The former Uniting Church being prepared for removal due to roadworks in Plenty. The building was most recently used as a florist - Sugabuds.Digital copy of colour photographplenty- places, sugabuds florist, uniting church

The former Uniting Church being relocated due to roadworks in Plenty. The building was most recently used as a florist - Sugabuds.Digital copy of colour photographplenty- places, sugabuds florist, uniting church

The former Uniting Church being relocated due to roadworks in Plenty. The building was most recently used as a florist - Sugabuds.Digital copy of 3 colour photographsplenty- places, sugabuds florist, uniting church

in 1971 this area was called Bundoora Park and the shops had same name. It has been renamed Andrew Place Shopping Centre as people confused it when Bundoora Park in Plenty Road opened. Digital copy of newspaper advertisementbundoora park shops, andrew place shops, grimshaw street bundoora

Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerPhotograph of a street art poster taken on the streets of Hong Kong during the protests against legislation to allow Hong Kong suspects to be extradited to mainland Chinese carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, poster art, posters

Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerMore than a thousand protestors surround Hong Kong's main police headquarters on Arsenal Street in Wan Chai on June 26th following a peaceful rally at Edinburgh Place in Central. Doors to the complex were barricaded by protestors, who left after a six hour siege in protest at police violence at a prtest held earlier on 12 June 2019. Protesters ended a six-hour siege of Hong Kong’s police headquarters – their second in a week over the now-suspended extradition bill – early on Thursday morning. More than 1,000 were involved at the height of the protest, which began after 10pm on Wednesday. Around 100 were left at the end and dispersed without a fight when officers with riot shields emerged from the building in Wan Chai at 4am on Thursday. After a peaceful rally attended by thousands earlier at Edinburgh Place in the Central business district, hundreds descended on Arsenal Street, blocking the junction with Lockhart Road to all traffic and sealing the entrances to the police base. (https://www.scmp.com/news/hong-kong/politics/article/3016238/hong-kong-police-under-siege-again-protesters-surround )carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, protest, protestors

Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerSeven police officers stand guard in front of Hong Kong's main police headquarters on Arsenal Street in Wan Chai as an estimated one thousand protestors surround on 26 June 2019. Protestors take turns to step up and hurl abuse at the officers, in a protest lasting 6 hours before peacefully dispersing. The protesters chanted 'Release the martyrs' and 'Stop police violence' in reference to violent clashes with police in the days previous. ( https://www.scmp.com/news/hong-kong/politics/article/3016238/hong-kong-police-under-siege-again-protesters-surround)carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, protest, protestors, police, wan chai

Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerPhotograph crowds gathering on June 16 on the streets of Causeway Bay before an estimated 2 million people take part in march protesting the government's push for extradition laws to China and demanding an apology from the chief executrive Carrie Lam. Nearly 2 million’ people take to streets, forcing public apology from Hong Kong leader Carrie Lam as suspension of controversial extradition bill fails to appease protesters. (https://www.scmp.com/news/hong-kong/politics/article/3014737/nearly-2-million-people-take-streets-forcing-public-apology )carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, protest, protestors

Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerPhotograph of a crowd or protestors against proposed extradition laws gathering on the streets of Causeway Bay, Hong Kong, leading down to the gathering area. carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, protest, protestors

Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerPhotograph of a crowd on the streets of Hong Kong to protest against proposed extradition laws, heading towards Admiralty. carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, protest, protestors, admiralty

Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerCrowds mass on Queens Way in Hong Kong as an estimated 2 million people march in protest at the government's refusal to withdraw a controverisal law allowing people to be extradited to mainland China. Chants demanded the chief executive apologise and the legislation be withdrawn, while many held signs protesting police violence. Nearly 2 million protesters flooded the streets of Hong Kong on Sunday, organisers claimed, delivering a stunning repudiation of Chief Executive Carrie Lam Cheng Yuet-ngor’s governance and forcing a public apology out of the city’s leader over her campaign to bulldoze a controversial extradition bill through the legislature. A day after Lam suspended her push for the bill, expecting it to defuse a crisis that has seen violent clashes between mostly young protesters and police, the centre of Hong Kong was brought to a complete standstill as the masses marched to chastise her for refusing to withdraw the bill or apologise when first asked to, and declaring that nothing short of her resignation would satisfy them now. (https://www.scmp.com/news/hong-kong/politics/article/3014737/nearly-2-million-people-take-streets-forcing-public-apology ) carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, protest, protestors, admiralty

Plenty Valley Cricket Club have 4 grades vying for places in the finals. This article discusses the strengths of the club and interviews several players.News clipping, 3 pages, black text, colour images.plenty valley cricket club, lorenzo ingram, andrew barnett, ben rolfs

View of Greensborough in the distance from Willis Vale and surrounding land: House built by Edward Maygar, The flowering Hawthorne Bushes were planted by William Partington. Note the prominent house on upper right where Robert Whatmough lived in the mid 19th century and later sold to Partington family. It was located on the Plenty River across from Partington's Flat. The derelict Willis Vale house was destroyed in 1964 when a fire originating from North Plenty Gorge - Kurrak Road - was lit by two teenage boys and made its way several kilometres down to Partington's Flat Greensborough. In 1946, Alan Partington built the Alwyn Farmhouse in place of the original Robert Whatmough home seen in this photo which became Whatmough Park circa 1976.Home of the Partington familyDigital copy of black and white photograph.willis vale, partington family, maygar family, whatmough

Book printed for the centenary of the opening of Lower Plenty Primary School, 1874-1974. Includes a short history of the founding and early years of the school as well as highlights from the first 100 years. A short history of Lower Plenty Primary School.Photocopy of book, 26 pages, illus. 2 copies lower plenty primary school

Map of the Plenty River through Greensborough and surrounding areas, annotated with historic places. Prepared by Dennis Ward, this map shows places of interest with historic markers for a proposed Heritage Trail along the Plenty. This was a joint project of Dennis Ward, Rotary Greensborough and Nillumbik Historical Society.This map shows many places of interest along the Plenty River. Large laminated map, including land subdivisions and street names.plenty river heritage trail

Janefield Precinct: Old fire place on lower terrace. The remains of this site are between Greensborough and Janefield. A RAAF Hygiene Training Camp was located on the Plenty River, just south of the Janefield community. It was in use from 1944 to 1946. The Camp was constructed from salvaged materials. Instruction included building and maintenance of grease traps, latrines, elementary plumbing and carpentry.Early remains of a WW2 training camp 2 Digital colour photographs.

On 02/04/2016, Greensborough Rotary and Greensborough Hstorical Society members gathered to unveil an updated plaque at the Pioneer Children's Cemetery on the Plenty River. These photos show the new plaque and Steve Whatmough viewing the plaque. Steve is a descendant of the Whatmough family whose children, with their cousins the Partingtons, were buried in this place. More photos of this event can be found at the GHS Resource Centre. Digital copy of colour photograph.greensborough historical society, pioneer childrens cemetery, steve whatmough, rotary club of greensborough

Photocopy of subdivision plan 75131 Vol 3439 Fol 712 showing numbered residential allotments with property dimensions.Surveyors and Consulting Engineers - O'Connor & Beveridge, Main Eltham Road, Lower Plenty, Tel. 432668. Rubber-stamped "Photocopy - Titles Office Complied 17 Feb 1970". Map includes Lockhart Road, Lansell Close, Terrara Place, Goldsmith Avenue, Park Hill Drive, Hilldale Close, and Elm Court, Ringwood, Victoria.

The history of some of the Historic buildings in Eltham and the people who lived in them. Words by Marguerite Marshall, photographs by Ron Grant.This book discusses the identity of the Eltham area.Soft cover book with photographs of four Eltham buildings on front cover. 46pages, black and white illus. 3 copies.Copy 1: Withdrawn from Yarra Plenty Regional Library.eltham, kangaroo ground, marguerite marshall, ron grant

In 2018 GHS members visited Turner's Bakery in Mernda for lunch and continued on to visit historic sites remaining in the Mernda area. This photograph shows remnants of the Mernda Market, established in 1919 as a livestock market. It was sited on Plenty Road in the carpark of the Bridge Inn Hotel. It evolved into a weekend 'trash and treasure' market although livestock auctions still took place on Mondays. In 2012 the livestock auctions moved to Whittlesea Showgrounds.Mernda is an area of rapid modern growth with a few remaining historic buildings dating from the 19th century.Digital copy of colour photographsmernda, mernda historic sites, mernda market, plenty road mernda, livestock auctions, trash and treasure markets

Heritage citation for the Old Lower Plenty Bridge, copied from Banyule Heritage Places Study; a short history of the bridge and a news clipping, dated 2001 reporting on the re-opening of the bridge as a link in the Plenty River Trail.4 p., illus. Heritage citation, 2p.; history of bridge, 1p.; newspaper clipping, 1p. plenty river, plenty river trail, old lower plenty bridge, lower plenty

Black and white photographs - 2 copiesTyped below photograph, "Boiler explosion at Ringwood station 20/6/1894. Heard in Box Hill". Article from newspapers:- Weekly Times (Melbourne, Vic. : 1869 - 1954), Saturday 27 January 1894, page 21 Official enquiry. The Board of Enquiry appointed by the Railway Commissioners to enquire into the causes of the boiler explosion which shattered the locomotive at Ringwood on Saturday night, assembled at the Railway department on Wednesday to commence its deliberations, The board consisted of Mr R. Fulton, engineer, C. W. McLean; engineer to the Marine Board, and Mr Mephan Ferguson, iron-founder. There is some difficulty at the outset about the constitution of the board; It was suggested that the Apt of Parliament contemplated that boards of experts, after the manner of the present one, needed, to have their appointments confirmed by the Governor-in-Council. The point, however, was not considered sufficiently important to prevent the board from proceeding with evidence. Robert Greyford, stationmaster at Ringwood, was the first witness. He said he saw the explosion on Saturday night at about twenty minutes to 8. There was a rush to the engine to see what had happened, and the driver and fireman were both found on the platform of the engine. The driver seemed badly hurt, but the fireman, to all appearances, was not so badly injured. They were both attended to and sent up to Melbourne by the last suburban train. Witness had a look at the engine and found the dome and all the plates round the boiler blown clean, away. The springs were also blown clean away. The Chairman (Mr Fulton) : Did you measure the distance ? Witness: Yes; one of the plates was 209 yards away. A piece from the top of the boiler 15 pounds in weight he found driven into the hard beaten track 410 yards away. Several pieces of boiler plate were found scattered at various distances. The buildings roundabout were injured. The Chairman; Did you notice anything peculiar about either of the driver or the fireman ? — No ; nothing wrong, with either of them. If the engine was blowing off at all, it must have been very light. In your opinion, were they perfectly sober ? — Perfectly. In approaching the station, is there a down or an up grade? — A very slight down grade. How is the road from Healesville ? — Up and down all the way. It is down, grade for about 200 yards coming into Ringwood station. They shut off ; steam about a quarter of a mile away, and come in at a good pace. They generally put on 15 pounds of steam while they are in the station. Mr Ferguson : Had the driver the usual load on ? — Yes ; about the usual load. Witness added that he had known the driver personally for about 10 years, and he had always been a careful, steady, sober man. He did not know the fireman so well. John Palmer, porter at Ringwood station, also saw the explosion. He was attending to the train on its arrival. He was knocked down by the force of the explosion. When he got up he saw the engine driver being carried into the office covered in blood. He noticed nothing peculiar about the driver and fireman, nor about the engine. Mr McLean : How far were you from the engine when you were knocked down ? — From ten to fifteen yards. William Paul, the guard of the train to which the injured locomotive Was attached, said he was looking at the engine at the very moment the explosion occurred. It seemed to come from exactly under the dome. The force of it took him off his feet. He was about 15 yards from the tender. When he rose he tried to reach the engine, but could not do so on account of the steam and coal dust. He called out to know whether any of the passengers were injured, and got no response, so that he concluded they were all right. All the lamps but about half dozen were extinguished by the force of the explosion, although the glass was not broken. He could testify most distinctly that the driver and fireman were both sober. The driver was a man who never drank. The steam started to blow off about a minute and a half before the explosion took place. The last place at which the engine took water was Healesville. The Chairman : Do yon know anything of the quality of the water there ? Is it creek water ? — Yes ; it comes from the Graceburn River. You never heard of its quality ?— No. How long have you known this engine on the road— About 13 months. Hew long have you known the driver on this line ? — About six weeks. I have known the fireman several years. The driver was a strict teetotaller, and I never saw the fireman take anything to drink in his life. Mr T. H, Woodroffe, chief mechanical engineer of the Victorian Railways, produced a report he had written to the secretary, about this explosion. The document gave facts concerning the engine and the explosion. It stated that the rapture seemed to have occurred at the rim of the plates adjoining the fire box. The engine was built at the Phoenix Foundry, Ballarat, in 1883. It was repaired at various times, the last time being in July of last year when it was sent to the Port Melbourne shops, and was then tested to a cold water pressure of 195 and found all right. It was the custom to overhaul all locomotives about every five years. The Chairman : There were no very heavy repairs in July, 1893; were there? — Not to the boilers. The shop manager's report says that the plug and safety tap holes were repaired, five new copper studs put in firebox, ash-pan door repaired, tender cleaned and overhauled, and studs re-rivetted, and boiler tested to pressure of 195, cold water. Mr Woodroffe read the report of the repairs effected to the boiler in December, 1888. That would be the time the plate was put in the boiler. On that occasion three new plates were put in the bottom and the boiler tested up to 195. The Chairman: Do you keep a record of the water used ?— Yes, the water in this case, I think, came from the Maroondah scheme. Mr Woodroffe said boilers were examined front time to time in the running sheds. In his opinion every possible care had been taken to keep the engine in proper care. There might, however, be lessons learnt from this. The Chairman: No doubt. From his examination of the plates [the] witness did not think the state of them could have been detected from the outside. There were no signs of leakage or sweating or anything of that sort. The next witness- was Walter Stinton, workshop manager at Newport and he said that the injured engine had been repeatedly repaired under his charge. He gave a technical account of the repairs effected on various occasions. The testing of locomotives was under his special notice. They had a high pressure pipe running; round the works, and a pump set at 2001b. When the boiler was pumped full of water the pressure when applied up to 1951b. The board appointed by the department to inquire into the Ringwood locomotive boiler explosion sat again at Spencer street on 25th inst. Mr R. Fulton presided and the other members of the board were. Mr Mephan Ferguson and Mr C. W. McLean. Charles Grubb, foreman of the boiler-makers at the Newport workshops, said he had inspected the pieces of plate that had been blown out of the engine, and after examining them, pointed out to the Chief Mechanical Engineer the portion where the plate had started to burst. It was under the lap, on the right hand side of the boiler. The grooving might be accounted for by bad water. During the past twenty years he had examined all the boilers that came into the Williamstown workshops, and while some were hardly marked at all, others were very badly eaten away. The practice was to cut out the defective portions. In this case the boiler was repaired in a similar manner. The Chairman : Can you suggest any other way of repairing so as to prevent accident ? — No, unless by taking out a plate on one side from the joint, and carrying it further up so as to avoid the joints meeting, or by taking out the plate altogether. What would.be the cost .of putting in a new " plate I—Perhaps about double the price; but I wouldn't recommend that course. It would be putting a new plate against plates that have been in use ten years or so and that would not be advisable. I think the present system better. I consider the present system of repairing the best. This is the first we have had so bad like that, to my knowledge. You attributed this to bad water. Is there no other probable cause ? — Well; unless the iron be bad. This was Lowmoor iron. I think this accident was caused by the eating away of plates. This one was the worst I have seen, for the short time it had been running. We use three classes of iron — Lowmoor, Monkbridge and Bowling. By Mr Woodroffe (Chief Mechanical Engineer) ; There are engines still running that were repaired at the same time as this one, in 1888, and. in the same way. These are engines 339 and 333. They have been recently examined and are in splendid order. What in your experience, is the age of a boiler on the Victorian railways? — From 17 to 20 years our earlier boilers stood. The later boilers don't stand so well. How is that? — There is difference in construction, and the material is lighter. The old boilers had thicker plates. Have you been asked in any way to curtail boiler affairs? — No, sir; nor in any way. You have never hesitated to carry out any necessary repairs? — Never. Our orders have been to exercise every care in examining, repairing and renewing boilers. Witness said that his practice was when an engine came into the workshop to find out how long she had been running. If over five years, he informed the workshop manager, and they thought it necessary the tubes were taken nut. If everything was in good order witness reported to the manager. The cost of taking out the tubes and putting them in again was about L20. Mr Woodroffe : Have you ever hesitated to repair a boiler on the score of expense ? — No, never. Mr McLean : Hew do yon ascertain whether a boiler requires repairs?— I keep a record of every boiler examined. From every boiler that comes in I have the dome covers taken off, and when it is practical I get inside. l can almost tell from the top of a boiler what the bottom is like. If there is any doubt about it I have the tubes taken out. If I have suspicion of defective plate I cause to have bored a triangle in the plate at the point where there is the most wear. There is a travelling inspector who visits all the running sheds of the colony except Port Melbourne and tests the boilers. He reports to us and we note what he points out. Alfred Thompson, locomotive inspector of the eastern section, said he knew this engine, 297R. He read a list of her repairs. He heard of the accident on Saturday night and went up to Ringwood. The Chairman : Did you ever notice anything peculiar about the engine? — No, I considered her A1 and would not have hesitated to have put on 140lb pressure owing to the repairs she had undergone. Witness considered that the explosion was caused by the expansion and contraction of the plates ; and, no doubt, the plate had been eaten away through bad water. The other side of the boiler showed: signs of corrosion: By Mr Woodroffe ; Is every care taken with the boilers ? — Yes, every possible care is taken for the safety of boilers, Weekly Times (Melbourne, Vic. : 1869 - 1954), Saturday 27 January 1894, page 7 EXPLOSION OF A LOCOMOTIVE BOILER, NARROW ESACPE FROM FATALITIES. THE DAMAGED ENGINE. [See drawing of loco – saved in “Railways” folder] The explosion of a locomotive boiler at Ringwood on Saturday evening, formed the subject of much discussion in railway circles on Monday. The Minister arrived at the office at an unusually early hour and immediately entered into a consultation with the acting chairman, Mr Kibble, and Mr Commissioner Murray. As the result of the interview it was resolved to ask three gentlemen of acknowledged engineering experience to sib as a board with the . object of inquiring into the cause of the accident and furnishing a report. Mr Richardson and the Commissioners are tally seized of the importance of having a searching investigation into the accident, and, with Mr Murray, the former went to Ringwood to inspect the scene of the disaster. They will he accompanied by Mr Woodroffe. During the morning no official report had come to hand from the driver or fireman of the engine in reference to the accident, but that is thought to be due to the circumstance that they have not sufficiently recovered to be able to give a circumstantial account of what occurred. The engine was one of the old R's, and, Mr Kibble pronounced them to be about the best class of engines used. So far nothing can be said as to the probable cause of the accident, as the broken plating of the engine has not been submitted to the inspection of experts. Weekly Times (Melbourne, Vic. : 1869 - 1954), Saturday 27 January 1894, page 7 STATEMENT BY THE FIREMAN. This morning Thomas Miles, fireman on the engine the boiler of which exploded on Saturday night, is suffering from an injury to the spine, as well as a very severe shaking to the system. He states that he was fireman on the engine attached to the train which left Healesville on Saturday evening, at ten minutes to 8. Everything went all right until Ringwood was reached, when, .just as the train was about to continue its journey, a load explosion took place and Miles remembers nothing more until he was picked np on the platform ; and found himself suffering from a pain in the back, and an injury to his arm. He cannot think of any reason which could have caused the explosion, as there was plenty of water in the boiler, and everything seemed working all right. Mr R. Fulton, consulting engineer, of Queen street; Mr McLean, a member of the Marine Board ; and Mr Mephan Ferguson, engineer, have consented to act as a board to inquire into the cause of the engine boiler explosion at Ringwood on Saturday evening. The board has been appointed under section 117 of Act 1135, which provides that the Governor-in-Council may direct the taking of a such a step. Mr1 Fulton will act as chairman of the board, which met for the first time at the railway offices, Spencer street, this forenoon. Before separating the members of the Board paid a visit to the Prince's Bridge locomotive sheds in company with Mr Woodroffe, the chief mechanical engineer, for the purpose of inspecting the shattered boiler. It has been stated that the explosion is known to have been caused by a flaw in a plate which was put on the boiler about four years ago, but enquiries have tailed to elicit anything in support of that view. The engineers connected with the department are not inclined to say anything on the subject. Weekly Times (Melbourne, Vic. : 1869 - 1954), Saturday 14 April 1894, page 20 The Ringwood Boiler Explosion, The Minister of Railways has received the supplementary report of the board appointed by him to investigate the circumstances connected with the explosion of a locomotive boiler at Ringwood. In their first report the board did not attach blame to anyone. Mr Richardson felt satisfied that the responsibility of having the engines properly inspected and overhauled periodically could be fixed if the inquiry were extended. He therefore referred the matter again to the Board, who took further evidence. In the report now furnished, the Board hold Loco. Inspector Thompson blameable, but point out as a mitigating circumstance that he had not received "written instructions" respecting inspections and overhauls. Weekly Times (Melbourne, Vic. : 1869 - 1954), Saturday 7 July 1894, page 32 The Ringwood Boiler Explosion. The Minister of Railways takes exception to the tone of a paragraph appearing in a morning contemporary respecting the Ringwood boiler explosion. It makes it appear that Mr Richardson has referred the report of the board which considered the facts connected with the explosion to the Crown solicitor simply because he differed from the finding of the board. The Minister explains that when he received the report he found that the responsibility for having boilers properly inspected and overhauled had not been clearly fixed. He personally obtained farther evidence on that point, and arrived at a conclusion, from which the commissioners differed. As he did not like to take upon himself the responsibility of deciding upon the effect of the evidence, he submitted the matter to the Crown Solicitor, but that officer did not furnish him with the information sought. He has, therefore, referred the question to the Attorney-General, together with the draft of a regulation respecting boiler inspections and overhauls in the future. Mr Richardson says that his whole aim is to have the responsibility positively fixed. Weekly Times (Melbourne, Vic. : 1869 - 1954), Saturday 28 April 1894, page 23 The Minister of Railways has completed his consideration of the supplementary report received by him from the Ringwood Boiler Explosion Board. The report, it will be remembered, held Loco-Inspector Thompson blameable for the non-inspection of the boiler, but considered there was extenuating circumstances. There was a certain amount of doubt as to the absolute instructions given for overhauling engines periodically. Mr. Richardson is sending the report on to the Commissioners with instructions that the responsibility respecting inspection of boilers shall be made clear for the future.

Daniel Rutter Long was born in England, after training as a pharmacist he, his wife and family emigrated to Port Phillip, Victoria in 1840. By 1843 he had his own chemist shop in Bourke Street, later erecting a well known pharmacy on the corner of Bourke and Exhibition streets. During the gold rush of the 1850s he purchased gold at the shop for shipment to a Quaker syndicate in London. Retiring from the business in 1857 Long took up painting, sometimes returning to his original profession. He painted hundreds of landscapes in other colonies as well as in Victoria. Long participated in local affairs and was one of the earliest members of the municipal council. Later he was elected mayor and instrumental in the in the erection of Prahran Town Hall. He was also a member of the Police Court Bench for many years. Daniel Long died at the age of eighty-three in 1886. (State Library of Victoria)This photo forms part of a collection of photographs gathered by the Shire of Eltham for their centenary project book,"Pioneers and Painters: 100 years of the Shire of Eltham" by Alan Marshall (1971). The collection of over 500 images is held in partnership between Eltham District Historical Society and Yarra Plenty Regional Library (Eltham Library) and is now formally known as the 'The Shire of Eltham Pioneers Photograph Collection.' It is significant in being the first community sourced collection representing the places and people of the Shire's first one hundred years.Digital image 35mm B&W negativeshire of eltham pioneers photograph collection, bridge, daniel rutter long, diamond creek (creek), eltham, sepp

Original document produced by Ian McDonald (Eltham Shire Council) 1970. During the period 1969-1971 photos were being collected for a proposed publication on the history of the Shire of Eltham as part of its centenary celebrations in 1971 (managed by the Shire of Eltham Historical Society and Alan Marshall). The publication was Pioneers & Painters (1971), edited by Alan Marshall. The document titled "Shows area sold to Woolworths" consisted of a panorama of three B&W photo prints creating a panorama of the frontage along Main Road (SEPP_0744) and a single B&W photo print of the Shire of Eltham offices and Hall on the corner of Arthur Street and Main Road (SEPP_0737) along with typed and hand written notes by Ian McDonald. The panorama (SEPP_0744) was captioned in typewritten text "Old Shire Office and Hall, etc - Frontage of 285 feet along Main Road" and in pencil the date "4-1-68" The single image of the shire offices (SEPP_0737) was captioned in typewritten text "Main Road and Arthur Street Corner" In addition, the following handwritten notes in pencil: " I took these photos from the new fire station - the building in the middle is the old fire station - Moved to Research for the Scouts 1970" and signed "IMcD"This photo forms part of a collection of photographs gathered by the Shire of Eltham for their centenary project book,"Pioneers and Painters: 100 years of the Shire of Eltham" by Alan Marshall (1971). The collection of over 500 images is held in partnership between Eltham District Historical Society and Yarra Plenty Regional Library (Eltham Library) and is now formally known as the 'The Shire of Eltham Pioneers Photograph Collection.' It is significant in being the first community sourced collection representing the places and people of the Shire's first one hundred years.Paper with four photos adhered in two groups with notes in typewritten text and handwritten in pencilsepp, shire of eltham pioneers photograph collection, eltham, main road, arthur street, dudley street, barber shop, cinema, commercial bank of australia, eltham fire brigade, eltham hall, eltham shire hall, eltham shire office, fire station, hardware shop, municipal offices, photographer shop, pph, produce paint and hardware centre, shire hall, shire offices, woolworths

Eltham Primary School - original part of present school built 1875-1876 prior to any additions. Photo appears to have been taken prior to modifications made in 1913 and certainly prior to extensions made in 1920/21. Harry Gilham notes: - One of two very early photos - stairs not in place to entrance; these were repaired in 1943 - no skylights in original roof - pump over water well in lower right hand corner - bogs on right hand side in 1900s - note roof gable decorationThis photo forms part of a collection of photographs gathered by the Shire of Eltham for their centenary project book,"Pioneers and Painters: 100 years of the Shire of Eltham" by Alan Marshall (1971). The collection of over 500 images is held in partnership between Eltham District Historical Society and Yarra Plenty Regional Library (Eltham Library) and is now formally known as the 'The Shire of Eltham Pioneers Photograph Collection.' It is significant in being the first community sourced collection representing the places and people of the Shire's first one hundred years.Digital image (Neg missing)shire of eltham pioneers photograph collection, eltham, dalton street, eltham primary school, eltham state school no. 209, state school no. 209

Vol. 5, No. 2, May-Jun 2000 CONTENTS ALAN MARSHALL SHORT STORY AWARD 2000 3 JOHN BRACK: DIRECTOR Exhibition review 7 GARDENS, MEMORY & IMAGINATION Book review 9 IT'S ALWAYS POSSIBLE Book review 12 BRUSH WITH PARADISE Peter Oyston interview 14 FELIX BOSARI, 1945-2000 Obituary 15 TOP ARTS VCE 1999 16 JEFFERY SMART Exhibition review 18 THE DENNIS GARDEN 19 WORDS AND MUSIC BY … Book review 22 TRAVELS IN 1840S IRELAND Book review 23 CD REVIEWS 24 RECIPE 26 CD REVIEW Betty Scarlet 27 ARTIN ABOUT 28 WINING & DINING 30 ARTISTS SERVICES 32 "Peter Dougherty has been involved in the local art scene for many years. As publisher and editor of the arts magazine Artstreams, his comments on the various branches of the arts are widely respected. His "The Arts" column in the Diamond Valley Leader presents a brief summary for a much wider cross section of the local community. Peter also operates his own gallery and the Artstreams Cafe at the St Andrews market. Peter has a wealth of knowledge about present day and historical aspects of local art and artists." - Eltham District Historical Society Newsletter No. 161, March 2005Colour front and back cover with feature articles and literary pieces with photographs and advertisements printed in black and white. 36 pages, 30 cm. Vol. 1, no. 1 (Nov. 1996) - Vol. 10, no. 5 (summer ed. 2005/​06) art streams, john brack, museum of modern art at heide, alan marshall short story award, kinglake gallery, bahnhof cafe, gwen ford, plenty views golf park, carlucci's, eltham wiregrass gallery, peter oyston, felix bosari, top arts, jeffrey smart, helen dennis, craig horne, jill blee, dynamic vegies, faces coffee place, montsalvat, maria sangiorgi, helen lucas, were street cafe