William Brian (Badger) BATES (1947- ) Born Wilcannia Barkantji Badger Bates is a Barkantji Elder, political activist and contemporary artist. Known primarily for printmaking, wood and stone carving, his work is intrinsically linked to his lifelong fight for the safety and health of the Barka (the Darling River).'Gitji Woman' is carved from a very old piece of log found at Wittabrinna Creek near Tibooburra, Western New South Wales. The tree was dead for 60-80 years, and was hollow inside. "I could see a figure in the wood so I folowed the shapes already three. The woman has a drawn out figure with long fingers and is coming out of the log, she is an ancestral spirit. I put the pink cockatoo and emu feathers in the leg in the way people used to decorate themselves for corroborees."badger bates, paakantyi, wilcannia, timber, aboriginal, barkantji

This postcard was produced in the 1950's for the tourist trade in the Kiewa Valley and Alpine region. It encompasses the period when the State of Victoria was pressured by the ever increasing demand by industry and its population for electricity supplies. Hydro electricity was seen as an untapped natural resource to quench this demand. The Victorian Alps and the rivers flowing into its valleys was ideal for the construction of the Kiewa Hydro Electricity Scheme. The late 1940's saw the development of this scheme and the changing of sections of alpine landscape is covered by this and other postcards/pictures (tourists, construction workers, and established rural populations). This period in time was before the established wildlife and forest/nature groups became political activist who changed legislative acts to protect the environment.This rural region (Kiewa Valley/alpine plains) was at most only significant to a smaller group of winter sports, summer hikers/horse riders and rural farmers/graziers. The numbers of tourists and the increase in the local resident population was boosted by the construction of the Hydro Electricity Scheme. This influx to the regional population resulted in a corresponding diversity in services and brought about an environment that responded to a growing level of tourists and thereby permitting this industry to grow more rapidly than it would have naturally. This postcard details an attraction to the "cleaner" method of providing electricity. This postcard was purchased in 1950 by a surveyor at Landford's Gap.This scanned black and white photograph of a postcard, shows vehicles covered in thick snow at Bogong Village in 1950. See 0480(A), (C) - (F) for other similar photos of postcards available at this period."SNOWFALL AT BOGONG VILLAGE KIEWA HYDRO-ELECTRICITY PROJECT"kiewa valley tourism, victorian alps, alternate energy supplies, alpine population growth, bogong village, secv

This postcard was produced in the 1950's for the tourist trade in the Kiewa Valley and Alpine region. It encompasses the period when the State of Victoria was pressured by the ever increasing demand by industry and its population for electricity supplies. Hydro electricity was seen as an untapped natural resource to quench this demand. The Victorian Alps and the rivers flowing into its valleys was ideal for the construction of the Kiewa Hydro Electricity Scheme. The late 1940's saw the development of this scheme and the changing of sections of alpine landscape is covered by this and other postcards/pictures (tourists, construction workers, and established rural populations). This period in time was before the established wildlife and forest/nature groups became political activist who changed legislative acts to protect the environment. This rural region (Kiewa Valley/alpine plains) was at most only significant to a smaller group of winter sports, summer hikers/horse riders and rural farmers/graziers. The numbers of tourists and the increase in the local resident population was boosted by the construction of the Hydro Electricity Scheme. This influx to the regional population resulted in a corresponding diversity in services and brought about an environment that responded to a growing level of tourists and thereby permitting this industry to grow more rapidly than it would have naturally. This postcard details an attraction to the "cleaner" method of providing electricity. This postcard was purchased in 1950 by a surveyor at Landford's Gap. The couple shown in this photograph would have been employed by the S.E.C. under the Kiewa Hydro-Electricity Scheme.This item is a scanned black and white photograph of a couple walking along a gravel street in Bogong Village in 1950. See 0480 (A) ,(B), (D) - (F) for other photos of similar postcards" SCENE IN BOGONG VILLAGE KIEWA HYDRO-ELECTRIC PROJECT"kiewa valley tourism, victorian alps, alternate energy supplies, alpine population growth, bogong, secv

This postcard was produced in the 1950's for the tourist trade in the Kiewa Valley and Alpine region. It encompasses the period when the State of Victoria was pressured by the ever increasing demand by industry and its population for electricity supplies. Hydro electricity was seen as an untapped natural resource to quench this demand. The Victorian Alps and the rivers flowing into its valleys was ideal for the construction of the Kiewa Hydro Electricity Scheme. The late 1940's saw the development of this scheme and the changing of sections of alpine landscape is covered by this and other postcards/pictures (tourists, construction workers, and established rural populations). This period in time was before the established wildlife and forest/nature groups became political activist who changed legislative acts to protect the environment.This rural region (Kiewa Valley/alpine plains) was at most only significant to a smaller group of winter sports, summer hikers/horse riders and rural farmers/graziers. The numbers of tourists and the increase in the local resident population was boosted by the construction of the Hydro Electricity Scheme. This influx to the regional population resulted in a corresponding diversity in services and brought about an environment that responded to a growing level of tourists and thereby permitting this industry to grow more rapidly than it would have naturally. This postcard details an attraction to the "cleaner" method of providing electricity. This postcard was purchased in 1950 by a surveyor at Landford's Gap.This item is a scanned black and white photograph of a panoramic view of Howman Gap Hostel under snow in 1950 (a closed village, entry by pass only). This accommodation was for construction workers only. See 0480 (A) -(E) for other photos of similar postcards.On the photo, " Howman Gap Hostel under snow Kiewa Hydro-Electric Project" . On postcard address and personal information side "V.2 Valentine's Post Card "kiewa valley tourism, victorian alps, alternate energy supplies, alpine population growth, bogong, secv, howman's gap hostel

This postcard was produced in the 1950's for the tourist trade in the Kiewa Valley and Alpine region. It encompasses the period when the State of Victoria was pressured by the ever increasing demand by industry and its population for electricity supplies. Hydro electricity was seen as an untapped natural resource to quench this demand. The Victorian Alps and the rivers flowing into its valleys was ideal for the construction of the Kiewa Hydro Electricity Scheme. The late 1940's saw the development of this scheme and the changing of sections of alpine landscape is covered by this and other postcards/pictures (tourists, construction workers, and established rural populations). This period in time was before the established wildlife and forest/nature groups became political activist who changed legislative acts to protect the environment. This rural region (Kiewa Valley/alpine plains) was at most only significant to a smaller group of winter sports, summer hikers/horse riders and rural farmers/graziers. The numbers of tourists and the increase in the local resident population was boosted by the construction of the Hydro Electricity Scheme. This influx to the regional population resulted in a corresponding diversity in services and brought about an environment that responded to a growing level of tourists and thereby permitting this industry to grow more rapidly than it would have naturally. This postcard details an attraction to the "cleaner" method of providing electricity. This postcard was purchased in 1950 by a surveyor at Landford's Gap. This item is a black and white photograph(professional) of a panoramic view of a snow plough clearing the unsealed road in 1950.This postcard is on quality paper and the reproduction of the picture is of a high standard.For other "tourist" postcards see 0480 (A) -(F) for other photos of similar postcards. kiewa valley tourism, victorian alps, alternate energy supplies, alpine population growth, secv, snow plough

This postcard was produced in the 1950's for the tourist trade in the Kiewa Valley and Alpine region. It encompasses the period when the State of Victoria was pressured by the ever increasing demand by industry and its population for electricity supplies. Hydro electricity was seen as an untapped natural resource to quench this demand. The Victorian Alps and the rivers flowing into its valleys was ideal for the construction of the Kiewa Hydro Electricity Scheme. The late 1940's saw the development of this scheme and the changing of sections of alpine landscape is covered by this and other postcards/pictures (tourists, construction workers, and established rural populations). This period in time was before the established wildlife and forest/nature groups became political activist who changed legislative acts to protect the environment.This rural region (Kiewa Valley/alpine plains) was at most only significant to a smaller group of winter sports, summer hikers/horse riders and rural farmers/graziers. The numbers of tourists and the increase in the local resident population was boosted by the construction of the Hydro Electricity Scheme. This influx to the regional population resulted in a corresponding diversity in services and brought about an environment that responded to a growing level of tourists and thereby permitting this industry to grow more rapidly than it would have naturally. This postcard details an attraction to the "cleaner" method of providing electricity. This postcard was purchased in 1950 by a surveyor at Landford's Gap.This black and white photograph on a Valentine's postcard is from a V2 Argus photograph.. It is on a 200g/m paper density photo side gloss. See 0480 (A) - (G) for other photos of similar postcards.In white lettering " ROAD TO BOGONG HIGH PLAINS KIEWA HYDRO-ELECTRIC PROJECT", V3secv, road making, victorian alps

This postcard was produced in the 1950's for the tourist trade in the Kiewa Valley and Alpine region. It encompasses the period when the State of Victoria was pressured by the ever increasing demand by industry and its population for electricity supplies. Hydro electricity was seen as an untapped natural resource to quench this demand. The Victorian Alps and the rivers flowing into its valleys was ideal for the construction of the Kiewa Hydro Electricity Scheme. The late 1940's saw the development of this scheme and the changing of sections of alpine landscape is covered by this and other postcards/pictures (tourists, construction workers, and established rural populations). This period in time was before the established wildlife and forest/nature groups became political activist who changed legislative acts to protect the environment.This rural region (Kiewa Valley/alpine plains) was at most only significant to a smaller group of winter sports, summer hikers/horse riders and rural farmers/graziers. The numbers of tourists and the increase in the local resident population was boosted by the construction of the Hydro Electricity Scheme. This influx to the regional population resulted in a corresponding diversity in services and brought about an environment that responded to a growing level of tourists and thereby permitting this industry to grow more rapidly than it would have naturally. This postcard details an attraction to the "cleaner" method of providing electricity. This postcard was purchased in 1950 by a surveyor at Landford's Gap.This black and white photograph is from a Valentine's V2 Argus postcard. It is on a 200g/m paper density one side gloss. See also KVHS 0480 (A) to (L) for similar postcards. "ROCKY VALLEY FROM BOGONG HIGH PLAINS KIEWA HYDRO-ELECTRIC PROJECT" "V1"kiewa valley tourism, victorian alps, alternate energy supplies, alpine population growth, rocky valley, secv

This postcard was produced in the 1950's for the tourist trade in the Kiewa Valley and Alpine region. It encompasses the period when the State of Victoria was pressured by the ever increasing demand by industry and its population for electricity supplies. Hydro electricity was seen as an untapped natural resource to quench this demand. The Victorian Alps and the rivers flowing into its valleys was ideal for the construction of the Kiewa Hydro Electricity Scheme. The late 1940's saw the development of this scheme and the changing of sections of alpine landscape is covered by this and other postcards/pictures (tourists, construction workers, and established rural populations). This period in time was before the established wildlife and forest/nature groups became political activist who changed legislative acts to protect the environment.This rural region (Kiewa Valley/alpine plains) was at most only significant to a smaller group of winter sports, summer hikers/horse riders and rural farmers/graziers. The numbers of tourists and the increase in the local resident population was boosted by the construction of the Hydro Electricity Scheme. This influx to the regional population resulted in a corresponding diversity in services and brought about an environment that responded to a growing level of tourists and thereby permitting this industry to grow more rapidly than it would have naturally. This postcard details an attraction to the "cleaner" method of providing electricity. This postcard was purchased in 1950 by a surveyor at Landford's Gap.This black and white photograph is a Valentine's postcard, from a V2 Argus photograph. It is on a 200g/m paper density with only the photo side gloss.Front "JUNCTION DAM & SPILLWAY, BOGONG KIEWA HYDRO-ELECTRIC PROJECT" on the flip side "VALENTINE'S POST CARD " "A GENUINE PHOTOGRAPH"kiewa valley tourism, victorian alps, alternate energy supplies, alpine population growth, junction dam, secv

This postcard was produced in the 1950's for the tourist trade in the Kiewa Valley and Alpine region. It encompasses the period when the State of Victoria was pressured by the ever increasing demand by industry and its population for electricity supplies. Hydro electricity was seen as an untapped natural resource to quench this demand. The Victorian Alps and the rivers flowing into its valleys was ideal for the construction of the Kiewa Hydro Electricity Scheme. The late 1940's saw the development of this scheme and the changing of sections of alpine landscape is covered by this and other postcards/pictures (tourists, construction workers, and established rural populations). This period in time was before the established wildlife and forest/nature groups became political activist who changed legislative acts to protect the environment.This rural region (Kiewa Valley/alpine plains) was at most only significant to a smaller group of winter sports, summer hikers/horse riders and rural farmers/graziers. The numbers of tourists and the increase in the local resident population was boosted by the construction of the Hydro Electricity Scheme. This influx to the regional population resulted in a corresponding diversity in services and brought about an environment that responded to a growing level of tourists and thereby permitting this industry to grow more rapidly than it would have naturally. This postcard details an attraction to the "cleaner" method of providing electricity. This postcard was purchased in 1950 by a surveyor at Landford's Gap.This black and white photograph on a Valentine's postcard is from a V2 Argus photograph. It is on a 200g/m paper density one side gloss only/. See 0480 (A) -(L) for other photos of similar postcards."JUNCTION DAM & SPILLWAY, LAKE GUY, BOGONG, KIEWA HYDRO-ELECTRIC PROJECT" "V5" on the flip side" VALENTINE'S POST CARD " "A GENUINE PHOTOGRAPH"kiewa valley tourism, victorian alps, alternate energy supplies, alpine population growth, junction dam, secv

This postcard was produced in the 1950's for the tourist trade in the Kiewa Valley and Alpine region. It encompasses the period when the State of Victoria was pressured by the ever increasing demand by industry and its population for electricity supplies. Hydro electricity was seen as an untapped natural resource to quench this demand. The Victorian Alps and the rivers flowing into its valleys was ideal for the construction of the Kiewa Hydro Electricity Scheme. The late 1940's saw the development of this scheme and the changing of sections of alpine landscape is covered by this and other postcards/pictures (tourists, construction workers, and established rural populations). This period in time was before the established wildlife and forest/nature groups became political activist who changed legislative acts to protect the environment.This rural region (Kiewa Valley/alpine plains) was at most only significant to a smaller group of winter sports, summer hikers/horse riders and rural farmers/graziers. The numbers of tourists and the increase in the local resident population was boosted by the construction of the Hydro Electricity Scheme. This influx to the regional population resulted in a corresponding diversity in services and brought about an environment that responded to a growing level of tourists and thereby permitting this industry to grow more rapidly than it would have naturally. This postcard details an attraction to the "cleaner" method of providing electricity. This postcard was purchased in 1950 by a surveyor at Landford's Gap.This black and white photograph from a Valentine's postcard is from a V2 Argus photograph postcard. It is on a 200g/m paper density photo side gloss. See 0480 (A) - (K) for other photos of similar postcards."No.3 POWER STATION KIEWA HYDRO ELECTRIC PROJECT" "V8"kiewa valley tourism, victorian alps, alternate energy supplies, alpine population growth, secv

This postcard was produced in the 1950's for the tourist trade in the Kiewa Valley and Alpine region. It encompasses the period when the State of Victoria was pressured by the ever increasing demand by industry and its population for electricity supplies. Hydro electricity was seen as an untapped natural resource to quench this demand. The Victorian Alps and the rivers flowing into its valleys was ideal for the construction of the Kiewa Hydro Electricity Scheme. The late 1940's saw the development of this scheme and the changing of sections of alpine landscape is covered by this and other postcards/pictures (tourists, construction workers, and established rural populations). This period in time was before the established wildlife and forest/nature groups became political activist who changed legislative acts to protect the environment.This rural region (Kiewa Valley/alpine plains) was at most only significant to a smaller group of winter sports, summer hikers/horse riders and rural farmers/graziers. The numbers of tourists and the increase in the local resident population was boosted by the construction of the Hydro Electricity Scheme. This influx to the regional population resulted in a corresponding diversity in services and brought about an environment that responded to a growing level of tourists and thereby permitting this industry to grow more rapidly than it would have naturally. This postcard details an attraction to the "cleaner" method of providing electricity. This postcard was purchased in 1950 by a surveyor at Landford's Gap.This black and white photograph from a Valentine's postcard is from a V2 Argus photograph postcard. It is on a 200g/m paper density photo side gloss. See 0480 (B) - (F) for other photos of similar postcards.In white lettering " LAKE GUY & BOGONG VILLAGE KIEWA HYDRO-ELECTRIC PROJECT"kiewa valley tourism, victorian alps, alternate energy supplies, alpine population growth

This postcard was produced in the 1950's for the tourist trade in the Kiewa Valley and Alpine region. It encompasses the period when the State of Victoria was pressured by the ever increasing demand by industry and its population for electricity supplies. Hydro electricity was seen as an untapped natural resource to quench this demand. The Victorian Alps and the rivers flowing into its valleys was ideal for the construction of the Kiewa Hydro Electricity Scheme. The late 1940's saw the development of this scheme and the changing of sections of alpine landscape is covered by this and other postcards/pictures (tourists, construction workers, and established rural populations). This period in time was before the established wildlife and forest/nature groups became political activist who changed legislative acts to protect the environment. The regulatory pondage on the northern aspect of the village had no water over-spill from the unfinished power station.This rural region in 1950 (Kiewa Valley/alpine plains) was at most only significant to a smaller group of winter sports, summer hikers/horse riders and rural farmers/graziers. The numbers of tourists and the increase in the local resident population was boosted by the construction of the Hydro Electricity Scheme. This influx to the regional population resulted in a corresponding diversity in services and brought about an environment that responded to a growing level of tourists and thereby permitting this industry to grow more rapidly than it would have naturally. This postcard details an attraction to the "cleaner" method of providing electricity. This postcard was purchased in 1950 by a surveyor at Landford's Gap. The couple shown in this photograph would have been employed by the S.E.C. under the Kiewa Hydro-Electricity Scheme.This item is a scanned black and white photograph of a panoramic view of Mount Beauty Village in 1950 (a closed village, entry by pass only). The regulatory pondage has earthen walls but no water.See 0480 (A) -(D) and (F) for other photos of similar postcards"MT. BEAUTY VILLAGE KIEWA HYDRO-ELECTRIC PROJECT"kiewa valley tourism, victorian alps, alternate energy supplies, alpine population growth

This postcard was produced in the 1950's for the tourist trade in the Kiewa Valley and Alpine region. It encompasses the period when the State of Victoria was pressured by the ever increasing demand by industry and its population for electricity supplies. Hydro electricity was seen as an untapped natural resource to quench this demand. The Victorian Alps and the rivers flowing into its valleys was ideal for the construction of the Kiewa Hydro Electricity Scheme. The late 1940's saw the development of this scheme and the changing of sections of alpine landscape is covered by this and other postcards/pictures (tourists, construction workers, and established rural populations). This period in time was before the established wildlife and forest/nature groups became political activist who changed legislative acts to protect the environment.Although this photo details the eating facilities of the construction workers at the power station it was not only a postcard for the people employed in the Hydro Scheme is was also provided to tourists visiting the area and thus used for promotional purposes.This rural region (Kiewa Valley/alpine plains) was at most only significant to a smaller group of winter sports, summer hikers/horse riders and rural farmers/graziers. The numbers of tourists and the increase in the local resident population was boosted by the construction of the Hydro Electricity Scheme. This influx to the regional population resulted in a corresponding diversity in services and brought about an environment that responded to a growing level of tourists and thereby permitting this industry to grow more rapidly than it would have naturally. This postcard details an attraction to the "cleaner" method of providing electricity. This postcard was purchased in 1950 by a surveyor at Landford's Gap. The men shown in this photograph would have been employed by the S.E.C. under the Kiewa Hydro-Electricity Scheme.This item is a scanned black and white photograph of a construction worker walking from stairs leading down from the men's mess building, in 1950. See 0480 (A) -(C), (E) - (F) for other photos of similar postcards"MEN'S MESS No.4 POWER STATION AREA, KIEWA HYDRO-ELECTRIC PROJECT" "ARGUS PHOTO V.IIkiewa valley tourism, victorian alps, alternate energy supplies, alpine population growth, secv

Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerPhotograph of a street art poster taken on the streets of Hong Kong during the protests against legislation to allow Hong Kong suspects to be extradited to mainland Chinese carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, poster art, posters

Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerMore than a thousand protestors surround Hong Kong's main police headquarters on Arsenal Street in Wan Chai on June 26th following a peaceful rally at Edinburgh Place in Central. Doors to the complex were barricaded by protestors, who left after a six hour siege in protest at police violence at a prtest held earlier on 12 June 2019. Protesters ended a six-hour siege of Hong Kong’s police headquarters – their second in a week over the now-suspended extradition bill – early on Thursday morning. More than 1,000 were involved at the height of the protest, which began after 10pm on Wednesday. Around 100 were left at the end and dispersed without a fight when officers with riot shields emerged from the building in Wan Chai at 4am on Thursday. After a peaceful rally attended by thousands earlier at Edinburgh Place in the Central business district, hundreds descended on Arsenal Street, blocking the junction with Lockhart Road to all traffic and sealing the entrances to the police base. (https://www.scmp.com/news/hong-kong/politics/article/3016238/hong-kong-police-under-siege-again-protesters-surround )carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, protest, protestors

Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerSeven police officers stand guard in front of Hong Kong's main police headquarters on Arsenal Street in Wan Chai as an estimated one thousand protestors surround on 26 June 2019. Protestors take turns to step up and hurl abuse at the officers, in a protest lasting 6 hours before peacefully dispersing. The protesters chanted 'Release the martyrs' and 'Stop police violence' in reference to violent clashes with police in the days previous. ( https://www.scmp.com/news/hong-kong/politics/article/3016238/hong-kong-police-under-siege-again-protesters-surround)carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, protest, protestors, police, wan chai

Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerPhotograph crowds gathering on June 16 on the streets of Causeway Bay before an estimated 2 million people take part in march protesting the government's push for extradition laws to China and demanding an apology from the chief executrive Carrie Lam. Nearly 2 million’ people take to streets, forcing public apology from Hong Kong leader Carrie Lam as suspension of controversial extradition bill fails to appease protesters. (https://www.scmp.com/news/hong-kong/politics/article/3014737/nearly-2-million-people-take-streets-forcing-public-apology )carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, protest, protestors

Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerPhotograph of a crowd or protestors against proposed extradition laws gathering on the streets of Causeway Bay, Hong Kong, leading down to the gathering area. carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, protest, protestors

Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerPhotograph of a crowd on the streets of Hong Kong to protest against proposed extradition laws, heading towards Admiralty. carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, protest, protestors, admiralty

Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerCrowds mass on Queens Way in Hong Kong as an estimated 2 million people march in protest at the government's refusal to withdraw a controverisal law allowing people to be extradited to mainland China. Chants demanded the chief executive apologise and the legislation be withdrawn, while many held signs protesting police violence. Nearly 2 million protesters flooded the streets of Hong Kong on Sunday, organisers claimed, delivering a stunning repudiation of Chief Executive Carrie Lam Cheng Yuet-ngor’s governance and forcing a public apology out of the city’s leader over her campaign to bulldoze a controversial extradition bill through the legislature. A day after Lam suspended her push for the bill, expecting it to defuse a crisis that has seen violent clashes between mostly young protesters and police, the centre of Hong Kong was brought to a complete standstill as the masses marched to chastise her for refusing to withdraw the bill or apologise when first asked to, and declaring that nothing short of her resignation would satisfy them now. (https://www.scmp.com/news/hong-kong/politics/article/3014737/nearly-2-million-people-take-streets-forcing-public-apology ) carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, protest, protestors, admiralty

BookA collection of essays by art critics, historians and journalists exploring 12 individual and group practices of activist art making. An overview of the dynamic exhibitions, events, happenings and cultural practices engaged in creating social change.public art, collective, interdisciplinary, body, racism, durational art, social practice, museology, feminism, collaboration

non-fictionA history of the authors life as an artist, teacher, and political activist in Australia.trade unions, social realism, communist party of australia, peace art, australia council, community arts, art and working life, international co-operation art award, cpa, political cartoons, cabramatta and districts art society, noel counihan, contemporary art society of victoria

Illustrated book with white front cover that has four coloured illustrations of women in various activities. Title and authors' names are printed in red ink, along with a book description in black ink on the front cover along with publisher's logo and four red lines. Abbreviated title, underlined, in white ink, and authors names in black ink are printed on an orange background on the spine along with the publisher's logo. The back cover has a summary of the book printed in orange, along with another three illustrations of women, publisher's logo and 'Victoria 150 ' logo on a yellow background.non-fictionThis book explores the experiences of women in Victoria over 150 years, highlighting their diverse roles in public and private life. It features more than fifty women, from convicts to nuns, actresses to soldiers, settlers to writers, and housewives to political activists, showcasing their social and personal diversity. The book emphasizes the home's importance, alongside the marketplace, and examines the significance of both reproduction and production. It provides a new perspective on Australian history, focusing on women's place, relationships between public and private life, paid and unpaid work, and the intersection of politics and gender. women-victoria-history-19th century, women-victoria-history=20th century, women-victoria-social conditions

textile, lgbtqui, australian artist, queer, political, applique, quilt, quilting, banner, activist, activism, bunny, john howard, saddam hussein, george pell, pope, religion, pooh, bart simpson, car, truck, ribbon

David McDiarmid was a queer artist, designer and activist, born in Hobart, and lived between Melbourne, Sydney and New York. McDiarmid’s art practice was kaleidoscopic, celebratory and political. This artwork, Untitled (T-shirt), was presented to Stephen Allkins, a pioneering Sydney DJ, as a gift of the artist. The front of the t-shirt includes the letters for the word, STEPHEN, and the numbers for the year it was made, 84, while the back of the t-shirt includes the letters for the word, SYDNEY. The period in which this artwork was produced was a particularly tumultuous time. The HIV/AIDS epidemic emerged in the early 1980s and rapidly became a global public health emergency. McDiarmid was living in New York at the time, witnessing the forefront of epidemic and with his community deeply affected, and friends and lovers dying, he “suspected he was HIV-Positive…[and] would be dead with two years”. McDiarmid was an important figure in gay activism in Melbourne and Sydney-based protests for gay rights and was one of the original activists for of the first Sydney Mardi Gras Parade in 1978. Later he served as designer and then artistic director for the Sydney Gay and Lesbian Mardi Gras (1988-1990) and, in 1992, produced a series of posters for the AIDS Council of New South Wales. McDiarmid advocated for artists’ intellectual property, presenting at Sydney Writers' Festival and the Arts Law Centre of Australia on the management of artists’ estates in the face of HIV/AIDS epidemic.

Helmet of a type worn by soldiers the National Liberation Front of South Vietnam, commonly known by Australians as the Vietcong, was an armed communist political organization in South Vietnam and Cambodia. Its military force, the Liberation Army of South Vietnam, fought against the United States and South Vietnamese governments during the Vietnam War, eventually emerging on the winning side. The LASV had both guerrilla and regular army units, as well as a network of cadres who organized peasants in the territory the Việt Cộng controlled. During the war, communist insurgents and anti-war activists insisted the Việt Cộng was an insurgency indigenous to the South, while the U.S. and South Vietnamese governments portrayed the group as a tool of North Vietnam. The helmet usually had a waterproof cover often with camouflage scrim.Representative if the uniform of the guerrilla forces opposing Australian forces in Vietnam.Sun helmet with red star mounted centre front.military, helmet, vietnam, vietnam war, guerrilla

A history of three La Trobe University student union activists in the early 1970s - Brian Pola, Barry York and Fergus Robinson - who disobeyed the University's order to stay off campus. They were subsequently imprisoned at Pentridge Prison for several months although no criminal charges were made known. The account of on-campus student politics is fascinating and complex in comparison to contemporary student unionism. At the time of their release and to date, the University has not apologised to the "La Trobe Three" for what happened. The book is written by Barry York who was one of the "La Trobe Three"; it was published in the year of La Trobe University's 25th anniversary. Relevant to student unionism in the 1970s and contemporary to Australia's participation in the Vietnam War. Issues relating to university culture, social justice and activism.Paperback; 184 pages. Front cover: black and white; title and author's name; black and white photo of student activists. Back cover: black and white; black and white photo of student activists and police at La Trobe University.btlc, ballarat trades hall, ballarat trades and labour council, pola, brian, york, barry, robinson, fergus, unions - student, universities, prisons - pentridge, la trobe university, la trobe university - student representative council, student activism, social justice, maoism, vietnam war, vice chancellors - david myers, premiers - bolte