Agricultural worker's hand-loomed linen smock, dyed brown. Fully hand-stictched with smocking details on front and back and sleeves. Opening at front and back neck area fastened with now missing buttons.smock, rural dress, linen, hand stitching, agriculture

This Edwardian-era mourning outfit was worn by a wealthy woman from the rural area of Willaura, southeast of the Grampians. It was inherited by the donor from his mother, who had purchased it from a clearing sale in the 1960s. The jacket has a peplum or flounce below the waistline, a fashion that was seen in the 1860s and is still around in the 1900s. The outfit represents the female mourning fashion and wardrobe from the late 19th to early 20th centuries. Such garments were a necessary inclusion as death often occurred to the young, due to illness, accidents and hard work - it was a regular part of life in rural Victoria. Mourning outfits were part of a person’s wardrobe and often passed from one generation to the next. This particular outfit appears to have been adjusted at some stage to allow for a wider waistline. The original skirt may have been replaced by the one that is now part of this outfit; the skirt is all machine-sewn, unlike the jacket and petticoat. The fabric of the skirt may be silk or it could be a synthetic fibre such as artificial silk or rayon; both were available in the 1800s,but nylon wasn’t invented until the 1930s. This skirt has sunray pleating, which was advertised on skirts for sale in the 1890s, and 1909, and was part of a fashionable bridal gown train in the 1930s. The mourning of death was part of both family and community life, particularly in rural and remote areas. People were bonded through work, religion, disasters, tragedy and social activities, supporting one another. They came together from near and far on such an occasion, giving each other the care that was needed and showing respect for the member who had passed away.This three-piece silk Edwardian mourning outfit is significant historically for its connection with rural Victoria and the social and religious customs surrounding the death of a family or community member. The high-quality outfit is also significant for representing the financial management of the times, being tailored by a dressmaker for a person of means and then adjusted to fit at least one different-sized person. Ladies’ Edwardian mourning outfit; three-piece tailored suit comprising of a black silk long sleeve, short-waist fitted and lined Jacket, a long sunray pleated skirt and long, lined petticoat. Items have been machine-sown and hand-sewn by a dressmaker. The skirt has handmade buttons of the same fabric.Handwritten in ballpoint pen “Jenny” and “Mrs Sheila Handscombe, Wallaura, Jenny”flagstaff hill maritime museum and village, warrnambool, shipwreck coast, edwardian era, tailor-made, dressmaker, mourning outfit, handmade garment, mourning dress, death mourning, sunray pleats, western district victoria

This Edwardian era mourning outfit was worn by a wealthy woman from the rural area of Willaura, southeast of the Grampians. It was inherited by the donor from his mother, who had purchased it from a clearing sale in the 1960s. The jacket has a peplum or flounce below the waistline, a fashion that was seen in the 1860s and is still around in the 1900s. The outfit represents the female mourning fashion and wardrobe from the late 19th to early 20th centuries. Such garments were a necessary inclusion as death occurred often to the young, due to illness, accidents and hard work - it was a regular part of life in rural Victoria. Mourning outfits were a part of a person’s wardrobe and often passed from one generation to the next. This particular outfit appears to have been adjusted at some stage to allow for a wider waistline. The original skirt may have been replaced by the one that is now part of this outfit; the skirt is all machine-sewn, unlike the jacket and petticoat. The fabric of the skirt may be silk or it could be a synthetic fibre such as artificial silk or rayon; both were available in the 1800s,but nylon wasn’t invented until the 1930s. This skirt has sunray pleating, which was advertised on skirts for sale in the 1890s, and 1909, and was part of a fashionable bridal gown train in the 1930s. The mourning of death was part of both family and community life, particularly in rural and remote areas. People were bonded through work, religion, disasters, tragedy and social activities, supporting one another. They came together from near and far on such an occasion, giving each other the care that was needed and showing respect for the member who had passed away.This three-piece silk Edwardian mourning outfit is significant historically for its connection with rural Victoria and the social and religious customs surrounding the death of a family or community member. The high-quality outfit is also significant for representing the financial management of the times, being tailored by a dressmaker for a person of means and then adjusted to fit at least one different-sized person. The black silk tailor-made jacket is one of three pieces of a ladies’ Edwardian mourning outfit. It has long sleeves, a stand-up collar trimmed with appliqued black crochet lace, and pleated sashes on the left and right sides from front to back fastened at the shoulder and waist. The jacket has a peplum or flounce below the waistline. The front of the jacket has brass hooks and fabric eye fastenings. The back of the jacket has two tails. The jacket is lined and the shoulders are padded. It has been machine sewn and finished with hand stitching. A white card is tied with a ribbon inside and has an inscription. The poplin skirt on the jacket has been cut up to the waist at the side seams. There is an attached card with an inscription, handwritten in ballpoint pen.“Jenny” and “Mrs Sheila Handscombe, Wallaura, Jenny”flagstaff hill maritime museum and village, warrnambool, shipwreck coast, edwardian era, tailor-made, dressmaker, mourning outfit, handmade garment, mourning dress, death mourning, sunray pleats, sunburst pleats, western district victoria, mourning jacket

This Edwardian-era mourning outfit was worn by a wealthy woman from the rural area of Willaura, southeast of the Grampians. It was inherited by the donor from his mother, who had purchased it from a clearing sale in the 1960s. The jacket has a peplum or flounce below the waistline, a fashion that was seen in the 1860s and is still around in the 1900s. The outfit represents the female mourning fashion and wardrobe from the late 19th to early 20th centuries. Such garments were a necessary inclusion as death often occurred to the young, due to illness, accidents and hard work - it was a regular part of life in rural Victoria. Mourning outfits were part of a person’s wardrobe and often passed from one generation to the next. This particular outfit appears to have been adjusted at some stage to allow for a wider waistline. The original skirt may have been replaced by the one that is now part of this outfit; the skirt is all machine-sewn, unlike the jacket and petticoat. The fabric of the skirt may be silk or it could be a synthetic fibre such as artificial silk or rayon; both were available in the 1800s, but nylon wasn’t invented until the 1930s. This skirt has sunray pleating, which was advertised on skirts for sale in the 1890s, and 1909, and was part of a fashionable bridal gown train in the 1930s. The mourning of death was part of both family and community life, particularly in rural and remote areas. People were bonded through work, religion, disasters, tragedy and social activities, supporting one another. They came together from near and far on such an occasion, giving each other the care that was needed and showing respect for the member who had passed away.This three-piece silk Edwardian mourning outfit is significant historically for its connection with rural Victoria and the social and religious customs surrounding the death of a family or community member. The high-quality outfit is also significant for representing the financial management of the times, being tailored by a dressmaker for a person of means and then adjusted to fit at least one different-sized person. The full-length black silk tailor-made skirt is one of three pieces of a ladies’ Edwardian mourning outfit. The skirt is made from black silky fabric. The garment has only two seams; at the side closure and the centre back. The whole skirt has sunray pleats; narrow pleats at the waist that fan outwards towards the hem. The top of the skirt is finished with a waistband that is shaped as an upward V shape in the centre. The side seam is closed with four self-fabric buttons with silver metal backing. The shirt has been machine sewn.flagstaff hill maritime museum and village, warrnambool, shipwreck coast, edwardian era, tailor-made, dressmaker, mourning outfit, mourning dress, death mourning, sunray pleats, western district victoria, full-length skirt

This Edwardian-era mourning outfit was worn by a wealthy woman from the rural area of Willaura, southeast of the Grampians. It was inherited by the donor from his mother, who had purchased it from a clearing sale in the 1960s. The jacket has a peplum or flounce below the waistline, a fashion that was seen in the 1860s and is still around in the 1900s. The outfit represents the female mourning fashion and wardrobe from the late 19th to early 20th centuries. Such garments were a necessary inclusion as death often occurred to the young, due to illness, accidents and hard work - it was a regular part of life in rural Victoria. Mourning outfits were part of a person’s wardrobe and often passed from one generation to the next. This particular outfit appears to have been adjusted at some stage to allow for a wider waistline. The original skirt may have been replaced by the one that is now part of this outfit; the skirt is all machine-sewn, unlike the jacket and petticoat. The fabric of the skirt may be silk or it could be a synthetic fibre such as artificial silk or rayon; both were available in the 1800s,but nylon wasn’t invented until the 1930s. This skirt has sunray pleating, which was advertised on skirts for sale in the 1890s, and 1909, and was part of a fashionable bridal gown train in the 1930s. The mourning of death was part of both family and community life, particularly in rural and remote areas. People were bonded through work, religion, disasters, tragedy and social activities, supporting one another. They came together from near and far on such an occasion, giving each other the care that was needed and showing respect for the member who had passed away.This three-piece silk Edwardian mourning outfit is significant historically for its connection with rural Victoria and the social and religious customs surrounding the death of a family or community member. The high-quality outfit is also significant for representing the financial management of the times, being tailored by a dressmaker for a person of means and then adjusted to fit at least one different-sized person. The full-length black silk tailor-made petticoat is one of three pieces of a ladies’ Edwardian mourning outfit. The petticoat is made from black silk lined with lightweight cotton. The petticoat and lining are constructed from eight panels each, brought together at the waist and gently gathered into the band. The back seam opening is fastened with brass hooks and fabric eyes. The lining has been reinforced with a heavier-weight hem. The hemline is finished with black velvet ribbon than encloses both the petticoat and lining. flagstaff hill maritime museum and village, warrnambool, shipwreck coast, edwardian era, tailor-made, dressmaker, mourning outfit, handmade garment, mourning dress, death mourning, sunray pleats, western district victoria, petticoat, undergarment, slip

The bridge shown in the background was built in the 1920s as a road and rail bridge, and was partly washed away by flood waters in 1934. There is no known history of this item.This photograph is a contemporary record of rural life in Orbost in the early 20th century.A black / white photograph of a group of young girls dressed up and posing on the banks of a river. On the left hand side of the photograph is an older man and on the right is an older lady. In the background is a bridge - the first Snowy River bridge. The photograph is on a cream coloured buff card. orbost snowy-river

This photograph shows Mr John Bird ( 3rd from left) ; Mr John Gilbert and Mr Lance Herbert among others having a picnic at the popular beach paddock at Old Station, Corringle, on January 1, 1897. Late in 1857 Mr Thomas T. Stirling took over Corringle Run ("Corringle" means "shallow water"). Mr Stirling and his family came from the wester district - Winchelsea. He settled at the Old Station. A few people were employed at the Orbost Stationb and there was settlement on the Orbost flats, Mr T. T. Stirling held the land from Lake Tyrers to Bemm River as a cattle run. About 1888 he became Secretary of the new Tambo Shire.This photograph is a portrait of rural life in the late 19th century. It is an insight into the dress, manners and activities of the first settlers of Orbost.Two copies of a black / white photograph of a group of men and women picnicking on the sand under tall trees.on back - "Beach Paddock - Old Station -1897" with a list of namesold-station-orbost rural-family-life

Before official competition began in 1894, scratch matches were held in the Old Station paddock. The Orbost football club players were known as the Busters and wore green and gold guernseys. An Orbost football team has participated in the East Gippsland League since the early 20th century. In 2003 in response to a dwindling population, the Snowy Rovers and Orbost Football Clubs were driven to merge into the Orbost Snowy RoversFootball clubs, through their many changes, have always been an important social fabric of the community. Sport is often regarded as an important part of life in rural Australia, contributing to community identity, sense of place, social interaction and good health.A large black / white photograph on a cream coloured buff card. It shows three rows of men, one seated, dressed in football uniforms. The photograph has been taken outdoors.There are three copies.on front - "Orbost Team 1906" There is a list of names.sport orbost-football recreation

Ruston & Hornsby, later known as Ruston, was an industrial equipment manufacturer in Lincoln, England, the company's history going back to 1840. The company is best known as a manufacturer of narrow and standard gauge diesel locomotives and steam shovels. This photograph records early an early type of excavator used to construct drainage channels in rural Victoria.A black / white photograph / postcard of a man digging in a very large trench, probably a drainage channel, with an earth mover in the background. The machine has the name "RUSTON" on it. In the foreground is a man, dressed in a long dark coat, watching.agricultural-machinery drainage-channels ruston

This photograph was taken at the "old station" at Corringle near Orbost. It was a popular picnic spot. Late in 1857 Mr Thomas T. Stirling took over Corringle Run ("Corringle" means "shallow water"). Mr Stirling and his family came from the wester district - Winchelsea. He settled at the Old Station. A few people were employed at the Orbost Stationb and there was settlement on the Orbost flats, Mr T. T. Stirling held the land from Lake Tyrers to Bemm River as a cattle run. About 1888 he became Secretary of the new Tambo Shire.This is a contemporary pictorial record of rural family life in Orbost in the early 20th century.A black / white photograph showing people on a beach with some in the water. those on the sand are dressed formally - men wearing suits and hats, the ladies in long dresses and hats.on back - "Picnic at OLD STATION Jan 1901"orbost-station orbost-family-life recreation

This item was in use before electricity and was manufactured after the flat stove irons.The weight of the iron base, is heavy, helping in smoothing out crinkly material being ironed. This item permitted ironing of clothes to be separate and away from heating stoves. It permitted greater flexibility for ironing clothes and permitted more control (consistency) of the temperature of the iron.Historically and significantly this item enforces the relative isolation of the Kiewa Valley and period when and where this domestic item was in use(manufactured circa 1950). A rural setting with mining, beef , milk and tobacco production in the early 1900s. Even though the community was in a rural setting, the standards of dress was the same as in the bigger towns and cities. Social and religious mores and values demanded that the personal appearance be clean and crisp no matter where a person was living or working. Heavy laborious work was considered by some religions as virtuous, therefore the heavy and tiring work of ironing during this period had its rewards. Rural areas where the last to be connected to electricity and therefore this item was a domestic necessity far into the 1950's.This iron has a steel base and a metal body coated with green coloured enamel. The wooden hand grip is painted dark green. The kerosene (spirit) container is a chrome metal cylinder with a flat bottom and top. The top has a small filler/air plug is located on the top side. There are two control knobs located next to and under the metal cylinder. The close to the cylinder is a lock which locks the top lid of the iron and the other knob controls the airflow to the heater rodOn the base of the handle "PEERMAN" and below this P/46, C.I. Thomas & Son Pty Ltd household, ironing, domestic kerosene, dry cleaning

This product was introduced in an era where the "silky smooth" look was in vogue. From the 1920s on, American and British film stars set the tone of how clean cut (hero type) masculine look attracts the opposite sex faster and in greater quantities than the "unkempt" or natural maintained look. This look was bold and "polished" and had the intended projection that the hair matched the character of "I look after myself and have a high opinion of physical appearances". As fashion goes this slick and well maintained look has circled many times, in and out of history and in Australia in the 1950s this was a prime example. The liberation of the stereo type of both sexes occurred in the 1960s when the freedom loving "hippie culture" had a marked affect upon the city inhabitants but not so strong among rural males. Sexism was still rife in that time frame.This jar of Brylcreem was a part of the (masculine) rural scene for a longer period than that found in the larger towns and cities. The long held "men are men" and "women are women" distinction between the sexes lingered on more in rural areas because of the perceived physical differences, mainly "strength" and perceived tasks such as "men only" activities (heavy farm/mining/construction). The jar of Brylcreem maintained the respectable male look for those special occasions when males "dressed" up and looked clean physically and well behaved (to show respect to the women folk)This glass jar with a glued on,red background, label detailing the product Brylcreem (a men's) hairdressing ointment is empty of its original product. It has been contoured on each side to allow for a man's fingers to comfortably and firmly grip the jar. This form would allow even "greased up" hands to maintain control. The glass thickness is far greater than needed and also added the extra stability to the standing jar. The shape of the jar is a latent attempt to emulate the physique of a fit young man (small waist, expanded and muscled mid rift and large shoulders). The jar does not distract from viewing its contents (clear glass). It has a black gloss screw (on/off) lid made from mild grade steel. The jar holds approximately 200 grams of a thick molasses textured product. On the front red Label; in large white letters "BRYLCREEM" underneath this is in smaller silver print "THE PERFECT HAIRDRESSING" underneath this is a banner type motif with a crown at the top and a black letter "B"in the centre. Below this and in much smaller print are printed in black script "BEECHAM (AUSTRALIA) PTY. LTD. MELBOURNE VICTORIA M A Imen's deportment, toiletries, men's hair styles, physical appearances

This brown wool felt hat with a broad brim was, by its style, used by a adolescent child for church services. This was worn in a period where church services on Sunday was an important weekly ritual by the whole family. Special (church only) dresses and hats were worn not only to show respect to the church but also part of expected community mores relating to religious beliefs. This behavioural pattern was more entrench in the rural communities than within larger cities. The closeness of smaller rural communities is the main factor regarding social norms. The visible standing within the community was uppermost. The period pre 2000 was a more coheasive family environment ( due to greater intra family activities) which provided better communication and family activities.This "church styled" hat is very significant to the rural lifestyle and its mores. It clearly demonstrates the coheasive force that religion has on the Valley population. The closeness that the semi isolation (at this time) brought about by the Valley's physical land formation and the poor roads within the valley brought families closer together. Not turning up for important social functionsw was duely noted by all (and frowned upon). Mrs E. Fisher lived at Mongan's Bridge in the Kiewa Valley.Brown child's all felt hat size 6 1/4. A broad brim with a lighter brown velvet ribbon head band. Head band has a crossover to the left front with 100 mm extension flowing over the brim. The top of the inside of the head pocket is lined with a soft silk fabric.6 and one quarter (size tag). Unreadable crest / monogramchildren's head wear, social head dress, church hats

This brand of starch was first manufactured before 1966 and covered the period when Australian made was the preferred clothing due to limited imports from England. This was a period when the demand for "home grown" produce was at its peak. This was in a time when by necessity and ease of supply and not by the "Buy Australian" campaign (of later years), was the major factor for the demand of these type of laundry goods. It was in a time when starch was used in formal clothing to put a "crisp" or fresh new appearance for clothes. This product was in the era and importantly the social more of "clothes make the person" in which starched shirts and dresses was the fashion vogue. Formality of dress was a strictly British "class" up-man-ship which from the 1950's onwards became less and less visible. The Australian "Ocker" or fair "dink'm" bloke became more entrenched after World War II. The national identity was slowly developing.This box of starch is very relevant to the Kiewa Valley because this box highlights the differences ,in this period, between city and rural social standards. Rural areas were deeply entrenched into colonial and the pioneer family structure viz- a-vie social and dress fashion standards. British values and norms lingered on well beyond the changes happening in city fashion. Tradition and English "ties" were the backbone of early colonies and it was only after World War II that these "ties" were becoming irrelevant. Early traditions lingered well past the independence sought by Federation, colony to statehood and trade with other nations eg. USA and Asia. The idea that a change in "status" would automatically change the social mores of Australians, especially in rural ares, was not fully grasped by the "law makers" and those wanting change.This box (capacity 12 ozs) has white(aged into cream) and blue printing and a "white star" on five sides, the sixth side has a laundry scene with two ladies, in early 1900's fashion. The package is made from 200 gsm thick cardboard. As manufacture was made before and during the two World Wars 1914 to 1945 the promotion was heavily focused on Australian made and Australian grown maize. One side of the box has instructions of use and all the other sides are promotional, detailing "the best in the world and won't stick to the iron""SILVER STAR", "THE BEST IN THE WORLD", "WON'T STICK TO THE IRON", "REQUIRES NO BOILING", INSTRUCTIONS FOR USE", "ROBERT HARPER AND COMPANY LIMITED", "INCORPORATED IN VICTORIA, AUSTRALIA", "NET WEIGHT 12 OUNCES", "LARGE BOX 12 OZS"domestic laundry essentials, cotton clothing preparations, household starch "crisp and neat appearances.

This little bag of "whitener" additive for the washing of white clothes was manufactured in Hull in the United Kingdom mid and later 1900's. The Manufacturer, Ricketts, was one of the first manufacturers to employ women in equal proportions with males (a rarity before 1914). This product was used to improve the appearance of white fabrics. This ability to use a product that would "whiten" clothes chemically rather than the "hard boiling" of clothes was a time saver and a lot easier on the fabrics. This is a boon to rural families where time was of the essence (boiling took time). The blue coloring was introduced because the white colour perception is enhanced by the blue (fadeable and not permanent). The "washing machine industry" of the late 1900's emphasised "whitening" agents that were not so haphazard in producing blue stains, and allowed a "gentle" washing action. This item is very significant in detailing the early 1900's rural household domestic "chore" of washing white clothes to a "social" standard of cleanliness. White shirts were the mark cleanliness that those outside of the family judged the family unit by. The best clothes were worn to church on Sundays. Hard and mostly rural activities/work in the Kiewa Valley encompassing farming, crop cultivation, cattle/sheep and "field work" to do with the SEC Vic Hydro Scheme involved provided a stain prone environment. As appearances, of clothing, was on the whole not significant it was a different scenario at social and religious scenes. The ability to attain "brilliant" white shirts, dresses and bonnets by a less drastic method to that of "boiling" of clothes in vats, was a boon of that "era". The anti establishment revolt came later in the 1950's onward took longer to migrate from the cities and larger rural townships to eventually sneak into the Kiewa valley.This "blue bag" is a whitening agent wrapped in flannel or muslin, or sold ready bagged (1 ounce).It was used in the final rinse to "whiten white coloured clothes" The string was used to facilitate finger grip onto the "bag" after the wash had finished for easy removal to stop the hand and other surfaces from being stained by the blue colour residue drips.domestic and commercial laundries, starch and whitening additive, washing brightener

Chicory was mixed with coffee to reduce the amount of coffee bean required to be used. This coffee "substitute" was due to the repeated fluctuations in availability of coffee beans (and price fluctuations) in the USA in the late 1800s and early 1900s resulting in the search for substitutes and additives to bulk out the available supplies. This was especially so during times of the major World Wars. Chicory was an excellent choice of fillers as it did not greatly influence the strong coffee bean taste. The first choice in USA households was coffee not tea and the influence of the American servicemen's thirst for coffee was a major thrust into the Australian "colonial" preference for a "cuppa" tea. Rural areas took longer to acquire a coffee "break" but with more and more subliminal advertising through "American" films the rural regions developed a growing preference for coffee, however the tea break alias "smoko" has lingered on.This coffee and chicory blend tin container is very significant to the Kiewa Valley in that it demonstrates that even in rural regions of Australia tastes and drinking preferences have changed by subliminal advertising as time goes by. The American "influence" whether by the "invasion" of friendly troops during the major wars or the avalanche of "American films" has altered some of the "dinky-di" Australian "true blue" tastes and mores. The availability of "straight " coffee supplies to rural areas was also in proportion to the level of all weather transport routes. In the late 1800's and early 1900's road freight had to contend with dirt roads, flooded roads, bush fires and grazing cattle/sheep in rural areas. The easier access that city households had with regard to replenishment of food and drink products, up until the mid 1900's, was severely retarded in rural areas. This extensively rusted tin of "Bushells Blue Label" Coffee and Chicory has an octagonal shaped body with a "push/pull" lid(tin).Three sides has reproduced painted ladies in "Roman dress" ladies picking the coffee beans. There is no reproduction of any chicory roots. There are two "Indian dressed" field workers(pickers) with turban head dress. On one side of the tin is "directions of use, net weight and manufacturer details."Bushells Coffee & Chicory", "NET 1-Ib. weight", " No. 144" "Under the Pure Food Act N.S.W. 1938" "by Bushells Ltd. No 144"chicory / coffee drinks, tin hydrated drink, rural food and drink consumption patterns, tinned food and drink

The Commercial Egg Producers' Association of Victoria was active by the 1930s, engaging in industry management and lobbying.The Commercial Egg Producer's Association (CEPA) had branches in Bendigo, South Bendigo, Eaglehawk, Wedderburn, Murrabit and Euroa.CEPA Commercial Egg Producer's Association (Bendigo Region) correspondence, for the year 1986. This item includes the following documents: 8504.42a Egg Farmers of Victoria annual Report 1985-1986, 30 pages 8504.42b This document is a formal letter from Michael John, M.P., State Member for Bendigo East and Secretary to the Shadow Cabinet, addressed to Mr. Kevin Fitzgibbon of the Commercial Egg Producers Association of Victoria. Acknowledgement of Correspondence: 8504.42c This document is a formal correspondence from John Brumby, the Federal Member of Parliament representing Bendigo, Australia; Press Relase from Paul Keating the Australian Treasurer; inquiry into the table chicken industry. 8504.42d The document is a letter from Ken Wright, a Legislative Council member, addressing concerns raised by the Commercial Egg Producers' Association of Victoria regarding the Victorian Egg Marketing Board. 8504.42e The document discusses reducing the quota/levy age for hens from 26 weeks to 18 or 22 weeks, as considered by various Australian states.South Australia has already moved to a 22-week quota age; New South Wales is considering 18 weeks. 8504.42f This document outlines proposed changes by the Victorian Egg Marketing Board regarding producer agent contracts and related marketing administration arrangements. 8504.42g Paper on the industry. Egg Production Practices. Only about 6% of Victorian hens are housed in controlled environment sheds; most producers use high-rise sheds with blinds.Controlled environment farms keep hens under artificial lighting, stacked four layers high, which poses challenges for monitoring all hens and raises animal welfare concerns.The document argues against being forced into this type of shedding system. 8504.42h To the Victorian Egg Marketing Board. The document is a protest letter from the Commercial Egg Producers' Association of Victoria addressing proposed regulations for egg receival locations. 8504.42i To the Victorian Egg Marketing Board. Letter regarding proposed regulations to amend egg weights to three grades 8504.42j The document is a formal letter from the Commercial Egg Producers Association expressing concerns about the South Australian Government's decision to phase out the South Australian Egg Board. 8504.42k To the Minister of Agriculture and Rural Affairs. Protest letter regarding the Prices Commissioner's Report on Victoria Egg Prices 8504.42l This document is a thank-you letter from the Central Council of the Commercial Egg Producers Association of Victoria to Mr. Greg Parkinson. The Council thanks Mr. Parkinson for his support and interest during his tenure at the Bendigo Diagnostic Centre. 8504.42m This document is a formal letter from K. Fitzgibbon, Secretary of CEPA, addressed to Mr. David Kennedy, M.L.A. The association has sent a letter to Mr. Walker, Minister of Agriculture and Rural Affairs, regarding industry price changes.The Secretary is requesting Mr. Kennedy to arrange a deputation with the Labour Party Rural Committee to discuss these price changes.The request for the deputation is considered urgent and the association would appreciate it being arranged as soon as possible. 8504.42n This letter to the Egg Farmers of Victoria addresses concerns about discrimination against country egg producers and its impact on their business viability. 8504.42o To John Cain Premier of Victoria. Points outline the main concerns regarding egg levies, regional financial impacts, and the perceived inequity in charges for Victorian egg producers. 8504.42p This document is a formal letter from K. Fitzgibbon, Secretary of CPA, addressed to Mr. David Kennedy, M.L.A. The Association requests Mr. Kennedy to arrange a meeting (deputation) with Mr. Cain during his visit to Bendigo on June 18, 1986. 8504.42q The document is a letter from the Commercial Egg Producers Association of Victoria to the Premier of New South Wales, highlighting concerns about illegal egg sales and price undercutting by a producer 8504.42r This document is a formal letter from K. Fitzgibbon, Secretary of CEPA, addressed to Mr. C. L. Jefferson, Secretary of Egg Farmers of Victoria. The letter serves to clarify communication and ensure all relevant correspondence is shared for Board consideration. 8504.42s This document is a formal letter from the Commercial Egg Producers Association of Victoria addressed to Mr. David Kennedy, M.L.A. The Association is requesting Mr. Kennedy to arrange a meeting between the Rural Committee of the Labour Party and their Association as soon as possible. 8504.42t This letter is to Ken Wright, National Party Offices, Kerang, from the association's secretary, The association met with the Victorian Egg Marketing Board to present their submission, but found the meeting unsatisfactory as they failed to convince the Board.The main concern is the potential withdrawal of the Dockage scheme, which the association believes would have a disastrous effect on country egg producers. 8504.42u The document is a formal notice regarding the Annual Meeting of the Central Council of the Commercial Egg Producers' Association of Victoria. The Annual Meeting will be held at the R.S.L. Hall, Kangaroo Flat on Thursday, 19th June, 1986 at 6:00 p.m. 8504.42v This document is a formal letter from K. Fitzgibbon, Secretary of CEPA, addressed to Mr. C. L. Jefferson, Secretary of Egg Farmers of Victoria. Expression of gratitude for the invitation to attend a Board Meeting. The association appreciates being invited to the meeting scheduled for Wednesday, 7th May, 1986. 8504.42w The document is a formal letter from the Commercial Egg Producers' Association of Victoria, highlighting several key concerns. The Association asks the Public Bodies Review Committee for an interim report on evidence regarding the operations of the Victorian Egg Marketing Board. 8504.42x The letter nominates three candidates for the position of Producer Member on the Victorian Egg Marketing Board. Contact the BHS for more information. 8504.42y The Association's secretary formally requests an interim report from the Public Bodies Review Committee regarding evidence about changes to the Victorian Egg Marketing Board 8504.42z The document is a formal letter from the Secretary of the Commercial Egg Producers' Association of Victoria addressed to the Minister of Agriculture and Rural Affairs. The Association is seeking a deputation with the Minister to discuss urgent issues affecting the egg industry. 8504.42aa Producers Association of Victoria's Central Council submission to the Public Bodies Review Committee regarding egg industry management 8504.42ab Newspaper Article. Concerns about Market Dominance. The poultry industry is dominated by two major companies: Amatil and Inghams. These companies control almost 80% of the dressed chicken market through vertical integration. 8504.42ac The document is a letter from the Commercial Egg Producers Association to the Liberal Party Rural Committee, expressing concerns about potential changes to the Australian egg industry policy. 8504.42ad The document advocates for maintaining poultry extension services in northern Victoria, was sent to tge Director General, Department of Agriculture and Rural affairs. 8504.42ae CEPA Annual Conference Minutes July 1986 8504.42af CEPA Executive Meeting Minutes April 1986 8504.42ag This document details official correspondence and decisions regarding poultry industry operations and the phasing out of egg transport subsidies in the Bendigo area of Victoria, Australia. Relocation and Operations of Allied Poultry BreedersAllied. Poultry Breeders relocated their breeding stock from Melbourne to Huntly, replacing an existing facility. The Huntly farm operates under a breeder permit, producing fertile eggs for sale as cross-bred chicks to commercial egg producers. 8504.42ah CEPA Application for membership Form 1986 8504.42ai Notice of Annual Meeting June 1986 8504.42aj The document outlines the Victorian Farmers & Graziers Association's (VFGA) position regarding the inclusion of sensitive information, specifically about chemical use, in the Agricultural Census. The VFGA recognizes that some individuals are concerned about Section 16 of the Agricultural Census, which requests information that could potentially be used to criticize agricultural practices. 8504.42ak Second reading speech in Parliament (Egg Industry Report) 8504.42al This document outlines the Victorian Egg Marketing Board's position on proposed changes to dockage charges and the phased removal of transport subsidies for egg producers in Victoria. 8504.42am Nine page report. This document is an official report detailing the operations and activities of the Poultry Farmer Licensing Committee for the financial year ending June 30, 1985. It was prepared in compliance with Section 57 of the Egg Industry Stabilization Act 1983 and presented to both Houses of Parliament in Victoria. The report provides an overview of the committee's regulatory and administrative functions related to poultry farmer licensing during that period. 8504.42an This document is a formal letter from the Victorian Ministry of Transport addressed to Mr. J Heard regarding the Road Safety Bill. 8504.42ao Notice of Annual Conference June 1986egg producer's information, correspondence, cepa, commercial egg producers' association

Marong was first incorporated as a road district on 27 August 1861, and became a shire on 23 December 1864. On 1 October 1915, the Borough of Raywood, which was gazetted on 17 January 1865 on 23.31 square kilometres (9.00 sq mi) of land 28 kilometres (17 mi) north of Bendigo,[2] was united with Marong. On 1 October 1990, the Shire of Marong became a rural city, under the Local Government Act 1989. On 7 April 1994, the Rural City of Marong was abolished, and along with the City of Bendigo, the Borough of Eaglehawk and the Shires of Huntly and Strathfieldsaye, was merged into the newly created City of Greater Bendigo.Twelve slides taken for the Back to Marong celebration about 1960-63 possibly at the Marong Recreation (Football) ground. Slides include a float with members of the Marong tennis club, a family group, a float depicting old school days, horse and carts, ladies and men dressed in period costumes and Miss 'Golden North'.history, bendigo, back to marong, city of greater bendigo, rural city of marong, marong tennis club, carl tracey collection

A small black and white photograph of four Bendigo Teachers' College students at the Rural School Sports in November 1945. The four women are all dressed in pleated skirts or dresses with black shoes or white sports shoes. They are Lola Rowe, Rosina Crimmins, Lois Adams and Elaine Emmerson. See 3320.100bendigo, education, bendigo teachers' college students, la trobe university bendigo collection, collection, bendigo, education, bendigo teachers' college, rural school sports, sports, costume, attire, fashion, clothing, students, tertiary education, teacher training, ms. j.c. burnett, mr. geoff pryor, photo, photos, photograph, photographs, photography, lola rowe, rosina crimmins, lois adams, elaine emmerson

Black and white photograph of a wooden house with shingled roof. Two chimneys on right hand side of house. Two ladies dressed in dark dresses and a dog at front of house.E.J. Bayley - Quarry Hillplace, building, rural cottage

The gathering of men and woman includes the Greek Orthodox priest and appears to be some sort of celebration. A scanned photograph of a large group of well-dressed men and women standing in an open area in a rural setting.unknown

Photographed from left, Evgenia Raftopoulos and Nina Black (Mavrokefalos) collecting money for the 1943 - 44 Lord Mayor's Bush Fire Appeal. The bush fires raged across Victoria and in particular in areas very close to Melbourne's rural fringe such as Beaumaris. Members of the Ithacan Philanthropic Society joined other groups to collect funds for this worthy cause. Both ladies were very active in the community. Since it was established in 1917, the Ithacan Philanthropic Society has supported and continues to support many worthy causes both in Greece and Australia . A black and white photograph of two ladies dressed in Greek national costume collecting money for a cause. A little child is putting money in one of the tins while a lady watches on.

Bought by the donor in 1948 in Japan PX shop . She was nursing with the Australian Nursing Service (1945-1949) on the island of Iwo Jima and then in Kure. In early 1946, with the occupation of Japan, Australian nurses were posted to the hospital on the island of Iwo Jima to care for the Australian component of the occupation force and in February of 1949, now stationed at Kure, near Hiroshima, they became part of the British Commonwealth General Hospital. (Australian Rural and Regional News Jan 10 2022)Cream silk night dress is mostly handmade with pintucks and lace finely buttonholed along the bodice edges. The hem has a buttonhole stitched scalloped edge.embroidery, night dress

Born: Clunes, Victoria, 1861; Died: Melbourne 1941InterwarGift of Mrs Irwin Bright, 1992Figure depicting female child in blue dress in front of landscape image. Gold gesso painted frame. Recto: Signed and dated “J Longstaff 1934” in ochre paint m.r. edge of composition; Not titledportrait, child, garden, landscape, rural, australian art

These domestic kitchen bags were donated to the National Wool Museum by Lila Gore. Lila donated Children’s Clothing (RGE 8324) to the museum in 2022 and at her time of donating, inquired as to whether the museum would also be interested in these bags she had been collecting. Lila said there was no reason as to why she was saving the bags, other than she liked the art works and thought they were too good to end up in landfill. She had thought perhaps she would make something out of the bags, or perhaps give the bags to a friend to make something. When Lila was donating the Children’s Clothing to the museum, she thought that the National Wool Museum would be the perfect home for the bags. Domestic kitchen bags such as these date from the late 19th century through the mid-20th century. They were used at home, usually by women, containing household items which would not spoil, such as flour, sugar, animal feed, seeds, and other commodities. In modern times a trip to the supermarket is a daily chore, in the past however, these trips happened far less often, with big sacks such as these a large reason why. In the rural US and Canada, Feed sack dresses and Flour sack dresses, were an iconic part of rural life from the 1920s through the Great Depression, World War II, and post-World War II years. Australia also reused these sacks, typically for making wagga style blankets, but re-use for clothing was not unusual.Calico bag with yellow and blue graphic text on front.Front: COOK-WELL \ SELF- \ RAISING \ FLOUR \ PREPARED WITH \ PHOSHATE AERATOR \ HENRY BERRY & Co (A/S??Ltd) \ 568 580 COLLINS STREET \ MELBOURNE \ NET 7 LBSwagga, flour, oats, bag, calico, lila, gore, depression, war, kitchen

These domestic kitchen bags were donated to the National Wool Museum by Lila Gore. Lila donated Children’s Clothing (RGE 8324) to the museum in 2022 and at her time of donating, inquired as to whether the museum would also be interested in these bags she had been collecting. Lila said there was no reason as to why she was saving the bags, other than she liked the art works and thought they were too good to end up in landfill. She had thought perhaps she would make something out of the bags, or perhaps give the bags to a friend to make something. When Lila was donating the Children’s Clothing to the museum, she thought that the National Wool Museum would be the perfect home for the bags. Domestic kitchen bags such as these date from the late 19th century through the mid-20th century. They were used at home, usually by women, containing household items which would not spoil, such as flour, sugar, animal feed, seeds, and other commodities. In modern times a trip to the supermarket is a daily chore, in the past however, these trips happened far less often, with big sacks such as these a large reason why. In the rural US and Canada, Feed sack dresses and Flour sack dresses, were an iconic part of rural life from the 1920s through the Great Depression, World War II, and post-World War II years. Australia also reused these sacks, typically for making wagga style blankets, but re-use for clothing was not unusual.Calico oat bag with graphic image on front showing three bears holding porridge bowls with yellow background and red, white and black text. Back of bag shows red and white graphic image of a woman wearing a dress and heeled shoes holding a coffee cup, with red and white text.Front: THREE BEARS \ PORRIDGE \ FLAKED \ OATMEAL \ SOMEBODYS BEEN TASTIN' MY PORRIDGE \ AN' THEY'VE EATEN IT ALL UP \ Jas. F. McKenzie & Co. Pty. Ltd. \ AUSTRALIA \ 7 LBS. NET. Back: MCKENZIES \ EXCELSIOR \ COFFEE \ ESSENCEwagga, flour, oats, bag, calico, lila, gore, depression, war, kitchen