One page document with the Order of Ceremony for the Court of Appeal Ceremonial Sitting at the new Bendigo Supreme Court Victoria in Mundy Street. Held at the new Bendigo Law Courts Wednesday April 5 2023.bendigo, buildings, new law courts

The clippings in this book relate to the Ballarat School of Mines. Hard covered scrapbook with newspaper clippings relating to the Ballarat School of Mines.ballarat school of mines, scrapbook, ballarat technical art school, clay, ceramics, pottery, native clay, maurice copland, h.h. smith, c.h. beanland, technical schools, albert e. dowling, john dulfer, jenkin swimming shield, r.s. dale, j.y. mcdonald, a.f. heseltine, stained glass windows, amalie feild, richard dale, ballarat school of mines museum, ballarat junior secondary school, war criminal trials, j.f. crichton, repatriation department, w.o.f. close, soldiers vocational classes, world war one, alexander peacock, ballarat junior technical school opening, effie holmes, cornell chemist, w.k. moss, ken moss, obituary, j. vickery, w.d. hill, r.w. richards, shackelton, antarctic exploration, t.h. trengrove, samuel mayo, vera lindsay, bessie robertson, victor greenhalgh, repatriation classes closure, repatriation classes termination, university college, vocational training, arbor day, j.b. corbet, ballarat school of mines procession, ballarat junior technical school honour board, harold herbert, albert steane, a.w. steane, francis davis, tree planting, clyde lukeis, trade classes, old boys association, alfred james higgin, blackill color and oxide company, electric supply company, state school exhibition, state education jubilee, scholarships, clay deposits, james coad, t.a. williams, copland memorial, e.j. mcconnon, alfred mica smith, ponsonby carew smyth, d. maxwell, lena rutherford, dorothy whitehead, examination results, geoffrey nicholls, robert dowling, j.b. robinson, percy trompf, j.c. bush, white flat reserve, rubbish tip, sports ground, broken hill excursion, old boy's association, school of mines procession, white flat improvements, empire exhibition, ballarat school of mines literary society, school reunion, john rowell, d.e. mullins, g. renkin, t.m. shattock, new law courts, supreme court building transferred to ballarat school of mines, buildings, ballarat state offices, ballarat school of mines museum closed, ballarat school of mines and industries, k.b. brown, sir r. garran, alf hannah, macrobertson scholarship, simone fraser, violet hambley, alfred bayley, j. heriot, c.r. pittock, i.r. bradshaw, ballarat exhbition, e. parkin, c.m. harris, mica smith bust, william henry nicholls, daniel walker, paul montford, w.h. corbould, j.w. sutherland, technical training for girls, girls education, amalie colquhoun, ken moss obituary, opening of the ballarat junior technical school, j.s. vickery, j.s. vickery obituary, ida v. johnson, john rowell exhibition, max meldrum, w.g. coates, g.f. fitches, walter white, sewerage plumbing, villers brettonneux school

Law Courts , Bendigo -Royal Historical Society of Victoria -('from the Annals of Bendigo ') 4 x copies regarding the opening of The new Law courts in Pall Mall in 1896 .giving construction detailsdocument, law courts , bendigo

The Government Gazette of January 18, 1888 advertised the acceptance of a contract of 149 pounds for a "Table for central library, New Law Courts, Melbourne". The table was purchased four years after the Court had moved to the William Street address.The table is not of state significance in its own right, but it is a high quality piece of Australian furniture. Its significance rests on its importance on the overall decorative scheme of the library and the fact that it was designed for this specific space.Blackwood, decagonal (10 sided) table, with 10 carved scroll and griffin supports, moulding and blue leather inserts.

Neville French and Mary Rasmussan were awarded this commission from an invitation competition. Peter Blizzard was awarded a commission at the same time for the court doors. Ceramacists Neville French and Mary Rasmussan install their ceramic tile floor installation at the new Ballarat Law Court entrance. The design reflect Ballarat's heritage and landscape, showing Mt Buninyong and the Southern Cross. neville french, mary rasmussan, ballarat law courts, ceramics, staffmembers

The Government Gazette of September 28, 1888 advertises the acceptance of a contract of 276 pounds for the purchase of a "Pillar gasalier for Library, New Law Courts". The area under the dome was obviously found to be poorly illuminated and the purchase of the pillar light was approved. A table for the library had been approved in January and these two pieces of furniture were to complement each other.The gasalier pillar is of state significance as a unique survivor of gas light illumination. It is an important part of the interior decoration of the library, contributing to its intact 19th century furnishings.The gasalier has a blackwood base, with an elaborate serpentine brass fit out for the lighting with etched glass shades. The gasalier is topped by a small figure of an emu, on the lower finials are kangaroos. While originally designed for gas the gasalier was converted to electricy in the early 20th century.

``Newspaper clipping from "The Post", 21-4-93, P 3. Council concern on courts Mayor, Cr Greg Adkins, plans to write to Attorney General, Mrs Jan Wade, to try and ensure Ringwood does not lose proposed new law courts as well as a new police station. Cr Adkins said it appeared from comments by senior police to him in the last fortnight there might be "moves to hi-jack our courts complex to Knox". `

Sir Edmund Herring had a military career before becoming the Chief Justice of Victoria in 1944. Sir Edmund served as an artillery officer with the British Army in World War One and was awarded the Military Cross. While he returned to the Law between the wars, becoming King's Counsel in 1936, he continued his military associations through Australian Militia Forces, rising to colonel by the start of the Second World War. At the outset of WWII Herring was appointed as Commander of the Royal Artillery for the Australian Sixth Division. Herring saw service in North Africa and Greece and was in charge of Australian Northern forces in 1942, afterwards working with General Blamey in Papua New Guinea. Sir Edmund was appointed Chief Justice, straight from his army command in 1944. As Chief Justice he quickly established the Law Reform Committee and after the war oversaw the extension of the Supreme Court buildings, with the creation of new Courts. He was considered an able administrator, but his refusal to appoint Joan Rosanove a Queen’s Counsel throughout the 1950s, did not sit well with many legal practitioners. After his retirement from the Bench, he continued in his many public activities, including trustee of the Shrine of Remembrance and the Australian War Memorial and a member of the Melbourne Grammar School Council, as well as Lieutenant Governor of the State of Victoria, a position he held from 1945 to 1972. Herring was also an outspoken social critic; between the wars he had been a member of the White Guard, who were a far right group acting against communism. During the Cold War period of the 1950s, Herring spoke out in favour of the British Empire and the American alliance. The portrait of Sir Edmund Herring is the second one that Sir William Dargie (1912-2003), completed of Sir Edmund; his first effort in 1944/45 won the Archibald prize. Dargie won the Archibald prize a record eight times. His fame as a portrait painter was not without controversy, as he was considered ‘safe’ and the favourite of conservative sitters, particularly as many of his Archibald winners were of ‘Captains of Industry’. While no Archibald prize was awarded for this portrait, it is an interesting counterpoint to Dargie’s 1944/45 portrait. The portrait of Sir Edmund Herring is significant because of whom it portrays and the artist William Dargie who painted it.Portait in oils of Sir Edmund Herring. This is a half portrait of Sir Edmund in his red judicial robes. Gold leaf frame, with plaque.Plaque reads "The Honourable Sir Edmund Francis Herring, KCMG, KBE, DSO, MC, ED. Chief Justice of the Supreme Court 1944-1964"edmund herring, william dargie

This portrait was presented by the Victorian Bar to the Library in 1917 to commemorate Schutt’s fifty years as the Supreme Court Librarian. The portrait was presented at a ceremony presided over by Mr Mitchell KC who noted the “unanimity with which the members of the profession had adopted the suggestion that the eminent services of Mr Schutt should be recognised in this way.” Chief Justice Madden also spoke on this occasion and there were a number of judges and members of the legal profession present. John Schutt had been born in England in 1831 and migrated to Victoria as a young man, initially working as a school teacher he was appointed librarian, during Redmond Barry’s time in 1866. He started work in the Old Court in Russell street and would have supervised the move of the library to its new and greatly expanded premises in William Street in 1884. As well as secretary to the Library committee, he also acted as the Secretary of the Board of Examiners on occasion. After his death in 1919 in its obituary, the Williamstown Chronicle noted that Schutt was regarded as a Solon, an ancient greek law giver who gave wise advice. Away from the Court he was a councillor of many years standing in Williamstown, representing the Victoria Ward, what is now the suburb of Newport, it would appear Schutt street in Newport was named after him. His eldest son William Schutt was appointed a Supreme Court judge in 1919. The portrait of Schutt is a companion piece to the Sir Thomas a’Beckett picture painted shortly before the Schutt portrait and for the same client, they share the same frame design with gum leaf motif. This portrait was undertaken early in Meldrum’s career and before he had fully developed his theory of painting. Duncan Max Meldrum (1875-1955) was a controversial figure in his later years as he strongly opposed modernism and non-figurative art. His works are found in most of the state galleries, including a wide selection at the National Gallery of Victoria. This portrait is of interest for whom it portrays and as the work of a well known artistFull length portrait in oils of John Schutt. Schutt is standing up looking out the to the viewer. His hand rests on a small pile of books. He is dressed soberly in a three piece black suit. His white beard and hair all meticulously trimmed and realised. The props used in this painting provide the main colour as the background has become dark over the years. The books sit atop of a red and gold draped table. Behind Schutt is what appears to be a crimson velvet chair and he gives every appearence of having just arisen from the chair to engage with the viewer. The painting has an unusual light source at the foot of the painting with Schutt's legs providing shadows. Signed Meldrum lower right hand corner. Plaque inscription is John Schutt, Esq. Supreme Court Librarian

The portrait of Chief Justice Sir Edmund Herring is significant because of whom it portrays and who painted it. Sir Edmund Herring (1892-1982), had a military career before becoming the Chief Justice of Victoria in 1944. Sir Edmund served as an artillery officer with the British Army in World War One and was awarded the Military Cross. While he returned to the Law between the wars, becoming Kings Counsel in 1936, he continued his military associations through the Australian Militia forces rising to colonel by the start of the Second World War. At the outset of World War Two Herring was appointed as Commander of the Royal Artillery for the Australian Sixth Division. Herring saw service in North Africa and Greece and was in charge of Australian Northern forces in 1942, afterwards working with General Blamey in Papua New Guinea. It was at this time that Herring confirmed the death sentences of 22 Papuans who had been found guilty of murder and treason. Sir Edmund was appointed Chief Justice, straight from his army command in 1944. As Chief Justice he quickly established the Law Reform Committee and after the war oversaw the extension of the Supreme Court buildings, with the creation of new Courts. He was considered an able administrator, but his refusal to appoint Joan Rosanove a Queen’s Counsel throughout the 1950s, did not sit well with many legal practitioners. After his retirement from the Bench, he continued in his many public activities, including trustee of the Shrine of Remembrance and the Australian War Memorial and a member of the Melbourne Grammar School Council, as well as Lieutenant Governor of the State of Victoria a position he held from 1945 to 1972. Herring was also an outspoken social critic, between the wars he had been a member of the White Guard, who were a far right group acting against communism. During the Cold War period of the 1950s, Herring spoke out in favour of the British Empire and the American alliance. The portrait of Chief Justice Sir Edmund Herring is significant because of whom it portrays and who painted it. The portrait of Sir Edmund Herring is the second one that Sir William Dargie (1912-2003), completed of Sir Edmund, his first effort in 1944/45 won the Archibald prize. Dargie won the Archibald prize a record eight times.Portrait in oils of Sir Edmund Herring, Chief Justice of the Supreme Court of Victoria (1944-1964). Sir Edmund is seated, this is a half portrait, dressed in his red judicial robes. The sitter takes up most of the frame and there is very little extra information in the picture. signed lower left "Dargie'. Plaque with the following details : Sir Edmund Francis Herring, KCMG, KBE, DSO, MC, ED. Chief Justice of the Supreme Court, 1944-1964.judges, herring

Tait collection: item 17 of 62 These are the Letters of Administration for Thomas Coffey who died intestate in February 1898. He was formerly a settler from Corowa, New South Wales and latterly from Warrnambool and Colac. His real estate valued at £20 and his personal estate valued at £746 was granted to his widow, Margaret Coffey of Kirkstall. Thomas Coffey died in Colac at the age of 64 but no other information on him has been found.This document is of minor interest, being the Letters of Administration following the death of Thomas Coffey. He may have lived in Warrnambool for some time in the latter part of the 19th century. The document has been in the possession of Ernest Chambers, a lawyer with offices in Warrnambool, Port Fairy and Koroit at the end of the 19th century and the beginning of the 20th century. The document has then been stored in the Kepler Street offices of successive law firms until it was located in the premises previously occupied by the firm of Mackay Taylor.This 1898-1899 document consists of three pages of parchment paper tied together with thin green cord and cropped at the top and bottom left hand corners of the document. There are two seals attached, one with red sealing wax from the Supreme Court of New South Wales and the other attached with green ribbon from the Supreme Court of the Colony of Victoria. The document material is handwritten in black ink. There are six stamps – three from New South Wales, one from Geelong and two are indecipherable. The document also has a blue stamp duty label attached (New South Wales, one per cent stamp duty). The document is in fair condition with one page with the writing fading and difficult to read. letters of administration, thomas coffey, tait collection

This is a picture of the original Town Hall building built in High Street in the 1890's. It was designed by renowned Bendigo Architect W.C .Vahland. This picture was taken in 1979 when the Echuca Library was housed there. The Echuca Library operated out of this building from 1965 up to 2013 when the new library was built. In this photograph there are two people standing in the doorway and two cars parked in the street.This photograph is significant because it shows the first Town Hall building built in High Street in the late 1890's. The building was designed by W.C Vahland and was also used as the Law Courts before the Law Court building was built in Law Court Place. This building has also been used as the High School, while the Echuca High School was being built in the 1920's it was also used as a Kindergarten and the town Library operated there from 1965 to 2012 when the new Library was built. The Shire of Campaspe Information Technology Department has been housed there from 2012 up to the Present.A coloured photograph, in postcard size, of the original Town Hall building of Echuca, taken in 1979, when the building was being used as the Echuca Library.echuca town hall, echuca library, vahland, w.c

First published in 1806 by John Murray and written by Maria Rundell, later editions were "By a Lady". https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/A_New_System_of_Domestic_Cookery A legal dispute arose between Murray and Rundell over the copyright of the cookery book titled "A New System of Domestic Cookery" by Mary Eliza Rundell. The book, which was published in 1806, gained immense popularity over the years. In 1821, Murray claimed that Rundell had infringed on his copyright by publishing a new edition of the book without his permission. The case was brought to court, and after much debate, it was ruled that Rundell had indeed infringed on Murray's copyright. The court ordered her to pay damages and to stop publishing the book without Murray's consent. This ruling was significant as it established the legal precedent that copyright law applied to books and other written works. - Based on an article from The Edinburgh Annual Register, 1821 Robert William Whatmough (1815 Heywood, Lancashire-1887 Diamond Creek, Victoria) and his wife Mary Hill ( 1813 Rochdale, Lancashire - 1881 Greensborough, Victoria) were pioneer settlers on the Plenty River at Greensborough. Their daughter, Jemima Whatmough (1840-1926) married Robert Fielding (1820-1891) who were the parents of Thomas Edmund Fielding and great grandparents of Tom FieldingInscribed inside front leaf facing page in ink: Robert Whatmough Plenty River 1858tom fielding collection

Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerPhotograph of a street art poster taken on the streets of Hong Kong during the protests against legislation to allow Hong Kong suspects to be extradited to mainland Chinese carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, poster art, posters

Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerMore than a thousand protestors surround Hong Kong's main police headquarters on Arsenal Street in Wan Chai on June 26th following a peaceful rally at Edinburgh Place in Central. Doors to the complex were barricaded by protestors, who left after a six hour siege in protest at police violence at a prtest held earlier on 12 June 2019. Protesters ended a six-hour siege of Hong Kong’s police headquarters – their second in a week over the now-suspended extradition bill – early on Thursday morning. More than 1,000 were involved at the height of the protest, which began after 10pm on Wednesday. Around 100 were left at the end and dispersed without a fight when officers with riot shields emerged from the building in Wan Chai at 4am on Thursday. After a peaceful rally attended by thousands earlier at Edinburgh Place in the Central business district, hundreds descended on Arsenal Street, blocking the junction with Lockhart Road to all traffic and sealing the entrances to the police base. (https://www.scmp.com/news/hong-kong/politics/article/3016238/hong-kong-police-under-siege-again-protesters-surround )carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, protest, protestors

Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerSeven police officers stand guard in front of Hong Kong's main police headquarters on Arsenal Street in Wan Chai as an estimated one thousand protestors surround on 26 June 2019. Protestors take turns to step up and hurl abuse at the officers, in a protest lasting 6 hours before peacefully dispersing. The protesters chanted 'Release the martyrs' and 'Stop police violence' in reference to violent clashes with police in the days previous. ( https://www.scmp.com/news/hong-kong/politics/article/3016238/hong-kong-police-under-siege-again-protesters-surround)carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, protest, protestors, police, wan chai

Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerPhotograph crowds gathering on June 16 on the streets of Causeway Bay before an estimated 2 million people take part in march protesting the government's push for extradition laws to China and demanding an apology from the chief executrive Carrie Lam. Nearly 2 million’ people take to streets, forcing public apology from Hong Kong leader Carrie Lam as suspension of controversial extradition bill fails to appease protesters. (https://www.scmp.com/news/hong-kong/politics/article/3014737/nearly-2-million-people-take-streets-forcing-public-apology )carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, protest, protestors

Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerPhotograph of a crowd or protestors against proposed extradition laws gathering on the streets of Causeway Bay, Hong Kong, leading down to the gathering area. carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, protest, protestors

Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerPhotograph of a crowd on the streets of Hong Kong to protest against proposed extradition laws, heading towards Admiralty. carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, protest, protestors, admiralty

Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerCrowds mass on Queens Way in Hong Kong as an estimated 2 million people march in protest at the government's refusal to withdraw a controverisal law allowing people to be extradited to mainland China. Chants demanded the chief executive apologise and the legislation be withdrawn, while many held signs protesting police violence. Nearly 2 million protesters flooded the streets of Hong Kong on Sunday, organisers claimed, delivering a stunning repudiation of Chief Executive Carrie Lam Cheng Yuet-ngor’s governance and forcing a public apology out of the city’s leader over her campaign to bulldoze a controversial extradition bill through the legislature. A day after Lam suspended her push for the bill, expecting it to defuse a crisis that has seen violent clashes between mostly young protesters and police, the centre of Hong Kong was brought to a complete standstill as the masses marched to chastise her for refusing to withdraw the bill or apologise when first asked to, and declaring that nothing short of her resignation would satisfy them now. (https://www.scmp.com/news/hong-kong/politics/article/3014737/nearly-2-million-people-take-streets-forcing-public-apology ) carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, protest, protestors, admiralty

Colour photographs by Trav Munro of buildings at the Federation University Camp Street Campus, including the former Ballarat Post Office (now Post Office Gallery), Former Law Courts (State Offices), New South, New Northtrav munro, federation university australia, camp street, arts academy, post office gallery, post office gallery, former ballarat post office, former ballarat law courts, former ballarat state offices, new north, new south, old sheriff's office

``Newspaper clipping from "The Post", 7-4-93, P 3. Council pursues law complex Ringwood Council has not given up on securing a new police station and law courts complex for Ringwood, although a previous $20 million proposal was axed by the State Gocernment in January. Council chief executive, Mr John Paech, said he met last week with Police and Justice Department staff to try to resurrect a proposal for new police and court facilities to be built in Ringwood. `

This book is a legal reference book used by the Bank of Australasia after 1900. The Bank of Australasia was incorporated by the Royal Charter of England in March 1834. The bank began in Australia on 14th December 1835, opening in Sydney. The Acting Superintendent of the bank at that time was David Charters McArthur. He was Superintendent from 1867-to 1876. The Melbourne branch opened on 28th August 1838 in a two-roomed brick cottage on the north side of Little Collins Street, where two huge mastiff dogs were used at night to guard the bank. The government also provided an armed military sentinel. Due to the bank's rapid growth, a new building for the Melbourne branch was opened in 1840 at 75 Collins Street West. By 1879 the bank had been upgraded to a magnificent two-storey building on the corners of Collins and Queens Streets, with the entry on Collins Street. In 1951 the Bank of Australasia amalgamated with the Union Bank to form the Australia and New Zealand Bank, now known as the ANZ. Then in 1970, the ANZ merged with both the ES&A and the London Bank of Australia to form the ANZ Banking Group Limited. The ANZ Banking Group Ltd kindly donated a variety of historic items from the Bank of Australasia. BANK of AUSTRALASIA, WARRNAMBOOL – In 1854 Warrnambool had two banks, the Union Bank and the Bank of Australasia. Later, completely different bank businesses opened; in 1867 the National Bank of Australasia, then in 1875 the Colonial Bank of Australasia. The original Warrnambool branch of the Bank of Australasia was established in July 1854, and operated from a leased cottage on Merri Street, close to Liebig Street. The bank later bought a stone building previously erected by drapers Cramond & Dickson on the corner of Timor and Gibson Streets. Samuel Hannaford was a teller and then Manager at the Warrnambool branch from 1855 to 1856 and the Warrnambool Council chose that bank for its dealings during 1856-57. In 1859 Roberts & Co. was awarded the contract to build the new Bank of Australasia branch for the sum of £3,000. The land was on a sand hill on the northeast corner of Timor and Kepler Streets and had been bought in 1855 from investor James Cust. The new building opened on May 21, 1860. The bank continued to operate there until 1951 when it merged with the Union Bank to form the ANZ Bank, which continued operating from its Liebig Street building. Warrnambool City Council purchased the former Bank of Australasia building in 1971 and renovated it, then on 3rd December 1973 it was officially opened as the Art Gallery by Cr. Harold Stephenson and Gallery Director John Welsh. The Gallery transferred to the purpose-built building in Liebig Street in 1986 and the old bank building is now the Gallery club. Staff at the Bank of Australasia in Warrnambool included the following men but others were also involved: Samuel Hannaford, Teller then Manager from 1855-1856; W H Palmer, Manager from January 1857 until November 1869 when the Teller Basil Spence was promoted to Manager; H B Chomley, Manager from April 1873 and still there in 1886; A Butt, Manager in 1895-1904; J R McCleary Accountant and Acting Manager for 12 months, until 1900; A Kirk, Manager 1904; J Moore, staff until his transfer to Bendigo in December 1908; J S Bath was Manager until 1915; C C Cox, Manager until April 1923; Richard C Stanley, Manager 1923 to April 1928. The book has historical significance as it is connected to the Bank of Australasia which was established in Australia in 1835 by Royal Charter during the early Colonial period of Australia's history. The book was used as a reference to financial law by the Bank. The book is significant for its association with the Bank of Australasia in Warrnambool, the first bank in Warrnambool, established in 1854. The bank continued to operate until its merger in 1951 when it became the ANZ Bank, which is still in operation today. The Bank was an integral part of the establishment and growth of commerce in Colonial Warrnambool and throughout Australia.Book, dark brown, hard-covers with embossed borders front and back. The title on the spine is embossed and gilt. Title: The Law and Practice of Banking in Australia and New Zealand Author: Edward B. Hamilton, B.A., Judge of County Courts, Victoria, assisted by J.G. Eagleson, B.A., LL.B, Barrister-at-Law Edition: Second Edition Publisher: Charles E. Maxwell, (G. Partridge & Co.), 458, Chancery Lane, London, Law Booksellers and Publishers, 1900. Published in Melbourne. Marked with purple oval stamp and pencil inscription.Text within oval stamp "THE BANK OF AUSTRALASIA LIMITED" Pencil, handwritten "L35"flagstaff hill, warrnambool, shipwrecked coast, flagstaff hill maritime museum, maritime museum, shipwreck coast, flagstaff hill maritime village, great ocean road, commerce, banking, bank of australasia, australia, financial law, legal reference, banking law, bank law, legal practice, edward b. hamilton, charles e. maxwell, banking practice, g. partridge & co

Letter written on blue paper with printed letterhead and emblem and dated 15 Aug 1866. Letter mentions sending a copy of the Widows & Orphans Fund Laws of the Foresters in the Melbourne District and also one of the Odd Fellows in the Bendigo District. He asks that they take care of the copy of the Odd Fellows Laws as he has to return it as soon as done with. Also some new are being printed & there will be some alterations. Signed by Jas Thos Holl. Impression of seal at the top of the page.societies, aof, correspondence, ancient order of foresters no. 3770 collection - correspondence, bendigo united district, widows & orphans fund laws of the foresters, odd fellows, court king of the forest

Black and white photo: Rosalind Park taken from corner of fernery looking toward rear of Law Courts and Post Office, showing conservatory on left. Bendigo Creek running behind trellis fence. Winter time. New police station not yet built.cottage, miners, ian wild, july 2000 'rosalind park taken from corner of the fernery, towards rear of law courts. conservatory on left. prior to building of police station. '

Small booklet, green cover with golden writing. Bendigo in large letters, Victoria Australia square ornate around. Photos inside: Charing Cross and Pall Mall. Conservatory grounds. Post office and Law courts. Botanical gardens, White Hills. The fountain Charing cross, Pall Mall. Chinese procession on Easter Monday. School of mines and industries. A group of Bendigo mines. View Point. Boring on a gold bearing reef. New chum railway gold mine. Queen statue, Rosalind park. Soldiers 'statue near post office. Conservatory, Rosalind park. Gold Jubilee statue, Pall Mall. on the back cover in pen: Miss E. Briggs, Locksly P.O N.E. Lina(?)bendigo, tourism, various photos

Bendigo Advertiser "The way we were" from 1999. Bendigo Post Office: taken in 1900 this photograph also includes the law courts. The first Bendigo Post Office operated out of two tents on the creek bank in 1852. Inward mail was written on a list and nailed to a nearby tree. With the introduction of the telegraph in 1857 a new building was constructed. This sufficed until the impressive building in the photograph was opened in 1887. The largest outside Melbourne.newspaper, bendigo advertiser, the way we were

Article titled The Bendigo Post Office, compiled by L C Bennetts. Mentioned is the history of the Bendigo Post Office and postmarks, some information on mining, Bendigo foundries, Underground connections of mines, expenses and shaft sinking costs. Also mentioned is Bendigo and Eaglehawk - 60 years ago and the role the pubs played in daily living. They were where theatres, concerts and dances were held, and the meeting rooms for clubs and lodges, even church benefits. Listed is a number of Bendigo hotels. Some even had a few names. Names of the pubs are: The Freemasons, The Courthouse, The Commercial Law Courts, The Hamburg, The European, The Prince Bismark, The Lord Kitchener, The Bendigo, The Rosalind Park, The Showgrounds, Atheneum Club, Olivers, Bridge Hotel, Bourkes, The Globe, The Hibernia, Albert, Albion, Abbotts, Australian, Belvidere, Beehive, British Queen, Black Eagle, British and American, Brian Boru, Bakers Arms, Butchers Arms, Brick Layers Arms, Bull and Mouth, Cresent, Clarence, Back Creek Bridge, Cape Clear, Crooked Billet, Cambridgeshire Arms, Camp, Coach and Horses, Cricketers Arms, Diggers Rest, Ellesmere, Five Lions, Franklyn, Golden Square, Golden Gate, Golden Gully, Golden Age, Golden Vine, Gumtree, Glasgow Reef, Great Britain, Haymarket, Daniel O'Connell, Half Way House, Fleece Inn, Ironbark, Johnsons Reef, Lancashire, Live and Let Live, Manchester Arms, Gold Mines, Metropolitan, Crown, National, New Chum, Honeysuckle Street, Pavilion, Napier Arms, Quartz Miners Arms, Retreat Inn, Rainbow, Rose of Australia, Lake View, Robin Hood, Fountain, Southern Cross, Bath, Berlin, Spring Gully, Star, Sir Charles Hotham, Silvermines, Royal Oak, Suburban, Town Hall, Temperance, Ship Inn, View Point, View Bend, Victoria, Exchange, American, Arcade, Belfast, All Nations, Union, United Kingdom, Union Jack, Westend, Washington, Waterloo, Wellington, Whitehorse, Wheat Sheaf, Yorkshire, Niagra and Noahs Ark.bendigo, history, long gully history group, the long gully history group - the bendigo post office, l c bennetts, mt alexander post office, porcupine inn, cenotaph, pike or pyke, baby health centre, sandhurst post office, government survey office, queen elizabeth oval, sandhurst trustees company, mr h b briston, savings bank, telegraph office, the sub-treasury, sir henry brougham lock kcb, sir john nimmo mla, prince of wales group of mines, the new prince of wales, eaglehawk golf links, new prince of wales no 2, the whip and jersey, mines department, lansell's big 180, new chum and victoria mine and battery, new chum railway, koch's pioneer, south new moon, catherine reef united, new moon, the virginia, south bell vue, central nell gwynne, north nell gwynne, miner's phthisis, hercules engine house, ironbark, new chum syncline, hercules energetic, roberts & sons, harkness & co, horwoods, great southern, ulster, carlisle, lansells big 180, victoria quartz, new st mungo, duchess tribute, south devonshire, hopewell mine, saxby mine, mcnair & co, shamrock, mr king, burke and wills expedition, sandhurst hotel, courthouse, hiberian, the freemasons, the courthouse, the commercial law courts, the hamburg, the european, the prince bismark, the lord kitchener, the bendigo, the rosalind park, the showgrounds, atheneum club, olivers, bridge hotel, bourkes, the globe, the hibernia, albert, albion, abbotts, australian, belvidere, beehive, british queen, black eagle, british and american, brian boru, bakers arms, butchers arms, brick layers arms, bull and mouth, cresent, clarence, back creek bridge, cape clear, crooked billet, cambridgeshire arms, camp, coach and horses, cricketers arms, diggers rest, ellesmere, five lions, franklyn, golden square, golden gate, golden gully, golden age, golden vine, gumtree, glasgow reef, great britain, haymarket, daniel o'connell, half way house, fleece inn, ironbark, johnsons reef, lancashire, live and let live, manchester arms, gold mines, metropolitan, crown, national, new chum, honeysuckle street, pavilion, napier arms, quartz miners arms, retreat inn, rainbow, rose of australia, lake view, robin hood, fountain, southern cross, bath, berlin, spring gully, star, sir charles hotham, silvermines, royal oak, suburban, town hall, temperance, ship inn, view point, view bend, victoria, exchange, american, arcade, belfast, all nations, union, united kingdom, union jack, westend, washington, waterloo, wellington, whitehorse, wheat sheaf, yorkshire, niagra, noahs ark

The item is an end panel from the box section of a "SUN' Seed & Fertilizer Drill. It was manufactured by H.V. McKay Pty. Ltd. at their agricultural machinery manufacturing plant in Sunshine Victoria. The date of manufacture is estimated to be somewhere between 1921 and 1930 because of the imprint H.V. McKay Pty. Ltd. According to the Museum Metadata Exchange (http://museumex.org/oai/mv/2749) the Sunshine Harvester Works was reformed as H.V. McKay Pty. Ltd. in 1921 and in 1930 it became H.V. McKay Massey Harris Pty. Ltd after a merger with the Canadian farm machinery manufacturer Massey Harris. The two events in 1921 and in 1930 are also confirmed by Churchward, M. (2006) at (http://collections.museumvictoria.com.au/articles/2010).This early 20th century item is a relic of the agricultural machinery manufacturing past of Sunshine Victoria. The company started by H. V. McKay no longer exists and neither do the subsequent manufacturing companies H.V. McKay Massey Harris Pty. Ltd., and the later Massey Ferguson (Aust.) Limited. Manufacturing has disappeared from this site being replaced by a shopping centre and other retail outlets, high rise apartments, law courts, police station, Vic Roads, and soon will house the new Brimbank Council offices and library.Brown rusty cast iron end panel from a Seed & Fertilizer Drill"SUN" / SEED & FERTILIZER DRILL / H.V. McKAY PTY. LTD / MAKERS / SUNSHINE / D879 agricultural machinery, sun, "sun" seed & fertilizer drill, h.v. mckay pty. ltd., d879, 1921, 1930, sunshine