became heroes. (http://www.historylearningsite.co.uk/1916_easter_rising.htm, accessed 16 April 2014) Organised by seven members of the Military Council of the Irish Republican Brotherhood,[3] the Rising began on Easter Monday, 24 April 1916, and lasted for six days. Members of the Irish Volunteers — led by schoolmaster and Irish language activist Patrick Pearse, joined by the smaller Irish Citizen Army of James Connolly, along with 200 members of Cumann na mBan — seized key locations in Dublin and proclaimed the Irish Republic independent of the United Kingdom. There were some actions in other parts of Ireland: however, except for the attack on the Royal Irish Constabulary barracks at Ashbourne, County Meath, they were minor. With vastly superior numbers and the use of artillery, the British army quickly suppressed the Rising, and Pearse agreed to an unconditional surrender on Saturday 29 April. Most of the leaders were executed following courts-martial, but the Rising succeeded in bringing physical force republicanism back to the forefront of Irish politics. (http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Easter_Rising, accessed 16/04/2014) Sackville Street Dublin is now known a O'Connell Street.Seven black and white postcards showing photographic scenes before and after the Rising in Dublin.chatham family archive, chatham, holmes, ireland, dublin, uprising, sackville street, o'connell bridge, citizen army, liberty hall, henry street, nelson's pillar, post office, arnott's, abbey street, ruins, hotel metropole, the rising, easter uprising, easter rebellion, o'connell, chatham family archive, chatham, holmes, ireland, dublin, uprising, sackville street, o'connell bridge, citizen army, liberty hall, henry street, nelson's pillar, post office, arnott's, abbey street, ruins, hotel metropole, the rising, easter uprising, easter rebellion, o'connell

Ryan was an Irish politician. He was elected to the First Dáil at the 1918 general election and, apart from the Third Dáil (1922–1923), held his seat for Wexford until his retirement at the 1965 general election. During his long career he served as Minister for Agriculture (1932–1947), Minister for Health and Social Welfare (1947–1948 and 1951–1954) and Minister for Finance (1957–1965). (Wikipedia) While studying at university in 1913 Ryan became a founder-member of the Irish Volunteers and was sworn into the Irish Republican Brotherhood the following year. During the Easter Rising in 1916 Ryan was the medical officer in the General Post Office (GPO). He was, along with James Connolly, one of the last people to leave the GPO when the evacuation took place. Following the surrender of the patriots Ryan was deported to Stafford Jail in England and subsequently at Frongoch. He was released in August 1916. Ryan rejoined the Volunteers immediately after his release from prison, and in June 1917 he was elected Commandant of the Wexford Battalion. His political career began the following year when he was elected as a Sinn Féin candidate for the constituency of Wexford South in the 1918 general election. Like his fellow Sinn Féin MPs Ryan refused to attend the Westminster Parliament. Instead he attended the proceedings of the First Dáil on 21 January 1919. As the War of Independence went on Ryan became Brigade Commandant of South Wexford and was also elected to Wexford County Council, serving as chairman on one occasion. In September 1919 he was arrested by the British and interned on Spike Island and later Beare Island until he was released after the truce with the other TDs to attend the deliberations of the Dáil concerning the Anglo-Irish Treaty which he voted against. Ryan was later imprisoned again during the subsequent Civil War, however, while interned he won back his Dáil seat as an abstentionist Sinn Féin TD at the 1923 general election. (Wikipedia)Image of a bearded man known as James Ryan.

Parnell was an Irish nationalist and statesman who led the fight for Irish Home Rule in the 1880s. Charles Stewart Parnell was born on 27 June 1846 in County Wicklow into a family of Anglo-Irish Protestant landowners. He studied at Cambridge University and was elected to parliament in 1875 as a member of the Home Rule League (later re-named by Parnell the Irish Parliamentary Party). His abilities soon became evident. In 1878, Parnell became an active opponent of the Irish land laws, believing their reform should be the first step on the road to Home Rule. In 1879, Parnell was elected president of the newly founded National Land League and the following year he visited the United States to gain both funds and support for land reform. In the 1880 election, he supported the Liberal leader William Gladstone, but when Gladstone's Land Act of 1881 fell short of expectations, he joined the opposition. By now he had become the accepted leader of the Irish nationalist movement. Parnell now encouraged boycott as a means of influencing landlords and land agents, and as a result he was sent to jail and the Land League was suppressed. From Kilmainham prison he called on Irish peasants to stop paying rent. In March 1882, he negotiated an agreement with Gladstone - the Kilmainham Treaty - in which he urged his followers to avoid violence. But this peaceful policy was severely challenged by the murder in May 1882 of two senior British officials in Phoenix Park in Dublin by members of an Irish terrorist group. Parnell condemned the murders. In 1886, Parnell joined with the Liberals to defeat Lord Salisbury's Conservative government. Gladstone became prime minister and introduced the first Irish Home Rule Bill. Parnell believed it was flawed but said he was prepared to vote for it. The Bill split the Liberal Party and was defeated in the House of Commons. Gladstone's government fell soon afterwards.(http://www.bbc.co.uk/history/historic_figures/parnell_charles.shtml, accessed 21 January 2014) The Irish National Land League (Irish: Conradh na Talún) was an Irish political organisation of the late 19th century which sought to help poor tenant farmers. Its primary aim was to abolish landlordism in Ireland and enable tenant farmers to own the land they worked on. The period of the Land League's agitation is known as the Land War. Within decades of the league's foundation, through the efforts of William O'Brien and George Wyndham (a descendant of Lord Edward FitzGerald), the 1902 Land Conference produced the Land (Purchase) Act 1903 which allowed Irish tenant farmers buy out their freeholds with UK government loans over 68 years through the Land Commission (an arrangement that has never been possible in Britain itself). For agricultural labourers, D.D. Sheehan and the Irish Land and Labour Association secured their demands from the Liberal government elected in 1905 to pass the Labourers (Ireland) Act 1906, and the Labourers (Ireland) Act 1911, which paid County Councils to build over 40,000 new rural cottages, each on an acre of land. By 1914, 75% of occupiers were buying out their landlords, mostly under the two Acts. In all, under the pre-UK Land Acts over 316,000 tenants purchased their holdings amounting to 15 million acres (61,000 km2) out of a total of 20 million acres (81,000 km2) in the country. Sometimes the holdings were described as "uneconomic", but the overall sense of social justice was undeniable. (http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Irish_National_Land_League, accessed 21 January 2014) The Irish National Land League was founded at the Imperial Hotel in Castlebar, the County town of Mayo, on 21 October 1879. At that meeting Charles Stewart Parnell was elected president of the league. Andrew Kettle, Michael Davitt, and Thomas Brennan were appointed as honorary secretaries. This united practically all the different strands of land agitation and tenant rights movements under a single organisation. The two aims of the Land League, as stated in the resolutions adopted in the meeting, were: ...first, to bring out a reduction of rack-rents; second, to facilitate the obtaining of the ownership of the soil by the occupiers. That the object of the League can be best attained by promoting organisation among the tenant-farmers; by defending those who may be threatened with eviction for refusing to pay unjust rents; by facilitating the working of the Bright clauses of the Irish Land Act during the winter; and by obtaining such reforms in the laws relating to land as will enable every tenant to become owner of his holding by paying a fair rent for a limited number of years. Charles Stewart Parnell, John Dillon, Michael Davitt, and others including Cal Lynn then went to America to raise funds for the League with spectacular results. Branches were also set up in Scotland, where the Crofters Party imitated the League and secured a reforming Act in 1886. The government had introduced the first ineffective Land Act in 1870, then the equally inadequate Acts of 1880 and 1881 followed. These established a Land Commission that started to reduce some rents. Parnell together with all of his party lieutenants, including Father Eugene Sheehy known as "the Land League priest", went into a bitter verbal offensive and were imprisoned in October 1881 under the Irish Coercion Act in Kilmainham Jail for "sabotaging the Land Act", from where the No-Rent Manifesto was issued, calling for a national tenant farmer rent strike which was partially followed. Although the League discouraged violence, agrarian crimes increased widely. Typically a rent strike would be followed by evictions by the police, or those tenants paying rent would be subject to a local boycott by League members. Where cases went to court, witnesses would change their stories, resulting in an unworkable legal system. This in turn led on to stronger criminal laws being passed that were described by the League as "Coercion Acts". The bitterness that developed helped Parnell later in his Home Rule campaign. Davitt's views were much more extreme, seeking to nationalise all land, as seen in his famous slogan: "The land of Ireland for the people of Ireland". Parnell aimed to harness the emotive element, but he and his party preferred for tenant farmers to become freeholders on the land they rented, instead of land being vested in "the people".(http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Irish_National_Land_League, accessed 21 January 2014)Image of bearded man known as Charles Stewart Parnellballarat irish, parnell, charles parnell, home rule

Field Marshal Viscount Kitchener of Great Britain was invited by Prime Minister Deakin in 1909 to visit Australia and advise on the best way to provide Australia with a land defence. Kitchener’s report echoed the bill, introduced to Parliament in 1909 and supported by the Opposition Labor Party at its 1908 conference, to introduce compulsory military training in peace time (referred to as universal training). On 1 January 1911, the Commonwealth Defence Act 1911 (Cth) was passed as law and all males aged 12 to 26 were required to receive military training. Men were divided according to age, with junior cadets comprising boys 12-14 years of age, senior cadets comprising boys 14-18, and young men aged 18-26 assigned to the home militia defence. The support of schools was vital to the success of the scheme, since the system of cadet training began in the primary schools, with physical training prescribed by military authorities. Junior cadet training was entirely in the hands of school teachers, who had first been trained by military officers. This early training was less military in nature than focused on physical drill and sport. It also acted to inculcate boys with the notions of loyalty to country and empire. At this age, uniforms were not worn, although there were schools with pre-existing uniformed cadet units, who continued to do so. Senior Cadets were organised by Training Areas, administered by Area Officers. If a school had at least 60 senior cadets, they could form their own units. Unlike their junior counterparts, Senior Cadets were issued uniforms, a rifle, and learned the foundations necessary for service in any arm of the defence forces. Boys and men could be exempted from compulsory training if they lived more than five miles from the nearest training site, or were passed medically unfit. Those who failed to register for training were punished with fines or jail sentences, and the severity of this punishment generated some of the strongest opposition to the scheme. While institutions such as the political parties and most churches generally supported universal training, some in the broader labour movement were less enthusiastic, as evidenced in the Daily Herald newspaper’s editorials and letters. Universal military training persisted after the conclusion of World War 1, with the Junior Cadet scheme the first to go, in 1922. Senior cadets and service with the militia was suspended in November 1929. (http://guides.slsa.sa.gov.au/content.php?pid=575383&sid=4788359, accessed 29/10/2015) According to Neil Leckie, Manager of the Ballarat Ranger Military Museum: * Originally 12 – 14 year olds went to Junior Cadets attached to their school. * From age 14 – 17 they were Senior Cadets attached to the local militia unit. * After 1 July of the year a Cadet turned 18, the Cadet left the Senior Cadets and became a member of the Citizen Military Force. * In October 1918 the AIF, Militia and Cadets were renamed to give some connection to the AIF battalion raised in the area. Ballarat saw: 8th Australian Infantry Regiment comprising: * 8th Battalion AIF renamed 1st Battalion 8th Australian Infantry Regiment * 70th Infantry Militia renamed 2nd Battalion 8th Australian Infantry Regiment * 70th Infantry Cadets renamed 3rd B, 8th Australian Infantry. 39th Australian Infantry Regiment comprising: * 39th Battalion AIF renamed 1st Battalion 39th Australian Regiment * 71st Infantry Militia renamed 2nd Bn, 39th Australian Infantry Regiment * 71st Infantry Cadets renamed 3rd Bn, 39th Australian Infantry Regiment Prior to the reorganisation in 1918 the 18th Brigade was the 70th, 71st and 73rd Infantry. It is thought that the 18th Brigade Cadet units in 1920 were those that came from the old: * 69th Infantry (Geelong/Queenscliff) * 70th Infantry (Ballarat/Colac) * 71st Infantry (Ballarat West) * 72nd Infantry Warrnambool) * 73rd Infantry (NW Vic) The next name change came in 1921!Mounted sepia photograph of 21 young males. They are the Ballarat School of Mines Cadets on a training camp at Lake Learmonth. Back row left to right: Harold Wakeling; ? ; T. Wasley; H. Witter; H.V. Maddison (staff); Lieutenant S.J. Proctor, Joe ? ; ? ; B.C. Burrows. Centre left to right: Howard Beanland; ? ; F.N. Gibbs; H. Siemering; P. Riley; ? : E. Adamthwaite. Front row left to right: Albert E. Williams; Francis Davis (RAAF Dec.); A. Miller; W. Shattock; T. Rees From the Ballarat School of Mines Magazine, 1916 "Our Competition Team, 1916 At a parade, held on the 25th August competition teams were called from from the three colleges - Ballarat College, St Patrick's College, and the School of Mines. In each case, a large muster was obtained, twenty-nine volunteering fro the School of Mines. On account of the number in a team being limited to 21, some had to be weeded out. The team decided to have a camp at Learmonth in the vacation for the benefit of training for the coming competitions. The tents, within our baggage, were brought to the Junior Technical School at 10 a.m. on Monday, 11 September. Everything was carted to the station on a lorry, which was very kindly lent by Mr C. Burrow. ... Arriving at our camp, which was in the Park, we first raised the tents. This was done in record time. Three large tents, A.B.C., were pitched one behind the other. We also pitched a smaller one to act as a provisions tent. The provisions supplied by each cadet were placed in this tent. Dinner was ready by 3.30, and was prepared by the three senior non-coms., who also acted as orderlies. Things went alright Monday night, the two senior non-coms. acting as sentries for the first two hours. On Tuesday morning Reville sounded at 7. There was no need for it, however, as nearly all the cadets were up before daylight, owing to their beds being too hard. After physical exercises were gone through we had breakfast. We then had rifle exercises until Messrs A.W. Steane and F.N. King arrived. The former put the team through the table of physical exercises set down for competition work, many valuable points being obtained. The visitors remained for dinner, afterwards returning to Ballarat. Wednesday was uneventful, until the soldiers arrived at about 11 a.m., stopping at the park for lunch. As we handed over the coppers, etc., to them, our lunch was delayed. Two more visitors arrived after lunch, and after taking a few photos returned home. That night we had a "Sing-a-long" in C Tent until "Lights out" sounded at 9.30. After physical exercises ad breakfast on Thursday, we went for a six mile route march round the lake, doing skirmishing on the way. In the afternoon we practised rifle exercises and the march past. A concert was arranged for that night, the chief singers being cadets H. Siemering and W. Shattock. Supper was served at the end of the entertainment. On Friday, Reveille sounded at 6.30 instead of 7, and, as usual, we had physical exercises before breakfast, after which the team went through skirmishing at the reserve. In the afternoon, section drill and the march past were practised. Friday night, being our last night in camp, leave was granted until 10 p.m., "lights out" sounding at 11. Reveille sounded on Saturday at 4.30, the reason being that all kits, tents, etc., had to be packed away ready to catch the 8.15 train to Balalrat. At 7.30 we were all ready to leave for the station. We had a very enjoyable time in the train, each cadet having a chip in at the patriotic songs. On arriving at Ballarat, we found the lorry awaiting us. The luggage was carted to the Junior Technical School, the team following. The team were here dismissed, everyone feeling that he had had a very good time. F.G. Davis"Written in ink on front 'cadet camp at Lake Wendouree about 1916. Training for South Street Competitions. ballarat school of mines, cadets, ballarat school of mines cadets, lake learmonth, world war one, boomerang, camp, cadet camp, h.g. wakeling, harold wakeling, f.g. davis, albert w. steane, f.n. king, h. siermering, w. shattock, francis davis, harold wakeling, t. wasley, h. witter, h.v. maddison, s.j. proctor, b.c. burrows, howard beanland, f.n. gibbs, h. siemering, p. riley, e. adamthwaite, albert e. williams; francis davis, a. miller, w. shattock, t. rees, photography, foto

The Irish National Land League (Irish: Conradh na Talún) was an Irish political organisation of the late 19th century which sought to help poor tenant farmers. Its primary aim was to abolish landlordism in Ireland and enable tenant farmers to own the land they worked on. The period of the Land League's agitation is known as the Land War. Within decades of the league's foundation, through the efforts of William O'Brien and George Wyndham (a descendant of Lord Edward FitzGerald), the 1902 Land Conference produced the Land (Purchase) Act 1903 which allowed Irish tenant farmers buy out their freeholds with UK government loans over 68 years through the Land Commission (an arrangement that has never been possible in Britain itself). For agricultural labourers, D.D. Sheehan and the Irish Land and Labour Association secured their demands from the Liberal government elected in 1905 to pass the Labourers (Ireland) Act 1906, and the Labourers (Ireland) Act 1911, which paid County Councils to build over 40,000 new rural cottages, each on an acre of land. By 1914, 75% of occupiers were buying out their landlords, mostly under the two Acts. In all, under the pre-UK Land Acts over 316,000 tenants purchased their holdings amounting to 15 million acres (61,000 km2) out of a total of 20 million acres (81,000 km2) in the country. Sometimes the holdings were described as "uneconomic", but the overall sense of social justice was undeniable. (http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Irish_National_Land_League, accessed 21 January 2014) The Irish National Land League was founded at the Imperial Hotel in Castlebar, the County town of Mayo, on 21 October 1879. At that meeting Charles Stewart Parnell was elected president of the league. Andrew Kettle, Michael Davitt, and Thomas Brennan were appointed as honorary secretaries. This united practically all the different strands of land agitation and tenant rights movements under a single organisation. The two aims of the Land League, as stated in the resolutions adopted in the meeting, were: ...first, to bring out a reduction of rack-rents; second, to facilitate the obtaining of the ownership of the soil by the occupiers. That the object of the League can be best attained by promoting organisation among the tenant-farmers; by defending those who may be threatened with eviction for refusing to pay unjust rents; by facilitating the working of the Bright clauses of the Irish Land Act during the winter; and by obtaining such reforms in the laws relating to land as will enable every tenant to become owner of his holding by paying a fair rent for a limited number of years. Charles Stewart Parnell, John Dillon, Michael Davitt, and others including Cal Lynn then went to America to raise funds for the League with spectacular results. Branches were also set up in Scotland, where the Crofters Party imitated the League and secured a reforming Act in 1886. The government had introduced the first ineffective Land Act in 1870, then the equally inadequate Acts of 1880 and 1881 followed. These established a Land Commission that started to reduce some rents. Parnell together with all of his party lieutenants, including Father Eugene Sheehy known as "the Land League priest", went into a bitter verbal offensive and were imprisoned in October 1881 under the Irish Coercion Act in Kilmainham Jail for "sabotaging the Land Act", from where the No-Rent Manifesto was issued, calling for a national tenant farmer rent strike which was partially followed. Although the League discouraged violence, agrarian crimes increased widely. Typically a rent strike would be followed by evictions by the police, or those tenants paying rent would be subject to a local boycott by League members. Where cases went to court, witnesses would change their stories, resulting in an unworkable legal system. This in turn led on to stronger criminal laws being passed that were described by the League as "Coercion Acts". The bitterness that developed helped Parnell later in his Home Rule campaign. Davitt's views were much more extreme, seeking to nationalise all land, as seen in his famous slogan: "The land of Ireland for the people of Ireland". Parnell aimed to harness the emotive element, but he and his party preferred for tenant farmers to become freeholders on the land they rented, instead of land being vested in "the people".(http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Irish_National_Land_League, accessed 21 January 2014)Image of a number of men sitting around a table. They are members of the Land League Committee during a meeting in Dublin.ballarat irish, land league, land league committee, dublin

Daniel O’Connell was born near Cahirciveen, Co. Kerry, on 6 August 1775. His wealthy childless uncle adopted him at an early age and brought him up at Derrynane. He spoke Irish and was interested in the traditional culture of song and story still strong in Kerry at the time. He also understood how the rural mind worked which served him well in later years. In 1791 he was sent to school at St. Omer and Douai and what he saw there of the French Revolution left him with a life-long hatred of violence. He read law at Lincoln’s Inn (1794 -96) and continued his studies in Dublin where he was called to bar in 1798. He had soon built up an enormous practice. The 1798 rising and the terrible butchery that followed it confirmed his horror of violence. While he approved of the principles of the United Irishmen, their call for reform and for Catholic Emancipation, he disagreed with their methods. In 1815 O’Connell criticised harshly the Dublin corporation. O’Connell was challenged to a duel by one member D’Esterre. In the exchange of shots D’Esterre was killed and O’Connell vowed never to fight again. O’Connell was soon drawn into political action. Hopes of Catholic emancipation had been raised by promises given while the act of union was being passed. In 1823, O’Connell founded the Catholic Association. The aim of the organisation was to use all the legal means available to secure emancipation. It turned into a mass crusade with the support of the Catholic clergy. All members of the association paid a membership of a penny a month (the Catholic rent). This helped to raise a large fund. The Clare election in 1828 was a turning point. O’Connell, with the support of the forty-shilling freeholders, managed a huge victory against the government candidate. He was well supported by the clergy whose influence on the poor uneducated peasant class was enormous. The polling took place in Ennis at the old courthouse where the O’Connell monument now stands. At the final count, O’Connell was elected by a majority of about eleven hundred votes. The ascendancy party had suffered its first big knock since 1798. The whole country was aflame. The British Government feared a rising and granted Catholic emancipation in April 1829. The franchise was, however, raised to 10 pounds which excluded the forty-shilling freeholders. O’Connell was now the undisputed leader in Ireland and he gave up his practice at the bar to devote his time entirely to politics. At the King’s insistence, O’Connell was not allowed to take his seat until he had been re-elected for Clare. In February 1830, O’Connell became the first Catholic in modern history to sit in the House of Commons. For the rest of his life, he was supported by “The O’Connell Tribute”, a public collection out of which O’Connell paid all his expenses. O’Connell now decided to concentrate on winning repeal of the act of union and getting an Irish parliament for the Irish people. British political leaders feared repeal as they did not fear emancipation. They saw repeal of the Act of Union as the first step in the break-up of the act of union, as the spirit of the repeal movement was revived when the young Ireland writers wrote about it in the Nation. In 1841, O’Connell was elected Lord Mayor of Dublin and in 1843 the subscriptions to his Repeal Association, the Repeal “Rent” came to 48,400 pounds. He now began to organise monster meetings throughout the country. It is thought that three-quarters of a million people gathered on the hill of Tara to hear the man they called the “Liberator”. The government became alarmed at the strength of the Repeal Movement and a meeting which O’Connell had planned for 8 October 1843 in Clontarf, Dublin was banned. Huge crowds were already on their way when O’Connell called off the meeting to avoid the risk of violence and bloodshed. He was charged with conspiracy, arrested and sentenced to a year in jail and a fine of 2,000 pounds. The sentence was set aside after O’Connell had been three months in prison. When he was released he continued with his campaign for repeal. However, a turning point had been reached. The tactics that had won emancipation had failed. O’Connell was now almost seventy, his health failing and he had no clear plan for future action. There was discontent within the Repeal Association and the Young Irelanders withdrew. There was also some failure in the potato crop in the 1840’s, a sign of things to come in the Great Famine of 1845-1847. Aware of the fact that he had failed with his great goal, (the Repeal Movement), O’Connell left Ireland for the last time in January 1847. He made a touching speech in the House of Commons in which he appealed for aid for his country. In March, acting on the advice of his doctor, he set out to Italy. Following his death in Genoa on 15 May 1847, his body was returned to Ireland and buried in Glasnevin Cemetery. [http://www.clarelibrary.ie/eolas/coclare/people/daniel.htm, accessed 13/12/2013]Portrait of a man known as Daniel O'Connell.ballarat irish, daniel o'connell, o'connell

Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerPhotograph of a street art poster taken on the streets of Hong Kong during the protests against legislation to allow Hong Kong suspects to be extradited to mainland Chinese carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, poster art, posters

Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerMore than a thousand protestors surround Hong Kong's main police headquarters on Arsenal Street in Wan Chai on June 26th following a peaceful rally at Edinburgh Place in Central. Doors to the complex were barricaded by protestors, who left after a six hour siege in protest at police violence at a prtest held earlier on 12 June 2019. Protesters ended a six-hour siege of Hong Kong’s police headquarters – their second in a week over the now-suspended extradition bill – early on Thursday morning. More than 1,000 were involved at the height of the protest, which began after 10pm on Wednesday. Around 100 were left at the end and dispersed without a fight when officers with riot shields emerged from the building in Wan Chai at 4am on Thursday. After a peaceful rally attended by thousands earlier at Edinburgh Place in the Central business district, hundreds descended on Arsenal Street, blocking the junction with Lockhart Road to all traffic and sealing the entrances to the police base. (https://www.scmp.com/news/hong-kong/politics/article/3016238/hong-kong-police-under-siege-again-protesters-surround )carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, protest, protestors

Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerSeven police officers stand guard in front of Hong Kong's main police headquarters on Arsenal Street in Wan Chai as an estimated one thousand protestors surround on 26 June 2019. Protestors take turns to step up and hurl abuse at the officers, in a protest lasting 6 hours before peacefully dispersing. The protesters chanted 'Release the martyrs' and 'Stop police violence' in reference to violent clashes with police in the days previous. ( https://www.scmp.com/news/hong-kong/politics/article/3016238/hong-kong-police-under-siege-again-protesters-surround)carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, protest, protestors, police, wan chai

Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerPhotograph crowds gathering on June 16 on the streets of Causeway Bay before an estimated 2 million people take part in march protesting the government's push for extradition laws to China and demanding an apology from the chief executrive Carrie Lam. Nearly 2 million’ people take to streets, forcing public apology from Hong Kong leader Carrie Lam as suspension of controversial extradition bill fails to appease protesters. (https://www.scmp.com/news/hong-kong/politics/article/3014737/nearly-2-million-people-take-streets-forcing-public-apology )carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, protest, protestors

Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerPhotograph of a crowd or protestors against proposed extradition laws gathering on the streets of Causeway Bay, Hong Kong, leading down to the gathering area. carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, protest, protestors

Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerPhotograph of a crowd on the streets of Hong Kong to protest against proposed extradition laws, heading towards Admiralty. carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, protest, protestors, admiralty